Books: 'Labor Unrest'

1

D, Sharma B. Art of conciliation and industrial unrest. Labour Consultancy Bureau, 1985.

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2

Social change and labor unrest in Brazil since 1945. Westview Press, 1993.

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3

Vries, David De. Strike action and nation building: Labor unrest in Palestine/Israel, 1899-1951. Berghahn Books, 2015.

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4

Universiti Malaya. Institut Pengajian Siswazah & Penyelidikan., ed. Labour unrest in Malaya, 1934-1941: The rise of the workers' movement. Institute of Postgraduate Studies and Research, University of Malaya, 2000.

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5

Office, General Accounting. Worker protection: OSHA inspections at establishments experiencing labor unrest : report to Congressional requestors. The Office, 2000.

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6

Mas, Alexandre. Labor unrest and the quality of production: Evidence from the construction equipment resale market. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.

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7

Mas, Alexandre. Labor unrest and the quality of production: Evidence from the construction equipment resale market. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.

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8

The Attlee and Churchill administrations and industrial unrest, 1945-55: A study in consensus. Pinter Publishers, 1990.

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9

Ludaka, Gilbert Ganizani Mzondi. Labour unrest in Malawi, May, 1992-93: Its contributory factors and implications for the role of the state and trade unions in channelling conflict and managing industrial relations in the country. typescript, 1997.

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10

Erinnerung? Verantwortung? Zukunft?: Die Beweggründe für die gemeinsame Entschädigung durch den deutschen Staat und die deutsche Industrie für historisches Unrecht. Lang, 2007.

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11

Burwood, Stephen Meredith. American labor and industrial unrest in France, 1947-1952. 1991.

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12

Sandoval, Salvador A. M. Social Change and Labor Unrest in Brazil Since 1945. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429306235.

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13

Pringle, Tim. Trade Unions in China: The Challenge of Labour Unrest. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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14

1952-, Lindauer David L., Harvard Institute for International Development., and Hanʼguk Kaebal Yŏnʼguwŏn, eds. The strains of economic growth: Labor unrest and social dissatisfaction in Korea. Harvard Institute for International Development, 1997.

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15

Schmalz, Stefan, and Brandon Sommer. Confronting Crisis and Precariousness: Organized Labour and Social Unrest in the European Union. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2019.

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16

Smith, Justin Davis. The Attlee and Churchill administrations and industrial unrest, 1945-55. 1986.

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17

The Attlee and Churchill Administrations and Industrial Unrest, 1945-55. Pinter Pub Ltd, 1993.

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18

William, Kenefick, McIvor Arthur, and Glasgow Labour History Workshop (Organization), eds. Roots of Red Clydeside, 1910-1914?: Labour unrest and industrial relations in West Scotland. J. Donald, 1996.

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19

Rebel Youth: 1960s Labour Unrest, Young Workers, and New Leftists in English Canada. University of British Columbia Press, 2015.

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20

Rebel Youth: 1960s Labour Unrest, Young Workers, and New Leftists in English Canada. University of British Columbia Press, 2014.

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21

Kim, Jong-Gie, Joung-Woo Lee, Hy-Sop Lim, Jae-Young Son, Ezra F. Vogel, and David L. Lindauer. The Strains of Economic Growth: Labor Unrest and Social Dissatisfaction in Korea (Harvard Studies in International Development). Harvard Institute for International Development, 1997.

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22

The Secret War on the United States in 1915: A Tale of Sabotage, Labor Unrest, and Border Troubles. Henselstone Verlag LLC, 2015.

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23

The Secret War on the United States in 1915: A Tale of Sabotage, Labor Unrest, and Border Troubles. Henselstone Verlag LLC, 2015.

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24

The Secret War on the United States in 1915: A Tale of Sabotage, Labor Unrest, and Border Troubles. Henselstone Verlag LLC, 2015.

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25

Blumer, Helene. Internal Communication in Bangladeshi Ready-Made Garment Factories: Illustration of the Internal Communication System and Its Connection to Labor Unrest. Springer Gabler, 2015.

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26

Mates, Lewis H. Great Labour Unrest. Manchester University Press, 2016.

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27

Smith, Leonard V. Mastering Revolution. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199677177.003.0006.

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Revolution in various forms had been endemic to the Great War. The Paris Peace Conference sought not so much to oppose revolution as to master it in the formation of a new international system. It created the International Labour Organization to institutionalize a transnational approach to labor relations, and thus head off worker unrest as a source of revolution. The Mandate Principle put all mandates at least theoretically on the path to independence, however indefinite the period of tutelage. The Mandate Principle, at least discursively, provided a means of pre-empting anti-colonialism as a source of international instability. The conference also sought to master revolution in successor states. Recognizing Czechoslovakia as a model liberal democracy provided a template ill-suited to recognizing the other successor states. The war between Romania and Hungary in 1919–20 left the Supreme Council with recognition as its only means to control the behavior of successor states.

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28

Zhang, Lu. Whose Hard Times? University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038174.003.0011.

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This chapter carries out an in-depth analysis of the transformation of China's automobile industry and its labor force over the past two decades, with particular attention on how shop-floor, national, and global processes interact in complex ways to produce the specific industrial relations and dynamics of labor unrest in the Chinese automobile industry. It argues that the massive foreign investment in China's auto sector through joint ventures and the increased scale and concentration of automobile production have created and strengthened a new generation of autoworkers with growing workplace bargaining power and grievances. However, the acute contradictory pressures of simultaneously pursuing profitability and maintaining legitimacy with labor have driven large state-owned automakers and Sino-foreign joint ventures to follow a policy of labor force dualism, drawing boundaries between formal and temporary workers. While formal workers enjoy high wages, generous benefits, and relatively secure employment, temporary workers suffer comparatively low wages, unsecure employment, and heavier and dirtier job assignments. Temporary and other low-wage autoworkers have also become the main source of militancy in the auto industry.

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29

Paxman, Andrew. Mining the Golden Age of Mexican Cinema. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190455743.003.0009.

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With President Ávila Camacho’s approval, Jenkins began building a nationwide dominance in film exhibition, just as Mexican cinema was at its peak. How a gringo come to dominate so nationalistic an industry owed something to Jenkins’s friendship with the president and something to a quid pro quo. Given high inflation and labor unrest, the state had to accommodate restive unions, while Jenkins needed protection from laws restricting monopolies and foreign ownership. The state granted Jenkins protections—for his multiplying theaters provided escapist entertainment for the masses and enabled the state to better distribute propaganda (patriotic films and newsreels)—but in return it forced him to concede to labor at Atencingo and textile mill La Trinidad. Jenkins faced further challenges. In 1944, Mary died; in 1945, Maximino died; and in 1946, Atencingo manager Manuel Pérez was struck with paralysis. The latter events promoted Jenkins to quit sugar and focus on film.

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30

Zimmer, Kenyon. I Senza Patria. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039386.003.0003.

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This chapter focuses on how Paterson became the center of what is probably the most important Anarchist group in the world. Italian anarchists were at the forefront of persistent local labor unrest, including the violent 1902 silk strike and famous 1913 general strike conducted by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). More infamously, a Paterson anarchist assassinated Italy's King Umberto I in 1900. However, by 1906, an exasperated Board of Aldermen threatened to bring charges of libel against publications that continued to equate the Silk City with anarchism. The chapter shows how behind the dramatic episodes that embarrassed city officials stood a dynamic radical subculture rooted in Paterson's Italian population and linked to major transnational revolutionary networks.

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31

Baer, James A. The CNT and the War Years. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038990.003.0005.

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This chapter details the relationship between the anarchist movements in Argentina and Spain from 1910 to 1918, when World War I and the Russian Revolution brought serious challenges to the anarchist movement. Violence and labor unrest leading up to the 1910 centennial of Argentine independence caused the government to pass a new social defense law that further restricted radical immigrants and increased deportations. At the same time, Spanish anarchists created the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labor, CNT), which became the country's most powerful and important labor federation through the 1930s. The Argentine anarchist movement experienced a serious rupture at a 1915 meeting of unions, and the Federación Obrera Regional Argentina (FORA), which had guided the movement since the beginning of the century, became weakened. World War I had virtually ended immigration from Spain to Argentina, and the new group of anarchists included some Argentine natives. In this period of personal and ideological rivalries, a branch of the old federation became the FORA V. It emerged as champion of what it called a “purer” anarchism and challenged the ideology of the Spanish movement's leaders.

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32

Baer, James A. Deportations and Reverse Migration, 1902–1910. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038990.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on the anarchist movement in Argentina to 1910, as its ties to Spain were reinforced through deportations from Argentina as well as continued immigration from Spain. The Argentine government passed the Residency Law after strikes and labor unrest in 1902, which allowed the deportation of unruly immigrants. Deportations of anarchists then occurred sporadically until the 1930s. Many deported writers, editors, and activists remained active after returning to Spain. Juana Rouco Buela, deported in 1907 for her role in an anarchist feminist organization, took part in the movement in Spain before returning surreptitiously to Argentina. Antonio Loredo had been a member of the editorial board of the anarchist daily La Protesta prior to his 1909 deportation and later surfaced as an editor of Barcelona's influential anarchist newspaper, Tierra y Libertad. These deportations of Spanish anarchists show not only that population movements can be involuntary as well as voluntary, but also that these returnees brought experiences and ideas from Argentina.

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33

De Graaf, Melissa J. Searching for “Authenticity” in Paul Bowles’s Denmark Vesey. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036781.003.0010.

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This chapter examines the question of authenticity surrounding Paul Bowles's Denmark Vesey. Featuring music by Bowles set to a libretto by Charles Henri Ford, Denmark Vesey incorporates racial politics and Marxist allusions. Its language and music emphasize Africanisms and African American folklore, much of it thoroughly researched and, in Bowles and Ford's minds, authentic. This chapter first considers “authentic” representations of blackness in Denmark Vesey before discussing some of the opera's prominent themes, including Love versus Hate and the use of animal masks. It also explores Denmark Vesey's evocation of Communist-style revolution, paying particular attention to the conflicts and the gradual alliance between blacks and the Left as elements that set up the context of the opera. Finally, it analyzes the demise of Denmark Vesey due to the loss of the score and explains how Bowles and Ford achieved a distinctive result in their integration of race and politics as well as their bridging of race and labor unrest of the 1820s and 1930s.

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34

Mates, Lewis. Great Labour Unrest: Rank-and-File Movements and Political Change in the Durham Coalfield. Manchester University Press, 2020.

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35

Clack, Garfield, H. A. Turner, and Geoffrey Roberts. Labour Relations in the Motor Industry: A Study of Industrial Unrest and an International Comparison. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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36

Florence, P. Sargant. Economics of Fatigue and Unrest and the Efficiency of Labour in English and American Industry. Taylor & Francis Group, 2010.

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37

Florence, P. Sargant. Economics of Fatigue and Unrest and the Efficiency of Labour in English and American Industry. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315889030.

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38

Zeidel, Robert F. Robber Barons and Wretched Refuse. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748318.001.0001.

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This book explores the connection between the so-called robber barons who led American big businesses during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era and the immigrants who composed many of their workforces. As the book argues, attribution of industrial-era class conflict to an “alien” presence supplements nativism—a sociocultural negativity toward foreign-born residents—as a reason for Americans' dislike and distrust of immigrants. And in the era of American industrialization, employers both relied on immigrants to meet their growing labor needs and blamed them for the frequently violent workplace contentions of the time. The book uncovers the connection of immigrants to radical “isms” that gave rise to widespread notions of alien subversives whose presence threatened America's domestic tranquility and the well-being of its residents. Employers, rather than looking at their own practices for causes of workplace conflict, wontedly attributed strikes and other unrest to aliens who either spread pernicious “foreign” doctrines or fell victim to their siren messages. These characterizations transcended nationality or ethnic group, applying at different times to all foreign-born workers. The book concludes that, ironically, stigmatizing immigrants as subversives contributed to the passage of the Quota Acts, which effectively stemmed the flow of wanted foreign workers. Post-war employers argued for preserving America's traditional open door, but the negativity that they had assigned to foreign workers contributed to its closing.

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39

Economics of Fatigue and Unrest: And the Efficiency of Labour in English and American Industry (Routledge Library Editions-Economics, 74). Routledge, 2003.

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40

McReynolds, Louise. Urban Russia at the. Edited by Simon Dixon. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236701.013.017.

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Because the history of prerevolutionary urban Russia has largely been written from the perspective of the revolution that engulfed all cities in 1917, historians have traditionally concentrated on the failures of urbanization, the limited ability of both state and local officials to manage growth and the horrific conditions at most factories. Since the collapse of the USSR in 1991, however, labour history as the dominant mode of analysing urban history has given way to scholarship taking the ‘cultural turn’ and focus has shifted from strikes and strikers towards an investigation into how people experienced city life. This chapter follows that trend, taking the emergence of the modern industrial city as a topic in its own right, and examining not only familiar facets of urbanization such as in-migration, demographic flux and industrial unrest, but also conspicuous consumption, leisure and nightlife, religion and the role of women in urban society and culture.

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41

Gelvin, James. The Arab Uprisings. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190222741.001.0001.

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Beginning in December 2010 popular revolt swept through the Middle East, shocking the world and ushering in a period of unprecedented unrest. Protestors took to the streets to demand greater freedom, democracy, human rights, social justice, and regime change. What caused these uprisings? What is their significance? And what are their likely consequences? In an engaging question-and-answer format, this updated edition of The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know® explores all aspects of the revolutionary protests that have rocked the Middle East. Historian James Gelvin begins with an overview, asking questions such as: What sparked the Arab uprisings? Where did the demands for democracy and human rights come from? How appropriate is the phrase “Arab Spring”?--before turning to specific countries around the region. Shifting the emphasis from the initial upheaval itself to the spinning out of the revolutionary process, Gelvin looks at such topics as the role of youth, laor, and religious groups in Tunisia and Egypt and discusses why the military turned against rulers in both countries. Exploring the uprisings in Libya and Yemen, Gelvin explains why these two states are considered “weak,” why that status is important for understanding the upheavals there, and why outside powers intervened in Libya but not in Yemen. This second edition looks more closely at the situation of individual countries affected by the uprisings. Gelvin compares two cases that defied expectations: Algeria, which experts assumed would experience a major upheaval after Egypt’s, and Syria, which experts failed to foresee. He then looks at the monarchies of Morocco, Jordan, and the Gulf, exploring the commonalities and differences of protest movements in each. Reconsidering the possible historical significance of the uprisings Gelvin explores what this means for the United States and Iran. Has al-Qaeda been strengthened or weakened? What effects have the uprisings had on the Israel-Palestine conflict? What conclusions might we draw from the uprisings so far? What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.

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Books on the topic 'Labor Unrest'

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