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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor unions Southern States History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstr

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2

Dixon, Marc. "Limiting Labor: Business Political Mobilization and Union Setback in the States." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 3 (2007): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0015.

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The 1940s were heady times for the American labor movement. The tight wartime labor market and the backing of the federal government in defense industries facilitated impressive membership gains for both AFL and CIO unions. By 1945, labor unions represented almost 35 percent of the workforce—a more than fivefold increase from the early 1930s. What is more, union membership gains penetrated previously unorganized and resistant regions like the South. Unions indeed appeared on the verge of recruiting millions of new members and establishing a truly national social movement. Critics and supporter

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Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.

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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on

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Pitcher, M. Anne. "What Has Happened to Organized Labor in Southern Africa?" International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000579.

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AbstractWhy have labor movements in Mozambique, Zambia, and South Africa increasingly been marginalized from the economic debates that are taking place in their countries, even though they have supported ruling parties? Policy reforms such as trade liberalization, privatization, and revisions to labor legislation in all three countries partially account for the loss of power by organized labor as many scholars have claimed. Yet, these policy “adjustments” have also interacted with long-run, structural changes in production, distribution, and trade of goods as well as with processes of democrat

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Haydu, Jeffrey. "Factory Politics in Britain and the United States: Engineers and Machinists, 1914–1919." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 1 (1985): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500013669.

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The priorities of British and American trade unions center predominantly on the economic rewards received by union members. Collective bargaining and strikes typically focus on how much employers must pay for labor (in wages, pensions, and other benefits) rather than on how the labor, once purchased, may be used. Basic decisions regarding the organization of production are not considered by most unionists as legitimate issues for negotiation. Disputes over working conditions do arise, of course, but rarely concern securing for labor the rights of management. They involve instead efforts to pro

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Klubock, Thomas Miller, and Paulo Fontes. "Labor History and Public History: Introduction." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990020.

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Labor history and public history have had a long relationship in the United States, as James Green argues in Taking History to Heart, dating back to Progressive-era historians like Mary Ritter and Charles A. Beard. Labor historians like Phillip Foner, who identified with the “Old Left,” made labor history public history through ties to labor organizations and the Communist Party. Then, during the 1960s, historians identified with the “New Left” and inspired by E.P. Thompson, worked to extend social history and working-class history “from the bottom up” beyond the confines of the academy, even

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7

Hartshorn, Ian M. "Labor's Role in the Arab Uprisings and Beyond." Current History 115, no. 785 (2016): 349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.785.349.

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“Some trade unions, even in the most repressive states, attempted to organize themselves and press for greater autonomy in the revolutionary moment.” Third in a series on labor relations around the world.

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8

Friedman, Gerald. "Strike Success and Union Ideology: The United States and France, 1880–1914." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 1 (1988): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004125.

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Scholars still disagree about why unions in different countries are radical or conservative. The differences between unions in France and America can be traced to the different requirements for success in strikes before 1914. In France radical unions could win large-scale strikes by involving state officials. In contrast, American unions, facing a more hostile government, avoided state intervention and learned to win strikes by providing financial support to small groups of critically positioned workers. The divergence between American and French union strategy reflected the greater success of

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9

Walker, Alexis N. "Labor's Enduring Divide: The Distinct Path of Public Sector Unions in the United States." Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 2 (2014): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000054.

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Why did public sector unionization rise so dramatically and then plateau at the same time as private sector unionization underwent a precipitous decline? The exclusion of public sector employees from the centerpiece of private sector labor law—the 1935 Wagner Act—divided U.S. labor law and relegated public sector demand-making to the states. Consequently, public sector employees' collective bargaining rights were slow to develop and remain geographically concentrated, unequal and vulnerable. Further, divided labor law put the two movements out of alignment; private sector union density peaked

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10

Money, Duncan. "Race and Class in the Postwar World: The Southern African Labour Congress." International Labor and Working-Class History 94 (2018): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791800011x.

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AbstractUnderstandings of class have often been highly racialized and gendered. This article examines the efforts of white workers’ organizations in Southern Africa during the 1940s to forge such a class identity across the region and disseminate it among the international labor movement. For these organizations, the “real” working class was composed of white men who worked in mines, factories, and on the railways, something pertinent to contemporary understandings of class.The focus of these efforts was the Southern African Labour Congress, which brought together white trade unions and labor

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11

Schmick, Ethan. "Collective Action and the Origins of the American Labor Movement." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 3 (2018): 744–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000360.

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This article examines the relationship between collective action and the size of worker and employer groups in the United States. It proposes and tests a theory of union formation and strikes. Using a new county-by-industry level dataset containing the location of unions, the location of strikes, average establishment size, and the number of establishments around the turn of the twentieth century, I find that unions were more likely to form and strikes were more likely to occur in counties with intermediate-sized worker groups and large employer groups.

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12

Mello, William. "Robert W. Cherny, William Issel, and Kieran Walash Taylor, eds.,American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Post War Political Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004. 320 pp. Paper $23.95." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905210153.

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Would the existing powerlessness of American unions be much different had organized labor not been the focus of cold-war repression in the late 1940s and 1950s? How did workers experience the anticommunist upsurge and reshape their political alliances in light of what some have called America's darkest political hour? American Labor and the Cold War is a collection of smart and challenging essays that examine the impact of cold war politics on organized labor and the labor-left. The authors explore the historical impact of the cold war and the constraints placed on working class political powe

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Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.

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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, a

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Rosner, David, and Gerald Markowitz. "A Short History of Occupational Safety and Health in the United States." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 5 (2020): 622–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305581.

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As this short history of occupational safety and health before and after establishment of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) clearly demonstrates, labor has always recognized perils in the workplace, and as a result, workers’ safety and health have played an essential part of the battles for shorter hours, higher wages, and better working conditions. OSHA’s history is an intimate part of a long struggle over the rights of working people to a safe and healthy workplace. In the early decades, strikes over working conditions multiplied. The New Deal profoundly increased the

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Herrigel, Gary. "Identity and Institutions: The Social Construction of Trade Unions in Nineteenth-Century Germany and the United States." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 2 (1993): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001139.

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The aim of this research note is to begin to develop the idea that trade unions are historically constructed as much through considerations of social identity as they are through calculations of economic self-interest, market power, or functional adaptation in the face of changes in the division of labor. By social identity, I mean the desire for group distinction, dignity, and place within historically specific discourses (or frames of understanding) about the character, structure, and boundaries of the polity and the economy. Institutions such as trade unions, in other words, are constituted

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Honey, Michael. "Norway’s Democratic Challenge." Labor 17, no. 4 (2020): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8643472.

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This article provides an overview of Norwegian labor history and social democracy, which challenges American capitalism and the labor movement to consider Martin Luther King, Jr.’s call for a “third way,” a more humane system mixing highly regulated and taxed capitalism with a strong social system powered by strong unions and a truce between workers and capitalists. The Nordic model flies in the face of American avaricious capitalism and challenges us to consider how a better society might exist even within capitalism. The author, a specialist in southern labor and civil rights history and Mar

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Fones-Wolf, Ken. "Religion and Trade Union Politics in the United States, 1880–1920." International Labor and Working-Class History 34 (1988): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900005020.

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More than three decades have passed since Marc Karson analyzed the Catholic church's critical role in impeding the growth of socialism in the American labor movement. He was not the first to make the argument; Progressive Era socialists were acutely aware of Catholics' outspoken opposition, and David Saposs outlined Karson's arguments as early as 1933. However, the evidence marshaled by Karson, first in a 1951 article and later inAmerican Labor Unions and Politics, 1900–1918, so clearly detailed facets of Catholic antisocialism that his thesis has become the conventional wisdom. With few excep

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Matthews, Weldon C. "The Kennedy Administration, the International Federation of Petroleum Workers, and Iraqi Labor under the Ba‘thist Regime." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (2015): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00532.

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The International Federation of Petroleum Workers (IFPW) was an international trade secretariat based in the United States and secretly funded by the U.S. government. The federation supported the Kennedy administration's policy of rapprochement with Iraq during the country's first Ba’thist regime by defending the regime against criticism of its violent suppression of the Iraqi Communist Party and by fostering the development of Ba’thist-led Iraqi labor unions, free of Communist influence. Simultaneously, left-wing Ba’thist union leaders strove to establish an autonomous, radically democratic,

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19

Dean, Adam, and Jonathan Obert. "Rewarded by Friends and Punished by Enemies: The CIO and the Taft-Hartley Act." Labor 18, no. 3 (2021): 78–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061493.

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The Wagner Act, passed by a Democratic-controlled Congress in 1935, provided unprecedented federal protections for American labor unions. The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by a Republican-controlled Congress just twelve years later, effectively rolled back significant parts of Wagner. Previous research on Taft-Hartley identifies three factors that led to this anti-labor backlash. First, the American public was repulsed by the large strike wave that followed the end of World War II. Second, southern Democrats were concerned that powerful labor unions would organize African Americans and upset the So

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Varga, Joseph. "Occupying the Picket Line: Labor and Occupy in South Central Indiana." Journal of Working-Class Studies 3, no. 1 (2018): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v3i1.6121.

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This article examines the relationship between a striking labor union and a local Occupy group in South Central Indiana in fall, 2011. It looks at areas of cooperation, tension, and coordination between the two groups within the context of Occupy/organized labor relations during the same period in other locations in the United States. The article examines attitudes of union members and Occupy participants regarding each other, unions, working people, class, labor law, strikes, and direct action. This work examines areas of agreement and mutual benefit between the striking union and the Occupy

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Silverman, Victor. "Popular Bases of the International Labor Movement in the United States and Britain, 1939–1949." International Review of Social History 38, no. 3 (1993): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112106.

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SummaryThis paper examines the working class in the United States and Britain in order to find a new perspective on the origins and break-up of the World Federation of Trade Unions. While most previous works have focused on the roles of institutions and leaders, this research uncovers the important role played by the thoughts, actions, and inactions of average workers in international affairs. American and British workers, as key constituents of two of the most important organizations making up the WFTU, were not passive observers of world events. Rather, they were critical not only of how the

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22

Zackin, Emily. "“To Change the Fundamental Law of the State”: Protective Labor Provisions in U.S. Constitutions." Studies in American Political Development 24, no. 1 (2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990083.

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As the United States industrialized, its state constitutions began to include protections for laborers. In this article, I describe the origins of these constitutional provisions and ask why labor organizations and other reformers pursued their inclusion in state constitutions. I argue that they saw state constitutions as a vehicle to prompt reluctant legislatures to pass protective statutes, to entrench existing protections against future legislatures, to safeguard labor legislation from constitutional challenges in state courts, and to facilitate further union organizing. Labor activism in t

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23

Thurston, David. "Covington Hall, Labor Struggles in the Deep South and Other Writings. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1999. 262 pp. $34.00 cloth; $14.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901284531.

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Covington Hall was a lifelong labor activist and a member of the Industrial Workers of the World. Hall edited labor newspapers and was a contributor to socialist and labor movement publications including the Industrial Worker, the One Big Union Monthly, and the original International Socialist Review. For years, his unpublished manuscript on Southern labor, a work that is both history and memoir, has been a resource for historians of labor in and near Louisiana. Now it is widely available, with an introduction by David Roediger. Hall tells a lively story about key movements in Louisiana labor

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Merrill, Michael. "Even Conservative Unions Have Revolutionary Effects: Frank Tannenbaum on the Labor Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990287.

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AbstractFrank Tannenbaum is best known for his studies of Mexican agrarian reform and for his contributions to the comparative history of slavery and slave societies. But as a young man he had made a name for himself as a notorious labor agitator, and he went on to publish two books on the US labor movement, which are worthy of reconsideration as important interpretations of independent trade unionism and political reform. The first volume appeared in 1921 and offered an original perspective on the popular syndicalism that formed such a large, positive element of the philosophy of the Internat

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Narváez, Benjamin N. "Abolition, Chinese Indentured Labor, and the State: Cuba, Peru, and the United States during the Mid Nineteenth Century." Americas 76, no. 1 (2019): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.43.

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Abolition forced planters in the post-Civil War US South to consider new sources and forms of labor. Some looked to Spanish America for answers. Cuba had long played a prominent role in the American imagination because of its proximity, geostrategic location, and potential as a slave state prior to the Civil War. Even as the United States embraced abolition and Cuba maintained slavery, the island presented Southern planters with potential labor solutions. Cuban elites had been using male Chinese indentured workers (“coolies” or colonos asiáticos) to supplement slave labor and delay the rise of

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Stapleford, Thomas A. "Shaping Knowledge about American Labor: External Advising at the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics in the Twentieth Century." Science in Context 23, no. 2 (2010): 187–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889710000049.

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ArgumentCreated in 1884, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) has been the major federal source for data in the United States on labor-related topics such as prices, unemployment, compensation, productivity, and family expenditures. This essay traces the development and transformation of formal and informal consulting relationships between the BLS and external groups (including academic social scientists, unions, businesses, and other government entities) over the twentieth century. Though such a history cannot, of course, provide a comprehensive analysis of how political values have shap

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Kenny, Bridget. "Walmart in South Africa: Precarious Labor and Retail Expansion." International Labor and Working-Class History 86 (2014): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547914000167.

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In 2011 Walmart's bid to buy a controlling stake in South Africa's Massmart Holdings, Inc. went before the country's Competition Commission and Competition Tribunal, both of which would determine whether to grant the merger outright or to place conditions on it. Massmart Holdings comprises a number of branded subsidiaries in the South African market, including Walmart-style general merchandise dealers, electronics retailers, do-it-yourself building suppliers, and food wholesalers—Game, Dion, Builder's Warehouse, and Makro, respectively—as well as the more recently acquired food retailer, Cambr

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Maloney, Thomas N. "Personnel Policy and Racial Inequality in the Pre-World War II North." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 30, no. 2 (1999): 235–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219599551967.

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Hundreds of thousands of African-Americans left the southern United States for the North between World War I and World War II. The willingness of employers in northern industries to “experiment” with this new labor pool depended on the training, turnover, and promotion policies that characterized their internal labor markets.

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Drake, Paul W. "Organized Labor's Global Problems and Local Responses." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000580.

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From the 1980s to the 2000s around much of the world, organized labor scrambled to adjust to two international regimes, both propelled by the hegemonic United States and its allies: neoliberal economies and neoliberal democracies. The first framework undercut the power of unions by discouraging interference with market mechanisms from either social actors or governments. The second code of conduct hampered labor by prescribing low-intensity democracies with little mass mobilization or socioeconomic redistribution. The second model sustained the first. Thus weakened working-class movements wres

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Kuo, Alexander. "The Spread of Anti-Union Business Coordination: Evidence from the Open-Shop Movement in the U.S. Interwar Period." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (2018): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000044.

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What explains the development of repressive employer coordination? Classic historical American business and labor literature focuses on institutions of labor repression and employer associations, but little systematic examination of such associations exists, particularly during the interwar period. Similarly, recent political science literature on the origins of industrial institutions underemphasizes the importance of repressive employer associations. I use new quantitative subnational evidence from the U.S. interwar period, with data from the open-shop movement in the United States at the lo

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Nash, Bradley. "Labor Law Reform and Organized Labor: A Comparative Historical Sociology of Unanticipated Outcomes." Humanity & Society 43, no. 2 (2017): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597617748167.

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This article provides a comparative historical examination of the unanticipated consequences of labor law reforms in capitalist democracies during the twentieth century. The study of unexpected effects has a long history in sociology, and the cases analyzed here prove particularly instructive. Primary attention is given to earlier labor law projects in Germany and France that targeted the role of organized labor within industrial relations. Though divergent in political aims, legal reforms in the two countries converged in that the outcomes proved contrary to state intentions. Specifically, wh

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Phillips-Fein, Kim. "“If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right:” The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000610.

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Abstract“‘If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right:’ The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964,” by Kim Phillips-Fein, looks at the mobilization of conservative businessmen against the liberal political economy that emerged from the New Deal and the Second World War. These businessmen were sharply critical of the expanded federal government and strong labor unions throughout the postwar period. They sought to challenge the liberal economic order by helping to build think tanks critical of liberalism, by fighting labor unions, and ultimately by participating in political a

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Williams, Heather L. "Of Labor Tragedy and Legal Farce." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012670.

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It is commonly assumed that transnational activist networks have greater power to compel state and private sector actors to address rights-based grievances as networks grow and activists gain greater visibility in the mass media. However, evidence from case studies of transnational mobilization suggests that the opposite may hold true under given circumstances. This article examines the struggle for an independent union in the Tijuana-based Han Young welding facility, which in 1997 and 1998 became one of the most important tests to date of labor law and institutions across the U.S.-Mexico bord

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Lichtenstein, Nelson, Cedric de Leon, Judith Stepan-Norris, and Barry Eidlin. "Symposium on Barry Eidlin’s Labor and the Class Idea in the United States and Canada." Social Science History 45, no. 2 (2021): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.29.

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AbstractBarry Eidlin’s book, Labor and the Class Idea in the United States and Canada (Cambridge University Press, 2018) explains why unions are weaker in the United States than they are in Canada, but have not always been that way. Indeed, unionization rates were virtually identical for much of the twentieth century, then diverged in the 1960s. Against dominant accounts focused on long-standing differences in political cultures and institutions, Eidlin argues that the divergence resulted from different ruling party responses to working class upsurge in both countries during the Great Depressi

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Siqueira, C. Eduardo, Elizabeth Barbeau, Richard Youngstrom, Charles Levenstein, and Glorian Sorensen. "Worksite Tobacco Control Policies and Labor-Management Cooperation and Conflict in New York State." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 13, no. 2 (2003): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bvbh-0aw9-hkey-dm98.

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This article summarizes the origins and implementation of labor-management negotiated tobacco control policies in public workplaces in New York state during the 1980s and 1990s. It is an in-depth case study that illustrates the confrontation and cooperation among three main social actors involved in the design and implementation of workplace smoking policies: public-sector labor unions, public health professionals, and state managers. The policy debates, legal, and political issues that emerge from this history suggest hopeful avenues for improving the dialogue and cooperation on the design an

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Chomsky, Aviva, and Steve Striffler. "Empire, Labor, and Environment: Coal Mining and Anticapitalist Environmentalism in the Americas." International Labor and Working-Class History 85 (2014): 194–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000525.

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AbstractLatin American political movements linking traditional peasant values of subsistence with a leftist critique of imperialism are contributing to new forms of environmentalism there. While in the United States labor and environmental movements tend to operate within mainstream political and economic models based on privileging high levels of consumption and economic growth, Latin American voices are challenging both the global economic order and traditional concepts of economic development. From indigenous and peasant movements to leftist labor unions to political leaders, Latin American

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Wooding, John, Charles Levenstein, and Beth Rosenberg. "The Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union: Refining Strategies for Labor." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 1 (1997): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/wp4b-txhu-f5u7-96ge.

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In a period of declining union membership and severe economic and environmental crisis it is important that labor unions rethink their traditional roles and organizational goals. Responding to some of these problems and reflecting a history of innovative and progressive unionism, the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union (OCAW) has sought to address occupational and environmental health problems within the context of a political struggle. This study suggests that by joining with the environmental movement and community activists, by pursuing a strategy of coalition building, and by developing

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Heinicke, Craig W. "One Step Forward: African-American Married Women in the South, 1950-1960." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31, no. 1 (2000): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219500551488.

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The labor-force participation of African-American married women in the southern United States was increasing during a period of deteriorating labor markets when that of African-American men was decreasing. Although the effect of this development on the African-American family was complex, the trend was certainly a sign of limited progress for these women. The jobs that they were able to acquire were generally better than their customary work since the Civil War, despite the adverse labor-market shocks to which African-American families were subject.

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King, Andy. "Good Jobs, Green Jobs, Eh? A Canadian Perspective." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 19, no. 2 (2009): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ns.19.2.aa.

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A group of Canadians pondered the dramatic change in momentum in the United States and began to think more concretely about strategies to bring unions and environmentalists together around a common green economic agenda. The campaign against toxic chemicals has proven to be a natural meeting place for labor and environmental activists. We share a common history and concern about the lack of effective regulation. The more challenging areas are about transition, the need for good jobs, and a viable economic strategy.

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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. "International Women's Trade Unionism and Education." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.

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AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’

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Sato, Jin. "Resource Politics and State-Society Relations: Why Are Certain States More Inclusive than Others?" Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 3 (2014): 745–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000310.

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AbstractWhy do some states resort to more exclusive top-down management of natural resources, while others tend to be more inclusive and solicit participation from civil society? By rejecting the simple characterization of the state within the narrow spectrum of “weak” and “strong,” this article investigates resource-mediated relations in the peripheral social groups that the state has sought to transform as part of the process of modernization. Focusing on Siam and Japan, I highlight alternative explanations based on ethnicity and labor, bureaucratic mindset, and agro-ecological conditions. I

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Gaido, Daniel. "Archive Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315266.

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AbstractThis work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky's reply to Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter's first European tour. The article was not only a criticism of Gompers's anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German tr

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Archer, Robin. "Does Repression Help to Create Labor Parties? The Effect of Police and Military Intervention on Unions in the United States and Australia." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 2 (2001): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x01000049.

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Rosenbloom, Joshua L. "Was There a National Labor Market at the End of the Nineteenth Century? New Evidence on Earnings in Manufacturing." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 3 (1996): 626–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070001696x.

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Average annual earnings calculated from the census of manufactures are used to extend previous research on labor market integration in the United States. In contrast to earlier research examining occupational wage rates, census average earnings indicate that a well-integrated labor market had emerged in the Northeast and North Central regions as early as 1879. They also reveal substantial convergence within the South Atlantic and South Central regions, suggesting the emergence of a unified southern labor market. Large and persistent North-South differentials indicate, however, that a unified n

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Blewett, Mary H. "Traditions and Customs of Lancashire Popular Radicalism in Late Nineteenth-Century Industrial America." International Labor and Working-Class History 42 (1992): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900011200.

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During a decade of constant turmoil in the 1870s, immigrant textile workers from Lancashire, England seized control of labor politics in the southern New England region of the United States. They were men and women who had immigrated in successive waves before and after the American Civil War to the United States, specifically to the textile cities of Fall River and New Bedford, Massachusetts and to the mill villages north of Providence, Rhode Island.

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Weld, Kirsten. "Police Work, Unbounded." International Labor and Working-Class History 97 (2020): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547920000010.

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To scholars of labor and working-class history, police pose a problem—though, one less grave than the problem they pose to contemporary life in the United States, where roughly 10 percent of all homicide victims, and fully one-third of all people killed by strangers, die at police hands. How should police be categorized, and are they worthy subjects for the field? They are workers, of course, but they are also front-line agents of state repression and shock troops for capital. They remain robustly unionized, at least by US standards, but their unions are regressive and politically conservative

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Jach, Theresa R. "Reform versus Reality in the Progressive Era Texas Prison." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 4, no. 1 (2005): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003650.

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The state of Texas' determined effort to keep African-Americans performing plantation labor was at the heart of its prison farm system, from Reconstruction through the 1920s. State and penitentiary officials followed a practice of racialized labor control, demanding that African-American convicts perform plantation gang labor, not only to make the prison system profitable but also keep them involved in extractive agriculture. As the prison population grew, so did the abuse of convicts. The story of Texas’ penitentiary system shows the continuing tie between African-Americans, plantation labor,

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McCann, Gerard. "Possibility and Peril: Trade Unionism, African Cold War, and the Global Strands of Kenyan Decolonization." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 348–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz099.

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Abstract Trade unionism was at the leading edge of African freedom struggle in the 1940s and 1950s. It was an incubator where different visions of decolonized futures vied for ascendency after WWII. This article analyzes international labor networks and trade union activism in Kenya to explore the entanglements of decolonization and Cold War from Africa in the 1940s to 1960s, an era when competing modes of anticolonial internationalism laid paths to independence. This story is told in two phases. Through Makhan Singh, the article assesses the influence of Indo-African connection, Marxism and t

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Heinicke, Craig, and Wayne A. Grove. "“Machinery Has Completely Taken Over”: The Diffusion of the Mechanical Cotton Picker, 1949–1964." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, no. 1 (2008): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.1.65.

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Hand picking of cotton in the United States virtually disappeared twenty years after the first mechanical harvester was marketed in 1949. Contrary to received accounts, southern social institutions did not impede the diffusion of the mechanical cotton picker from the West to the cotton belt in the South so much as environmental factors and educational attainment did. Rising cotton yields and exogenous technological change drove diffusion by reducing the costs of machine harvesting. Labor displacement resulting from the cotton picker occurred only in a concentrated burst after 1959.

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Zhang, Lu. "Lean Production and Labor Controls in the Chinese Automobile Industry in An Age of Globalization." International Labor and Working-Class History 73, no. 1 (2008): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000033.

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AbstractThis article explores the changing workplace and labor-management relations in the Chinese automobile industry under the influence of globalization and China's market reform. It depicts the everyday working lives of Chinese autoworkers and the shop-floor dynamics of labor relations based on the author's intensive fieldwork at the seven major automobile assembly enterprises in China during 2004–2007.The main findings of this paper are that, in spite of the generalized lean production and homogenization of workplace experiences of Chinese autoworkers, two different models of labor contro

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