Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor unions Southern States History

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Labor unions Southern States History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Labor unions Southern States History"

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Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstr
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Dixon, Marc. "Limiting Labor: Business Political Mobilization and Union Setback in the States." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 3 (2007): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0015.

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The 1940s were heady times for the American labor movement. The tight wartime labor market and the backing of the federal government in defense industries facilitated impressive membership gains for both AFL and CIO unions. By 1945, labor unions represented almost 35 percent of the workforce—a more than fivefold increase from the early 1930s. What is more, union membership gains penetrated previously unorganized and resistant regions like the South. Unions indeed appeared on the verge of recruiting millions of new members and establishing a truly national social movement. Critics and supporter
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Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.

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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on
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Pitcher, M. Anne. "What Has Happened to Organized Labor in Southern Africa?" International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000579.

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AbstractWhy have labor movements in Mozambique, Zambia, and South Africa increasingly been marginalized from the economic debates that are taking place in their countries, even though they have supported ruling parties? Policy reforms such as trade liberalization, privatization, and revisions to labor legislation in all three countries partially account for the loss of power by organized labor as many scholars have claimed. Yet, these policy “adjustments” have also interacted with long-run, structural changes in production, distribution, and trade of goods as well as with processes of democrat
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Haydu, Jeffrey. "Factory Politics in Britain and the United States: Engineers and Machinists, 1914–1919." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 1 (1985): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500013669.

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The priorities of British and American trade unions center predominantly on the economic rewards received by union members. Collective bargaining and strikes typically focus on how much employers must pay for labor (in wages, pensions, and other benefits) rather than on how the labor, once purchased, may be used. Basic decisions regarding the organization of production are not considered by most unionists as legitimate issues for negotiation. Disputes over working conditions do arise, of course, but rarely concern securing for labor the rights of management. They involve instead efforts to pro
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Klubock, Thomas Miller, and Paulo Fontes. "Labor History and Public History: Introduction." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990020.

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Labor history and public history have had a long relationship in the United States, as James Green argues in Taking History to Heart, dating back to Progressive-era historians like Mary Ritter and Charles A. Beard. Labor historians like Phillip Foner, who identified with the “Old Left,” made labor history public history through ties to labor organizations and the Communist Party. Then, during the 1960s, historians identified with the “New Left” and inspired by E.P. Thompson, worked to extend social history and working-class history “from the bottom up” beyond the confines of the academy, even
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Hartshorn, Ian M. "Labor's Role in the Arab Uprisings and Beyond." Current History 115, no. 785 (2016): 349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.785.349.

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“Some trade unions, even in the most repressive states, attempted to organize themselves and press for greater autonomy in the revolutionary moment.” Third in a series on labor relations around the world.
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Friedman, Gerald. "Strike Success and Union Ideology: The United States and France, 1880–1914." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 1 (1988): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004125.

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Scholars still disagree about why unions in different countries are radical or conservative. The differences between unions in France and America can be traced to the different requirements for success in strikes before 1914. In France radical unions could win large-scale strikes by involving state officials. In contrast, American unions, facing a more hostile government, avoided state intervention and learned to win strikes by providing financial support to small groups of critically positioned workers. The divergence between American and French union strategy reflected the greater success of
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Walker, Alexis N. "Labor's Enduring Divide: The Distinct Path of Public Sector Unions in the United States." Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 2 (2014): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000054.

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Why did public sector unionization rise so dramatically and then plateau at the same time as private sector unionization underwent a precipitous decline? The exclusion of public sector employees from the centerpiece of private sector labor law—the 1935 Wagner Act—divided U.S. labor law and relegated public sector demand-making to the states. Consequently, public sector employees' collective bargaining rights were slow to develop and remain geographically concentrated, unequal and vulnerable. Further, divided labor law put the two movements out of alignment; private sector union density peaked
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Money, Duncan. "Race and Class in the Postwar World: The Southern African Labour Congress." International Labor and Working-Class History 94 (2018): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791800011x.

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AbstractUnderstandings of class have often been highly racialized and gendered. This article examines the efforts of white workers’ organizations in Southern Africa during the 1940s to forge such a class identity across the region and disseminate it among the international labor movement. For these organizations, the “real” working class was composed of white men who worked in mines, factories, and on the railways, something pertinent to contemporary understandings of class.The focus of these efforts was the Southern African Labour Congress, which brought together white trade unions and labor
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor unions Southern States History"

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Hild, Matthew George. "Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and Populists : farmer-labor insurgency in the late-nineteenth-century South." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/25691.

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Livingston, Louis B. "Theodore Roosevelt on Labor Unions: A New Perspective." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3077.

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Historical studies of Theodore Roosevelt's views about labor and labor unions are in conflict. This was also true of contemporary disagreements about the meaning of his labor rhetoric and actions. The uncertainties revolve around whether or not he was sincere in his support of working people and labor unions, whether his words and actions were political only or were based on a philosophical foundation, and why he did not propose comprehensive labor policies. Roosevelt historiography has addressed these questions without considering his stated admiration for Octave Thanet's writings about "labo
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DiPardo, Elizabeth Marie. ""A Rite of September: " Rhode Island Teachers' Unions & the Right to Strike." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/404.

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Thesis advisor: Mark Gelfand<br>Labor in the United States has been commonly associated with images of industrialism, factories, and skilled craftsmen. This narrow vision of labor ignores the millions of Americans employed by the federal, state, and local governments. As early national labor law failed to define the rights of government employees, each state was forced to create their own public labor law through judicial rulings and state legislation. This study is framed around the struggles of Rhode Island public employees, specifically public school teachers, to obtain the right to organiz
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Woods, Bradley R. "The rise and subsequent decline of labor union organization and activity in American society with historical emphasis on the southern coalfields of Appalachia /." Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2003. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=372.

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Hunter, Richard William. "Voices of our past: the rank and file movement in social work, 1931-1950." PDXScholar, 1999. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1602.

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During the period of the late 1920s through the late 1940s, a most remarkable event in the history of American social work emerged: the development of a vital radical trade union organizing effort known as the ''rank and file movement." Born within the growing economic crisis of the 1920s and maturing in the national economic collapse and social upheaval heralded by the Great Depression, the rank and file movement would attract the support and membership of thousands of professional social workers and uncredentialed relief workers in efforts to organize social service workers along the lines o
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Lumb, Frederick William. "Through the Veil: Double Consiousness and Labor in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Southern New England." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626583.

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Harrison, Isabel D. "State and labour in the U.S. : the Carter administration and the AFL-CIO, 1976-1980 : political strategy and the National Accord." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61edc432-a93d-4892-9c4b-a1c90591fb8c.

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The Accord was a political exchange whereby the labour leadership participated in the wage restraint programme in return for consultative rights and specific quid pro quo policies, including countercyclical measures to offset fiscal austerity. The President subsequently sustained a policy of fiscal and monetary restraint despite the approaching election and the increasing protests of organized labour. However, in the face of strong opposition from some of Carter's senior economists, the labour leaders secured significant modifications to the second year of the pay standard. The 1980 presidenti
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Fitzloff, Chad L. "The limits of American labor‘s influence on the cold war free labor movement: a case study of Irving Brown and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Tunisia and Algeria." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/4187.

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Master of Arts<br>Department of History<br>David A. Graff<br>Michael Ramsay<br>In 1988, Irving Brown received the Medal of Freedom from President Ronald Reagan for playing a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. Brown also made extraordinary efforts to fight international Communism in French North Africa during the 1950s. This paper seeks to answer the question of why these efforts in North Africa failed, and it will show the limits of American labor‘s internation
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White, Kirk. "The Development of IAM District Lodge 776 in Fort Worth, Texas, 1942-1946: A Case Study in the Growth of Organized Labor During World War II." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2205/.

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This thesis concentrates on a local union of the International Association of Machinists (IAM), District Lodge 776, of Fort Worth, Texas, during the war years. The main argument of the thesis runs along three basic lines. First, it demonstrates that the experiences of the Fort Worth Machinists clearly fit into the national labor movement during the war years. Second, it argues that the existence, survival, and strength of the union depended greatly on outside forcesan expanding national economy, a powerful national union, and a generally labor-friendly government. Third, it shows that union of
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Welch, M. Courtney. "Evolution, Not Revolution: The Effect of New Deal Legislation on Industrial Growth and Union Development in Dallas, Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30524/.

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The New Deal legislation of the 1930s would threaten Dallas' peaceful industrial appearance. In fact, New Deal programs and legislation did have an effect on the city, albeit an unbalanced mixture of positive and negative outcomes characterized by frustrated workers and industrial intimidation. To summarize, the New Deal did not bring a revolution, but it did continue an evolutionary change for reform. This dissertation investigated several issues pertaining to the development of the textile industry, cement industry, and the Ford automobile factory in Dallas and its labor history before, duri
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Books on the topic "Labor unions Southern States History"

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Newton, Roxanne. Women workers on strike: Narratives of Southern women unionists. Routledge, 2007.

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Hild, Matthew. Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and populists: Farmer-labor insurgency in the late-nineteenth-century South. University of Georgia Press, 2007.

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The color of work: The struggle for civil rights in the Southern paper industry, 1945-1980. University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

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Like night & day: Unionization in a southern mill town. University of North Carolina Press, 1997.

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Testing the New Deal: The general textile strike of 1934 in the American South. University of Illinois Press, 2000.

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Draper, Alan. Conflict of interests: Organized labor and the civil rights movement in the South, 1954-1968. ILR Press, 1994.

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Goldfield, Michael. The decline of organized labor in the United States. University of Chicago Press, 1987.

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1886-1968, Saposs David J., ed. History of labour in the United States. Beard Books, 2000.

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Zieger, Robert H. American workers, American unions. 2nd ed. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994.

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Culture of misfortune: An interpretive history of textile unionism in the United States. ILR Press, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labor unions Southern States History"

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Hild, Matthew, and Keri Leigh Merritt. "Introduction." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0001.

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In many ways, the problems that have beset southern labor for the past century and a half—unfree labor, low wages, lack of collective bargaining rights, and virulent and sometimes violent repression of those who have tried to organize unions—have become the problems of workers across the United States, as the regional convergence of labor markets has pulled wages and conditions for workers across the nation closer to those of southern workers rather than the reverse. By addressing the troubled state of labor and the deep inequalities inherent today, we will use this volume to demonstrate how the South’s long history of worker exploitation and labor practices have become standard fare throughout America.
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Carson, Adam. "Beyond Boosterism." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the development of the labor movement in Fort Smith, Arkansas, after World War II to answer the question of why unions in the South lacked the strength and influence of their northern counterparts. City leaders created a culture based on conservative economic principles to attract industry and disseminated it through the media and civic events. Unions organized arriving factories but anti-labor laws and infighting reduced the scope and effectiveness of their actions. Faced with hostile state Democrats and weak unions, the white working class increasingly supported racially moderate, economically conservative Republicans over Democrats whose campaigns continued to focus on opposition to integration which culminated in an election wherein a supermajority decided to change the municipal form of government into one more closely resembling corporate governance. Electoral results show that political realignment in Fort Smith was predicated upon residents’ adoption of local elites’ business-friendly ideology.
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Goldfield, Michael. "Textile—Where the Fabric Meets the Road." In The Southern Key. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190079321.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 looks at the textile industry, the largest industry in the United States during the 1930s to 1950s, which failed to be organized in the South. The chapter takes aim at the highly popular cultural analysis that argues for the impact of southern culture as the reason for this failure. It emphasizes the economics of the industry, the historic militancy of southern textile workers, like that of their counterparts the world over, and the similarities of their struggles to those of other textile workers throughout the world with decidedly different cultures. For many analysts of U.S. labor, the question of why unions have been less successful in the South than in other regions revolves almost completely around the textile industry.
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Anderson, David M., and Andrew C. McKevitt. "From “the Chosen” to the Precariat." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0017.

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Beginning in the 1970s, local boosters in the U.S. South offered lucrative incentives to attract foreign manufacturing firms, who, in turn, promised to uplift working-class southerners’ lives and modernize benighted rural areas with state-of-the-art “greenfield” plants and cutting-edge production techniques. Led by Japanese and German automotive companies, such as Nissan Motors in Smyrna, Tennessee, these “transplants” initially recruited a select group of “chosen” workers, most of whom saw themselves as middle-class “technicians” rather than as proletarianized factory workers. Despite subjecting their assembly-line workers to physically demanding conditions, the transplants’ strategy of hiring “chosen” workers thwarted organized labor’s attempts to unionize their plants. By the twenty-first century, however, foreign-owned transplants have increasingly filled positions with lower-paid temporary workers hired from third-party contractors. These “permatemps” regularly face deteriorating work conditions while lacking the employment security, benefits, and job stability enjoyed by the “chosen” workers. In effect, the South’s foreign-owned transplants have created a three-tiered industrial workforce, with “chosen” workers at the top, followed by a frustrated pro-union proletariat in the middle, and a “precariat” composed of temporary workers at the bottom.
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O’Brassill-Kulfan, Kristin. "“Vagrant Negroes”." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0003.

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Laws regulating the movement, residence, employment, and labor of the poor, and especially of poor African Americans in states with burgeoning free populations, demonstrate how mobility, when enacted by the poor and by non-whites, was classified as a criminal action in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century United States. In the Upper South especially, these laws had the express goal of attaching to all people of color the potential consequences of enslavement. This essay will link these ideas by tracing mobility and its construction as a classed and raced activity, as threats to existing labor regimes and social systems. This was most commonly and notoriously done through the policing of vagrancy, which allowed authorities to punish the poor, most punitively, in the South, African Americans, for unemployment or a reluctance to enter into a particular labor contract. This essay argues that the power dynamics of the South can be read clearly in the classed and raced regulation of vagrancy and geographical mobility in the antebellum era.
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Hild, Matthew, and Keri Leigh Merritt. "Why Labor History Still Matters." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0020.

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The late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries posed new challenges for working-class southerners even as old problems persisted. Some of the new problems resulted from the globalization of the American economy. For most of the twentieth century, textile manufacturing was a major source of jobs in the South (as well as elsewhere in the United States). In 1973, more than 2.4 million Americans worked in the textile and apparel industries. By 1996 that figure had dropped to 1.5 million, and by 2012 it had plummeted to 383,600. Between 1997 and 2006, Georgia lost more than 100,000 manufacturing jobs, about 60 percent of them in the textile and apparel industries. The replacement of American labor with cheaper foreign labor in the textile industry reached its fruition after the United States ratified the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1993 and increased further after China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001.
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Goldfield, Michael. "The Failure of Operation Dixie." In The Southern Key. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190079321.003.0008.

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Chapter 7 focuses on the failed attempt by unions after World War II to unionize the South, referred to informally as Operation Dixie. Contrary to much extant scholarship, the chapter regards Operation Dixie as an underfunded, misguided attempt at organizing; it was racially backward, had no understanding of what was necessary, and served largely as a primer on how not to organize. Rather than being a major turning point, Operation Dixie is shown to have been at best a coda to earlier failures in southern labor organizing and the end of major union growth in the United States, at least in the private sector.
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McMillan, MaryBe. "Going South: How Southern Organizing Will Determine the Future of the Labor Movement." In Labor in the Time of Trump. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501746598.003.0011.

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This chapter reflects on the challenges and opportunities of building workers' power in North Carolina. To change the political balance of the nation, this chapter argues, we must change the South, which is gaining in jobs, population, and political influence. Home to more than a third of the U.S. population, the region is larger than the Northeast and Midwest combined. Political representatives from the South disproportionately contribute to right-wing agendas, including right-to-work, low wages, and voter suppression. The chapter outlines essential strategies for organizing in the South, or in any right-to-work states with hostile political climates. First, start small and dream big; second, issues of race and gender equality must be addressed; third, unions must build strong locals and unite with community allies. Finally, the labor movement, including central labor councils and state federations, must build political power.
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Caretta, M. Nicolás, and Manuel Dueñas García. "Cerro de Santiago." In Ancient West Mexicos. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066349.003.0009.

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In many ways, the state of Aguascalientes in Mexico is unknown territory in terms of understanding its Pre-Hispanic cultures. Recent research at the archaeological site of Cerro de Santiago shows a population with characteristics that link them to their southern neighbors and provides evidence of certain Mesoamerican canons in the creation of their material culture. This chapter draws on data from field surveys and excavations to present diagnostic cultural features and their implications for the dynamics of macro-regional social interaction in Epiclassic Mesoamerica (ca. AD 600–900). These data not only illuminate the Pre-Hispanic occupation of the site, but also augment archaeological understanding of the processes of interaction that took place throughout the expansive north-central border of Greater Mesoamerica involving regional societies at the time. The authors depart from a World Systems Theory, which allows for a more nuanced understanding of regional history, as well as the nature of cultural changes in Late Classic times. The chapter concludes that change during this period was due to an increased economic interaction and a labor reorganization in the different political units that participated in such interactions.
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Roll, Jarod. "Introduction." In Poor Man's Fortune. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656298.003.0001.

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The metal miners of the Tri-State district (Kansas, Missouri, and Oklahoma) opposed social democratic unions and government regulation for nearly a century. Historians of organized labor in the United States have neglected workers like these, opting instead to focus on workers who joined unions. This introduction outlines how this study of the non-union and anti-union miners of the Tri-State district changes the field of labor history. The story of the Tri-State miners shows how some American workers rejected the protections of working-class solidarity because they inherited and embraced a faith in capitalism, white supremacy, and aggressive masculinity.
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