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1
Harrison, Sharon Maree. "Belgian labour in Nazi Germany : a social history." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17582.
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The Nazis' deployment of foreigners (Ausländereinsatz) between 1939 and 1945 established one of the largest forced labour programs since the abolition of slavery during the nineteenth century. Foreign civilians from across Europe were deployed in Germany's war economy. Between 350,000 and 400,000 Belgian civilians were deployed in Germany during the Second World War- roughly half of these workers went to Germany voluntarily, but under a degree of pressure due to the Military Administration's economic policies in occupied Belgium. This thesis examines the implementation of the Nazi forced labour program through the analysis of the lives of Belgians who worked in Germany in the period 1940-1945 and by using a variety of original sources, including the records of the German Military Administration in Belgium and German and Belgian labour officials and the accounts of those who lived and worked in Germany. This thesis proposes a social history of the Nazi foreign labour program with a strong focus on the history of everyday life, drawing extensively on records such as letters, diaries, photographs and personal accounts of Belgians who worked in Germany during the Second World War, as well as hospital, police and judicial records. The employment patterns and experiences of Belgians deployed in Germany are examined through detailed case studies of Berlin and Düsseldorf, industrialised cities where Belgians were deployed in significant numbers. The Nazi regime divided Belgium's population along linguistic lines: Belgians were officially subject to differentiated treatment based on whether they were Flemings or Walloons. Examining the treatment of Belgians by the Nazi regime and comparing Nazi racial policies and practice, this thesis emphasises the key role played by local authorities, employers and individual Germans in shaping the experiences of foreign workers. It is argued that an important distinction must be made in relation to the material advantages western European workers enjoyed due to their elevated position in the Nazi racial hierarchy and the benefits individual foreign workers were able to secure by virtue of their employment skills, linguistic skills and greater confidence. The experiences of Belgian workers are also compared and contrasted with those of other national groups and are related to the broader history of foreign labour in Nazi Germany. This study also examines the experiences of Belgian women. While Belgian women represented close to 15 percent of Belgians deployed in Germany, studies of Belgian labour in Germany have largely overlooked their experiences. Utilising the limited available sources, this thesis contributes to an understanding of women's experiences. By focussing on the social history of the Ausländereinsatz and the stories of individual Belgians, this thesis maps the varied experiences of Belgians in Germany during the Second World War, illustrating convergence and divergence from Nazi racial policy and the fundamental role ordinary Germans played. More importantly, however, this thesis shows that Belgian civilian workers were not just passive victims of the German occupation. The decision to go to Germany to work was a personal one for many Belgian volunteers, based on individual circumstances. In difficult economic times and with no end to the war in sight, Belgians sought to navigate the best course for themselves and their families. While conscripts were by definition not free, as western Europeans Belgians were afforded greater rights and legal protections, which ensured they had room for manoeuvre and were able to exercise a significant degree of control over their own destinies.
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Hatzius, Jan. "Migration and the labour market : the case of Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319042.
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Sommer, Wolf Florian. "The reconstruction of labour representation in former East Germany 1989-1992 : a comparative study of two German trade unions." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1406/.
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This thesis examines the strategies applied by two German trade unions after the collapse of the GDR. It looks at the causes of stability and instability of corporatist systems and their institutions and how these maintain membership and organizational coherence. The study explores the reconstruction strategies of two contrasted West German trade unions seeking to maintain their organizational position and to protect the neo-corporatist industrial relations system that secures their survival. Their strategies for the organizational survival of the unions are determined partly by the neo-corporatist industrial relations structure and partly by their different organizational constraints. The first section looks at explanations of how encompassing trade unions in a neo-corporatist system maintain their membership and their organizational coherence. After delineating the various incentives which encompassing trade unions provide to their membership, the study examines the threats posed by the disintegration of the GDR to the provision of union services and thus to their ability to attract members. The effects of the collapse of the GDR could reduce their membership's willingness to define interests in collective terms (i.e. a favourable trade-off between inflation and unemployment). The study then examines the objectives for an intervention by the West German trade unions in the GDR in order to secure neo-corporatism by incorporation of the East German membership within the encompassing body of the West German unions. The second section looks at the main determinants of the reconstruction process which have been the legacy of low trust in former East German industrial relations as well as the FDGB's inadequate efforts which facilitated the intervention by the West German trade unions in the form of incorporation. The third section assesses the motives of two West German trade unions related to the reconstruction strategies of free labour representation in the GDR. Both trade unions followed the strategy of incorporating the East German workforce by narrowing the existing East-West wage gap (contractual exchange) as well as offering solidarity (diffuse exchange). In particular the motive of contractual exchange reveals the unions' desire to maintain stability within the neo-corporatist environment. As the research on corporatism rarely examines the causes of stability of corporatist systems and institutions, this thesis makes a contribution to our understanding of the strategies to maintain corporatist structures. The sudden collapse of the GDR, with its repercussions for the FRG, provides a special opportunity to analyse the strategy of corporatist institutions seeking to maintain stability.
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Lehmann, Hartmut F. "Labour market flows and labour market policies in the British Isles, Poland and Eastern Germany since 1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1345/.
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This thesis utilizes flow analyses of the labour market in order to examine two key issues. First, to asses the effectiveness of active labour market policies in Britain, Ireland and Poland. Secondly, it allows us to characterize and quantify movements between labour market states which have been occurring on an unprecedented scale in economies undergoing transition. Chapters 1 and 2 investigate whether active labour market policies in Britain and Ireland have been instrumental in curing or preventing partial hysteresis due to long-term unemployment. In models of the determination of overall and duration-specific outflow rates from unemployment, the predictive power of active measures variables is tested. Chapter 3 uses the 'lista 500' panel data set to test the hypothesis that after the decentralizing reforms of the early eighties simple models of profit maximization can explain labour adjustment by large Polish enterprises. Chapter 4 traces the build up of unemployment in Poland by characterizing the composition and determinants of flows between various labour market states. Traditional flow analysis is amended by dividing the state employment into the sub-states, private and state sector employment, and by emphasizing the institutional framework unique to the Polish labour market in its first stage of transition. In Chapter 5 a unique panel data set is used to quantify labour market transitions in Eastern Germany in the first year after unification. Multinomial logit regressions are employed to highlight the determinants of the estimated transition rates. The applicability of standard models of labour market transitions to labour markets in transforming economies is also tested. Chapter 6 uses Voivodship-level aggregate panel data to evaluate passive and active labour market policies in Poland which took shape in 1991 and 1992. We also test for the existence of a well behaved matching technology in the Polish labour market. The methodology of Chapters 1 and 2 is modified to account for the panel nature of the data.
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Trampusch, Christine. "Sozialpolitik in Post-Hartz Germany." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4784/.
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The article points to the following causes of German social policy reform, as it has taken shape by the so-called ‘Hartz’-Acts: the self-inflicted financial crisis of the welfare state, the return of party leaders as agenda setters, and the weakening of employers associations and trade unions in this policy field. Through a large, informal coalition, the political parties have responded to various internal conflict constellations.
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Bredehoeft, Janin. "The political economy of academic labour markets: How marketisation policies enforce labour market segmentation in Australia and Germany." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19673.
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The marketisation of higher education has transformed academic labour markets and challenges comparative political economy theory. This thesis explores the tensions between predicted and actual developments of academic labour markets in the liberal Australian and the German corporatist welfare state. It compares the emergence of marketisation policies and their impact on academic labour market developments between 1980-2012 in the two contrasting national higher education systems. The central argument of this thesis is that states develop similar marketisation policies despite clearly different institutional configurations. While these policies are tailored to nationally specific regimes, nevertheless in each case they have triggered the segmentation of academic labour markets into a secure primary and a precarious secondary market. The quantitative evidence shows a growing gap between secure and precarious employment and demonstrates that academic labour markets are more secure in the Australian liberal than in the German coordinated welfare state. This contradicts the premises of comparative political economy and shows that similar marketisation policies, converging processes and outcomes emerge beyond institutional particularities. In accordance with scholars from the new political economy of higher education, this thesis suggests that a combined analysis of macro and micro approaches from the comparative political economy and the sociology of higher education disciplines provide useful means of theorising the changing structures of higher education and academic labour markets.
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Wunsch, Conny. "On the effectiveness and optimal design of labour market policies in Germany." lizenzfrei, 2007. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/www/edis.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/3417.
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Goerne, Rudolf Alexander. "Towards greater personalisation of active labour market policy? : Britain and Germany compared." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6395.
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This PhD study centres on analysing the changing employment service portfolios available to disadvantaged people out of work in Britain and Germany. Looking at the recent wave of comparative studies on ‘activation’ reforms, it springs to mind that the question of the changing portfolio of ‘active’ labour market policy (ALMP) measures has received only little attention in the sense of a rigorous comparative analysis. In order to address that gap, this study develops a novel normative and analytical perspective for the study of ALMP, which then is applied to the empirical cases Britain and Germany. I first develop the concept of personalisation as the normative and analytical framework for the analysis of ALMP. I show that the diversity of ALMP portfolios, which is a precondition for a personalised service provision, can serve as a proxy for measuring personalisation. Equipped with this analytical tool, the analysis subsequently focuses on the changes to ALMP portfolios over the past 15 years in terms of diversity. It is shown that during this period both Britain and Germany reformed working-age benefits in a way that led to a closer integration of the benefit system at an institutional level. Taking the policy rhetoric that closer integration will lead to more ‘personalised’ (UK) or more ‘tailor-made’ (Germany) services as a starting point, I analyse whether these developments at an institutional level have indeed led to a more personalised, or more diverse, provision of employment services. This study looks in particular at the situation of those groups in the two countries who have been most affected by recent integration reforms. These have primarily been claimants of second-tier working-age benefits, namely incapacity related benefits in the UK, and ‘Sozialhilfe’ (SH, social assistance) and ‘Arbeitslosengeld II’ (ALGII, Unemployment Benefit II) in Germany. I find that in both countries, employment services for claimants of these second-tier benefits have become more diverse in the wake of the integration reforms of the past 10 to 15 years, thereby increasing their personalisation potential. However, the two countries have each followed very specific reform trajectories. While the volume and coverage of ALMP have increased in both countries, the portfolio of services for second-tier claimants today is much more diverse in Germany than in Britain. This is primarily due to the existence of a large volume of services directed at claimants more distant from the labour market that follow a social integration & employability approach. These services are more marginal in Britain, where measures that follow a work-first approach are dominant. This divergent development is indicative of major and persistent differences in terms of ideational context as well as institutional (operational) factors. New Public Management reforms have influenced operational policy to different degrees in the two countries, effectively limiting the diversity of employment services in Britain more than in Germany.
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Davaki, Konstantina. "Women in the labour market and the family : policies in Germany and Greece." Thesis, University of Kent, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392578.
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Frege, Carola Maria. "Workplace relations in East Germany after unification : explaining worker participation in trade unions and works councils." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1449/.
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The East German industrial relations system was completely replaced by the transfer of the West German dual system of industrial relations after political Unification in 1990. Works councils emerged, the former socialist trade unions were taken over by their western counterparts, and West German labour law and regulations were implemented. The thesis focuses on the transformation of workplace relations, with special reference to the viewpoint of the workforce. It is argued that this approach, which has been so far neglected in the German literature, is necessary for a full understanding of the transformation processes. The study examines firstly workers' (both union and non-union members) perceptions of organisational changes and management, of their workfellows and their new collective representative machinery (works councils, union). Secondly, it analyses workers' reactions towards the establishment and functioning of the new interest institutions. This is done more specifically with regard to workers' inclination to participate in collective activities. By testing a selection of social psychological theories associated with the willingness to participate (theories of rational choice, of social identity, of frustration- aggression and of micro-mobilization), the core end product should be an understanding of who engages in collective activities in this specific cultural context and why. Furthermore, both dimensions, perceptions and reactions, are used to test the hypotheses of the literature that East German workers are strongly individualistic, instrumental and passive with regard to participation in collective activities; and that the newly established works councils and unions have not been successfully "institutionalised" from the viewpoint of the workforce. The empirical study is based on a case study of a privatised textile company (including qualitative and quantitative methods) and on a questionnaire survey of a sample of members of the textile union in East Germany in more than 50 companies. The main findings are that most workers seemed highly dissatisfied with the changes at their workplaces, had strong them-us feelings toward the management, believed in the value of unions and collectivism, and expressed a considerable willingness to participate in collective activities. The new interest institutions were accepted as being necessary, even though their current work was more critically evaluated. This supports the argument that works councils and union have been successfully "institutionalised" from the workers' perspective. The major result however is that workers were not characterized by a strong individualism in contrast to the widespread hypothesis of the literature. Yet, they were difficult to be classified as pure collectivists or pure individualists because many displayed mixed responses regarding different issues. They were equally difficult to classify as purely instrumental, identity- oriented or otherwise regarding collective activities. Thus, the perceived instrumentality of collective action and institutions, union identity, the perception of collective interests and the attribution of workplace problems all contributed to the prediction of individual participation in collective activities. No single examined theory provided a sufficient explanation on its own and they seemed to offer complementary rather than alternative explanations.
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Mayer, Jochen. "State and spaces of official labour statistics in the Federal Republic of Germany, c.1950-1973." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7957.
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This PhD examines the historical making and interpretation of West-German official labour statistics in the period 1950-1973: how did official statistics come to be inscribed in state and administrative attempts to intervene into the labour market with respect to (un-)employment? Rather than considering statistics as a resource for state action and scientific investigation, this thesis is concerned with statistics as a contested topic comprising different techniques and ideas, styles of reasoning, practices, technologies and institutional contexts. Drawing on archival material from the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, the Federal Labour Office, the Federal Statistical Office, the Organisation for Economic Corporation and Development (OECD), and other sources, the thesis examines debates over the abolition of the federal labour office’s labour statistics 1950–1963, and the establishment of a new statistical infrastructure in the following decade. In bridging work in economic and social history, and the history and geography of official statistics and technology, this thesis shows how debate on the employment files – generated in 1935 and reestablished in 1950 – as the basis of quarterly official statistics was centred on the question of which statistics for which polity. This involved different ‘statistical gazes’ at different scales among labour administrators, bureaucratic officials, and statisticians. In studying the scientific-administrative issues of how and where statistics were produced and made credible, the analysis shows how authoritarian conceptions inscribed onto the files gave way, first, to more economical conceptions of data capturing (i.e. representative samples) and, from the late 1960s, to a statistical infrastructure based on electronic data processing. In examining the different rationalities – statistical-technical and political – the thesis shows how transformations in labour statistics were affected by dynamics between: federal state space and locality; technological dreams of labour administrators and statistical requirements; mathematisation and mechanisation of the statistical discourse; trust and credibility; public critique and legitimacy.
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Mueller, Frank Uwe. "The 'new employee relations' : a comparative study in automobile engine plants in Germany, Britain, Austria and Spain'." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315940.
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Jindra, Björn. "Internationalisation theory and technological accumulation : an investigation of multinational affiliates in East Germany." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2530/.
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This dissertation applies the theory of technology accumulation to explain the internationalisation of foreign and West German multinational enterprises (MNEs) into East Germany. This theory shifts the focus from technology transfer to the international diffusion of innovation within the MNE. It rejects the position that all MNEs offer the same technological opportunities to host economies. Yet, most of the existing empirical research on postcommunist transition economies including East Germany applies the traditional technology transfer perspective. Therefore, this dissertation provides a complementary and novel approach. We assume a dynamic interaction between existing location specific technological capabilities within the host country, MNEs' location choice, their internationalisation of R&D and innovation, and the potential for technological spillover effects from MNEs to the host economy. The dissertation exploits information from the IWH FDI micro database on the full population of MNEs that entered East German manufacturing until 2005 and corresponding survey data. Micro econometric estimation results generate a number of novel findings: We can show that existing location specific technological capabilities affect MNEs' general location choice within East Germany. They are not powerful enough to attract MNEs' technological activities. Instead, the location of MNEs' innovation requires the joint presence of technological and industry specialisation within regions, whereas foreign R&D benefits from technological specialisation in combination with a diversified industry structure. Moreover, the location of technological activity differs depending upon the underlying motive for internationalisation. Our findings suggest that the potential for technological externalities from affiliates to local firms is subject to centrally and locally driven technological heterogeneity of MNEs. Existing location specific technological capabilities do not affect the spillover potential. This hints a limited dynamic interaction of ownership and locational advantages in firms' internationalisation. We derive implications for the technology accumulation theory as well as for various fields of science and technology policy.
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Schöttler, Raphael. "Essays on Germany." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17563.
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Die Arbeit untersucht die Gründe für die geographische Verteilung von Beschäftigung und Bevölkerung in Deutschland seit 1895. Deutschland bietet im Zeitraum 1895-2010 einen geeigneten Rahmen für diese Analyse, da beide Treiber räumlicher Verteilung – wirtschaftliche und politische Kräfte – wesentliche Veränderungen erfuhren. Sowohl die Ausstattung von Regionen mit Ressourcen als auch der Zugang zu Märkten beeinflusst die Verteilung von Industriestandorten. Deutsche Teilung und Wiedervereinigung verändern das langfristige Gleichgewicht von Industriestandorten nicht, der Zugang zu Märkten ist aber ein wichtiger Treiber des Gleichgewichtes, das in der Vorkriegszeit erreicht wurde. Die Spezialisierung von Regionen beschreibt eine U-förmige Entwicklung mit einem Hochpunkt in 1925, während die DDR erheblich spezialisierter als die BRD war. Die ökonometrische Analyse legt nahe, dass die DDR Wirtschaftspolitik Marktkräfte nicht langfristig außer Kraft setzen konnte. Ein neuer Datensatz zu Bodenrichtwerten in vier Bundesländern und 1533 Gemeinden für den Zeitraum 1980-2000 zeigt, dass Landpreiswachstum stark zwischen den Regionen variiert, wobei das Landpreisniveau stark mit Marktzugang korreliert. Städtische Regionen wachsen schneller als der ländliche Raum. Für das Zonenrandgebiet finde ich ein überproportionales Wachstum der Landpreise nach der Wiedervereinigung. Dieses Ergebnis schreibe ich dem Informations- und Erwartungsgehalt von Bodenrichtwerten zu. Landpreise reagieren schneller auf Veränderungen im Marktzugang, da sie langfristig zu erwartende Unternehmens- und Haushaltsumzüge umgehend berücksichtigen. Der Wiedervereinigungseffekt variiert stark zwischen Regionen, wobei kleinere Gemeinden den größten Zugewinn erleben.<br>This dissertation studies the underlying forces for the observed spatial distribution of employment and population in Germany since 1895. Germany in the period 1895-2010 offers a natural setting to empirically test competing explanations. Both determinants of spatial differences - economic and policy forces - received substantial shocks during this period. I find empirical support for both regional endowment and market access forces as determinants of industry location. Division and reunification shocks to market access did not alter the long-run spatial equilibrium of industry location, but they were important drivers in the formation of the pre-WWII equilibrium distribution. I observe a hump-shaped regional specialisation trend peaking around 1925, interrupted by the years of division during which the East became highly specialised. Furthermore, sectoral change occurred with a delay of about 20 years in East Germany. The econometric analysis suggests that policy regimes are unable to override economic forces. Using a new data set on standard land values in four German states and 1,533 boroughs along the inner German border spanning the period 1980-2000 I show that land value growth rates vary greatly across population densities. Urban areas grow faster than smaller regions in the period 1980-2000. Land value levels are highly correlated with market access. I find that land values have risen disproportionately in the former inner German border region. I attribute the finding that land prices react more quickly than population to the information and expectation component of land prices. Land values incorporate expectations about long-run equilibrium adjustments following reunification more swiftly, but firms and households are slower to react due to the costs of relocating. The positive reunification effect does however differ greatly across regions. I find that rural boroughs reap a larger share of the positive reunification gains.
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Semmelroggen, Jan. "A critical discourse analysis of the policy formation process of the 2009 action programme on skilled labour migration in Germany." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/9910.
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This thesis analyzes the political discourse on skilled labour migration in Germany between 2005 and 2009 and investigates how and why skilled labour migration polices are negotiated in the Federal Republic of Germany. In particular the thesis highlights the significance of underlying policy maker motives within the policy formation process of Germany s 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration as well as their ultimate imprint on the legislation. The critical discourse analysis of parliamentary debate in Germany between 2005 and 2009 in conjunction with interviews with relevant national policy makers, institutional actors, labour market stakeholder, and independent policy advisors reveals that there is a significant discrepancy between policy maker intent in regards to skilled labour migration legislation and the stated intent of the 2009 Action Programme. While the stated aim of the Action Programme is to facilitate and promote skilled labour migration to Germany, the analysis of relevant political debate and the stakeholder interviews reveals that German policy makers are primarily motivated to protect and promote preferential labour market access for domestic workers while at the same time restricting undesired labour migration to Germany. As a result, the policy measures of the 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration have a strong protectionist and restrictionist emphasis. Moreover, the thesis reveals that the complex and multilayered power-negotiations over skilled labour migration legislation between the various policy makers, institutional actors, and labour market stakeholders are largely shaped and framed by domestic political considerations. Notwithstanding the widely acknowledged global competition over skilled workers and the need for German labour market to maintain competitive within the global economy, immigration policy makers in Germany are primarily motivated by factors that are firmly embedded within the national political sphere and that aim to control, limit, and restrict territorial access of foreign workers into the national labour market. This in turn highlights the need for migration scholars to reposition and re-conceptualize the role of the nation-state and as an active agent in shaping international labour migration flows.
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Zulauf, Monika. "The occupational integration of female European Union migrants in Britain, Germany and Spain : a case study of the nursing and banking professions." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338997.
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Neumann, Michael [Verfasser]. "Labour Market Responses to Social Security Contributions and Social Benefits : Empirical Evidence from Germany / Michael Neumann." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1119803942/34.
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Yang, Qiuyu. "Decomposition of wage gap between matched natives and refugees in Germany." Thesis, Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-54632.
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Prolonged and new regional violent conflicts have resulted in the displacement of residents in several countries. The thesis focuses on the people who arrived and applied for asylum in Germany between 2013 and 2016. Aimed to analyse their labour market integration in Germany, the thesis uses micro-data from Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) to decompose the wage gap between refugee workers and native workers in 2018. Coarsened exact matching (CEM) is used to match the characteristics of native workers with refugee workers. Five sets are generated at four different matching levels of covariates. It is found that total wage gap reaches the greatest value in the unmatched set. As the two groups' characteristics getting more and more similar, explained wage gap gradually shrinks until it becomes statistically insignificant. However, discriminatory wage gap exists in all sets and cannot be wiped out even if the characteristics get similar. CEM helps to reduce the heterogeneity between the two groups and provides a more balanced dataset and a non-overestimated labour market discrimination value.
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Tsobanoglou, Georgios Odysseus Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. "The political sociology of a labour reserve: post-war northern Greece and the Federal Republic of Germany." Ottawa, 1991.
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Von, der Wense Olrik. "Freedom of association and union security arrangements in the republic of South Africa and the Federal Republic of Germany." University of the Western Cape, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7906.
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Magister Legum - LLM<br>In the history of labour relations, trade unions have played a major role in protecting the rights of employees and improving their working conditions. They have defended their members against exploitation by employers. They have promoted the establishment of labour
legislation, which in some countries is quite comprehensive. They represent the interests of employees in the collective bargaining process. Albertyn describes trade unions as"institutions which advance democracy, co-operation, peaceful resolution of disputes and nonviolent
negotiation (and which) are intrinsically worth preserving and protecting".' It is selfevident that a trade union needs strength to achieve these purposes. However, trade unions areweakened by the fact that it is not only union members who enjoy the benefits of their
achievements, since non-members do the same and some employees thus try to avoid the burdens of trade union membership. It is therefore understandable that trade unions attempt to decrease the numbers of these so-called "free riders". Besides the pressure that can be brought
to bear by fellow employees in the workplace, union security arrangements, such as the closed shop or the agency shop, represent another traditional method of strengthening trade unions. The free rider problem, however, is only one of many arguments used in the debate by those who support the establishment of closed shops.
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Sitkin, Lea Marike. "Punishing the poor again? : irregularity, the 'criminalisation of migration' and precarious labour markets in the UK and Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fc43b8df-08c9-459d-affd-37465b160f56.
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The increasingly punitive nature of immigration control across the Western world and the overrepresentation of foreign nationals in European prisons has revitalised criminological interest in issues of migration. Alessandro De Giorgi (2010: 153) and others contend that restrictive, 'illegalising' immigration admission policies and 'hyper-criminalising' immigration controls create a population of migrant workers on European territory, whose legal precarity makes them ideal fodder for employment in post-Fordist neoliberal labour markets. This thesis refines the neoliberal-materialist analysis of immigration policy, as described most succinctly by De Giorgi (2010), through a comparative case study of the UK and Germany. To this end, it explores the various economic, political and cultural factors that have driven the development of a punitive regulation of immigration in the two countries and compares immigration control practices. It also examines the ways in which immigration status siphons immigrants into precarious work and how this process occurs differently in the UK and Germany. An underlying concern is to examine the extent to which differences in the underlying labour markets of the two countries, as described in Hall and Soskice's (2001) Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) typology, structure differences in the processes outlined in the neoliberal-materialist analysis. While the development of immigration controls is motivated by a wide variety of factors outside of the labour market, the fact that motivating factors are largely shared among countries of the same VoC type suggests some relationship with the underlying economic structure. In addition, the thesis argues that foreigners are vulnerable to specific forms of workplace exploitation and social marginalisation in 'coordinated' Germany because of factors associated with the VoC – a finding that also has important connotations for understanding the more intense overrepresentation of foreign nationals in German prisons. At the same time, it highlights the importance of other cultural and social factors, unique to each country, in the politics of immigration. The final section reverses the previous line of the enquiry by examining whether immigration 'neoliberalises' industrial relations in Germany. It finds that immigration's effects depend, to a significant extent, on the degree to which foreigners are constructed as precarious workers through state policy. In turn, immigration policy's wider effects on the labour market suggest native workers might also have an interest in preventing the precaritisation of their immigrant counterparts. Finally, immigration status may become less and less important in understanding the exploitation of workers in Europe, as citizenship is associated with fewer rights.
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Sipos, Szilvia. "Discrimination of migrant and refugee women on the labour market in Germanyand Hungary." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-177550.
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Gelder, Ilse Ulrike. "Working for women? : family day care providers' social and economic experience in England and Germany." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1731.
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Family day care providers operate at the interface of the private and the public. They are self-employed and work at home, yet their 'suitability' to provide childcare is scrutinised by officials and rules and regulations operating on different levels which can restrict their business opportunities. Family day care takes place in a particular cultural context concerning ideas of childrearing and against the backdrop of other childcare and educational provision. The focus of the thesis is the family day care provider, one of the members in the childcare triangle of child, parents and childcare worker. Previous research was mainly interested in the quality of childcare provided and parents' satisfaction. Here working conditions, such as hours worked, workload, income are examined, as are career prospects. Who are the women who become family day care providers and how do they see their future? The daily routines of family day care providers are examined and possible detenninants investigated. However, perceived needs of children may differ from demands arising out of parents' reason for using this kind of childcare service. Family day care providers accounts are examined in order to identify the various aspects of childcare arrangements and how to develop relationships that promote successful arrangements. Since family day care takes place in the home other family members are part of the setting and are affected by their mother's or wife's work. At the same time their contribution to the work of a family day care provider has to be included in the investigation ofthe working conditions. The comparison of family day care providers living in two different locations, four local authorities in the Northeast of England and one town in the Northeast of Germany allows the influence of family and childcare policies and the impact of cultural perceptions of good childrearing practices to be traced. A combination of quantitative and qualitative methods was employed. Apart from new insights into the actual working conditions of family day care providers, a better understanding of the intended and unintended effects of policies regulating family day care has been gained. The findings contribute to the debate on paid and unpaid work, and paid and unpaid care, as well as to the debate over equal opportunities, showing a more complicated relationship than just a gendered division.
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Tang, Chen Yu. "A comparative study of division of household labour across family life stages in Sweden, Germany, and the United States." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5524.
Full textAbstract:
I examine the effects of two life stages --- the preschool stage (defined as having preschool
children in the house) and the school-age stage (defined as having school-age children in the
house) --- on the division of household labour in Sweden (N = 480), Germany (N = 689), and the
United States (N = 465), using the 2002 International Social Survey Programme. I also examine
time availability, relative resource, and gender ideology as the mediating factors in the
relationship between life stages and the division of household labour. Initial analysis finds no
variation in spouses’ relative frequency of housework participation when examined by the
presence of children of either age group. Post-hoc analysis via separate examination of men’s
and women’s reported housework hours finds stability in men’s number of hours of housework
regardless of life stages across the three countries but variation in Swedish and U.S. women’s
housework time across life stages and between countries. The results suggest that women spend
more time in housework than men, regardless of life stages and country differences. However,
while men’s time spent in housework is unaffected by the presence of preschool or school-age
children, women’s time spent in housework may increase depending on the presence of children
of these two age groups as well as the type of welfare regime of the country they live in. Neither
in the initial nor in the post-hoc analysis are any of the proposed mediation effects established.
Nonetheless, time, resource and gender ideology are shown to have differing predictive power on
the division of household labour within and across countries.
25
Connor-Elinav, Oshrat. "An Exploratory Study of Stress, Emotional Labour and coping of Hotel Employees in the UK, the Netherlands and Germany." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516435.
Full textAbstract:
This study is an investigation of the impact of coping resources and strategies on the relationship between emotional labour (herein EL) and strain outcomes for employees in the hotel industry in the UK, the Netherlands, and the former East Germany. A mixed-methods research design was incorporated. Results are based on 79 in-depth interviews with employees from hotels in the investigated countries, and 124 questionnaires (36% response rate). The questionnaires utilised the Visual Analogue Scale (herein VAS), a graphic statistical measure not commonly used in management research, in addition to the commonly used Likert-scales. The utility of the VAS is discussed. Findings corroborate unmeasured claims that hotel employees suffer high stress, but show that they are also highly motivated by their jobs. The specific sources of stress for the industry are identified. No differences in stressors or motivators were found across national cultures and this is discussed. An important contribution of this research was in establishing that EL is identified by participants as an independent source of stress in the context of other workplace . stressors. Employees reported they are under persistent high demand to perform emotional management. EL was assessed in the context of workplace stressors and motivators. Demands for emotional regulation were significant predictors of strain, and mediated the relationship between the stressor 'work conditions' and strain. EL also reversed the effect of a job-motivator to a source of stress. Distinct differences were found between 'Front' and 'Back' facing roles, and by hierarchical positions, in perceived experience of EL. Thus, partial support was given to Hochschild's (1983) claim that frequent and prolonged customer interaction determined consequences of EL. However, after controlling for customer contact, deep acting was the best predictor of general stress, suggesting that a simple classification of 'EL-jobs' or 'no EL- jobs' is not adequate when measuring the relationship between EL and stress. Finding support existing literature regarding the adverse effects of performing emotion regulation, but do not substantiate potential positive effects of EL. Another significant contribution was the investigation of the impact coping has on the relationship between EL and strain. Important differences were identified between national cultures in the availability of coping resources and structures. Possible reasons are discussed, including cultural differences in approaches to social support, locus of control, perceived financial and job stability, and national-characteristic based on Hofstede's (1980) dimensions. Implications for international organisations are suggested. The interaction between individual coping styles and EL has not been investigated previously. Coping strategies were found to moderate the EL-strain relationship. As expected task oriented coping was found more adaptive at reducing strain caused by EL demands. Findings from both qualitative and quantitative stages are integrated and are demonstrated to act in a similar manner as suggested in Cote's (2005) Social Interaction Model. Based on these findings recommendations for the employer are suggested.
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Ozkul, Kusoglu Sacide Derya. "Transformation of Diasporas from a Labour Movement towards a Transnational Religious Movement: The Alevi Diaspora in Germany and Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15939.
Full textAbstract:
This is a study about how destination countries affect the community formation and development of Alevis—a particular group from Turkey. Although there is a great amount of research on the effects of immigration on receiving countries, less consideration has been given to how the approach towards immigrants adopted by receiving states impacts on migrants’ cultural and religious practices as well as their diasporic community formation. Moreover, existing research essentialises diasporas as homogenous groups merely on the basis of common attachment to their homelands. The literature has not only ignored internal differences related to ethnicity, religion or class, but has also conceptualised them as static entities. Diasporas, however—like any other social group—can change over time and continue their activities under different frameworks. This is also true of existing Alevi studies: most explore the question of ‘why the Alevi movement emerged’ but none adopts a dynamic perspective to investigate changes within the movement. By incorporating diaspora mobilisation literature with social movement theories, this thesis specifically explores the question: ‘How did the Alevi diaspora emerge and change over time in different contexts?’. It examines the cases of Germany and Australia, two countries with very different historical traditions towards migrants, from a multi-scalar perspective that considers the shifting transnational and national ‘political opportunity structures’. It focuses on the period between the 1960s (when Turkey signed its first bilateral migration agreements) and 2013. The fieldwork for this study was carried out in both countries between 2012 and 2013, and the data collection methods were policy analysis, archival research, participant observation and semistructured in-depth interviews with 70 Alevi participants. The results show that Alevis who were initially part of the labour movement in the 1960s and 1970s in both Germany and Australia started organising around a newly emerging secular cultural identity movement in the 1980s and 1990s, and around an institutionalised religious/faith-based movement in the 2000s. In Germany, activists ultimately managed to obtain public recognition of Alevism from the German state as a unique religion separate from Islam. In Australia, despite the fact that religious institutions were not promoted in the same way, a similar pattern evolved at the federation level. Activists in both places sought to manage the dispersed Alevi ix population under new and integrative models (such as national federations, supranational institutions and global initiatives) and positioned Alevism largely as a unique faith system in its own right. Overall, these findings suggest that even if national ‘political opportunity structures’ develop in various ways in different countries, a diaspora movement can follow a largely similar path over time due to overarching transnational forces (such as, in this case, the construction of Muslims as a threat to national security in both Germany and Australia and the rise of Islamist politics in Turkey). In Australia, however, the two major organisations disagreed about the definition of Alevism. While the main organisation in Melbourne claimed Alevism as a unique faith system, its counterpart in Sydney sustained the view that Alevism was the true essence of Islam. Hence the case study in Australia suggests that, despite working in the same national political opportunity structures, local-level movements may follow very different routes. Moreover, in both countries, ‘framing contests’ among activists and community members resulted from personal conflicts and differences in political and geographical background, which further illustrates the complexities inherent in a social movement.
27
Evans, Robert Lindsay. "A comparative study of trade union education for workplace representatives in Germany and Great Britain with specific reference to the provision by I.G. Medien for works councillors and M.S.F. for shop stewards." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367660.
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Goritz, Leif. "The ideological orientation and policy formulation of organised labour during a period of societal transition : a comparison of South Africa and Germany." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53642.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This project attempts to assess critically the 'dualistic' role of Organised Labour
within the complexities of societal transition processes. As observed by Bendix
(1976/2000), the Industrial Relations System, and Organised Labour within it, is a
generator for societal and political change.
At present, the German union federation Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB and
the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) do not only hold
prominent positions in their respective collective bargaining systems, but also a
considerable amount of political power. In both societies, strict labour legislation
and strong social-democratic or even communist factions prevent government
from adopting more liberal and flexible labour laws.
In this paper, the historical and the present role of Organised Labour in its wider
societal, context has been critically examined within the framework of the
EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE approach (Willy Bendix, 1979) and the TRADE
UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979).
Both, the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model and the TRADE UNION
POLICY MATRIX have been applied to place the Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund
(DGB) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) into their own
societal perspectives in order to establish their role and policy in the societal
transition process of their respective countries.
In this respect, great similarities between problems, developments and policy
formation have been found. Also that, albeit with a historical 'time lag', COSATU
appears to follow the structural developments of its German counterpart, the DGB.
Perhaps the most salient observation and conclusion is that, while the adaptation
of the trade union movement in Germany within this country's societal, industrial transition phases, and particularly in the period of the reunification of East and
West Germany, entailing the integration of a communist-socialist system into a
social market economy and parliamentary democracy, was of a relatively realistic
nature and resulted in a high degree of co operation between the social partners
at the highest level leading to 'post modern unionism', South Africa, in its present
industrial transition phase, has still to contend with strongly ideologically driven
'fighting unions'.
This might hamper an effective economic policy formulation by the government.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is 'n evaluasie van die 'tweeledige' rol van die
arbeidsbeweging binne die kompleksiteit van 'n sosiale oorgangsproses. Soos
deur Bendix (1996/2000) beweer, is die nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel met arbeid
as hoofakteur daarbinne as 'n dryfkrag, die katalisator vir sosiale en politiese
verandering.
Die vakbondfederasies Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) end die Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU) speel tans nie net prominente rolle in hulle
individuele nywerheidsverhoudingsstrukture nie, maar het ook sterk magsbasise in
hulle sosiale konteks. In albei samelewings verhinder streng progressiewe
arbeidswetgewing en oorweldigende sosiaal-demokratiese, of selfs
kommunistiese faksies die regering daarvan om meer liberale en buigbare
arbeidswetgewing in te stel.
In hierdie skrif word die geskiedkundige en huidige rolle van georganiseerde
arbeid ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE
Benadering (Willy Bendix, 1979) asook die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX
(Willy Bendix, 1979).
Albei, die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model en die TRADE UNION POLICY
MATRIX is toegepas om die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) en die
CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS (COSATU) in hulle
samelewingskompleksiteit te plaas om hulle rolle en beleid in hulle eie lande te
bepaal. In hierdie proses van ondersoek is 'n groot ooreenstemming tussen hulle
ontwikkelinge en posisies gevind, en ook dat, alhoewel met 'n historiese 'time lag',
COSATU die pad van strukturele ontwikkelings van sy eweknie in Duitsland, die
Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), volg.
Miskien die mees belangrikste bevinding en gevolgtrekking is dat, terwyl die
aanpassing van die Duitse vakbondbeweging binne die land sy industriele
oorgangsfase, en besonders in die periode van die herenigingsproses van Oos en Wes Duitsland, en dus die inlywing van 'n sosialistiese sisteem in 'n sosiale
markekonomie en sosiale demokrasie op 'n relatiewe, realistiese basis
bewerkstellig was, wat in 'n hoe mate van samewerking tussen die sosiale venote
op die hoogste vlak bewerkstellig het, wat na die stadium van 'post modern
unionism' voer, Suid Afrika in sy teenwoordige industriele oorgangsfase nog
steeds aan die probleem van sterk ideologies gedrewe 'fighting unions' bloot
gestel is, wat 'n effektiewe proses van ekonomiese beleidsformulering mag
benadeel.
29
Lane, Thomas. "Victims of Stalin and Hitler: the exodus of Poles and Balts to Britain." Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2930.
Full textAbstract:
No<br>Germany in 1945 was crammed with millions of people displaced by war, deportation, Nazi slave labour, and flight before the advance of the Red Army. Many of them, including Poles and the Baltic peoples of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, refused to return to their communist-controlled homelands. Simultaneously in Italy, the Middle East and Britain, there were more than 100,000 Polish military personnel under British command, along with their dependants. Most of these were survivors of the one and a half million Poles deported to Siberia by the Soviet security police. Based on official documents and the words of the survivors and their children, this book describes the brutal uprooting of these people, their subsequent terrible experiences in the Soviet and Nazi forced labour camps and prisons, and their ultimate settlement in Britain. Here the newcomers created communities, integrated into British life while attempting to preserve their cultures and identities, and experienced how ethnic minorities relate to the host society.
'This book is a fascinating history of the Polish and Baltic communities who arrived in the United Kingdom shortly after the Second World War. The author relies on interviews with elderly members of these communities and on documents from the Public Record Office. It was perhaps the last opportunity to obtain these important oral histories and Lane is the first British researcher to do so.' - International Affairs
'Its originality lies in the author's ability to weave personal stories into the otherwise dry facts concerning population movements. In this respect, the book becomes an inspiring social history.'
30
Sponagel, Moritz. "An overview of the development of the German and UK labour dispute resolution systems and assessment of their respective strengths and weaknesses." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50572.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In many countries in the world today, Labour Courts have developed as an integral
part of the law system arising from the need to afford labour disputes specialised
adjudication, independent from the ordinary civil courts.
This study presents a comparison of the German Labour Court System and the British
Employment Tribunal System, representing the Continental Law System and the
Common Law System respectively.
In comparing the German Labour Courts and the British Employment Tribunals, the
study highlights the special qualities of labour law and why labour disputes are
treated differently from other legal disputes. It demonstrates that both systems have
attempted to achieve the handling of labour disputes in different ways and
proceedings. Similarly, the study reveals that both systems have their pros, cons and
limitations and that no system can guarantee an optimal way to achieve a "better"
justice. Nonetheless, the study attempts to show that each system can learn from the
other's strengths and weaknesses by being open and reasonable to criticism.
Another important objective of this study is to determine whether Labour Courts and
Employment Tribunals should be maintained as a separate part of the law system or
whether to merge them into the ordinary civil courts as some critics feel that such
courts and tribunals create added expenses to governments. Furthermore, the study
explores other dispute resolution mechanisms that if encouraged, provide additional
benefit to labour issues in teoday's complex business environment.
As a whole, the study proves that the German Labour Courts and British Employment
Tribunals are a quicker, cheaper and better way of achieving justice, preferable to the
civil litigation system. It is therefore concluded that such courts and tribunals should
be maintained because of their significant successes so far. Furthermore, it is
suggested that labour dispute resolution can be further developed through the
increased use of mechanisms such as conciliation, negotiation and mediation in the
management of organizations today.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In baie lande van die wereld vandag, het gespesialiseerde arbeids tribunale ontwikkel
as 'n integrale deel van die regsisteem as gevolg van die behoefte om arbeidsdispute
te onderwerp aan gespesialiseerde beregting, onafhanklik van gewone siviele howe.
Hierdie studie behels 'n vergelyking van die Duitse Arbiedshofsisteem en die Britse
"Employment Tribunal" sisteem, wat die kontinentale regsisteem en 'n
gemeenregtelike regsisteem respektiewelik verteenwoordig.
Deur die Duitse Arbeidshowe en die Britse "Employment Tribunals" te vergelyk,
beklemtoon hierdie studie die spesiale eienskappe van arbeidsreg en waarom
arbeidsdispute anders as andere regsdispute hanteer word. Dit demonstreer dat beide
sisteme probeer het om die hantering van arbeidsdispute op verskillende maniere en
deur middel van verskillende prosesse te bereik. Terselfdertyd, wys die studie dat
beide sisteme hulle voordele, nadele en tekortkomings het, en dat nie een sisteem 'n
optimale manier het om "beter" geregtigheid tussen werkgewer en werknemer te laat
geskied nie. Nietemin, probeer die studie wys dat elke sisteem kan leer van die ander
se sterktepunte en tekortkominge.
'n Verdere belangrike doel van hierdie studie is om te bepaal of die Duitse
Arbeidshowe en Britse "Employment Tribunals" as aparte deel van die regsisteem
behoort te voortbestaan, of hulle saamgesmelt moet word met die gewone siviele
howe, want sekere kritici voel dat sulke howe en tribunale addisionele koste vir
owerhede meebring. Verder ondersoek die studie ander dispuutoplossings
meganismes, wat, indien dit bevorder sou word, dalk addisionele voordele in
vandag se komplekse besigheidsomgewing kan meebring.
In geheel toon hierdie studie dat die Duitse Arbeidshowe en Britse "Employment
Tribunals" 'n vinniger, goedkoper en beter manier bied om geregtigheid te bereik en
verkies word bo die siviele litigasie sisteem. Die gevolgtrekking is dat sulke howe en
tribunale behou moet word as gevolg van hulle sukses tot dusver. Verder word dit
voorgestel dat arbeidsgeskilbeslegting verder ontwikkel kan word deur groter gebruik
te maak van meganismes soos konsiliase, onderhandeling en mediasie in
organisasies.
31
Deimer, Klaus. "Niedriglohn und soziale Sicherung." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4785/.
Full textAbstract:
In the need to reform the German labour market, the so-called ‚Hartz IV’- Act cut down subsidies for unemployed people in order to increase the pressure for searching for a new job. By law, low-paid jobs shall be introduced. However, even if this creates employment, there will be a future problem: pensions for these people will dramatically drop below the poverty line. The author argues that, in order to avoid such ‘poverty-traps’, an alternative social support system should be considered: a ‘tax transfer system’ with lowered income tax, yet complete reduction of legal exceptions on the one hand, and transfer systems combined with work incentives on the other hand.
32
Okolie, C. D. "Study of the legislation, institutional processes and practical application of arrangements for the provision of information for collective bargaining in the UK, and the Federal Republic of Germany : and of its possible development in the context of the p." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306832.
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MATAJ, IRA. "GEOGRAPHICAL MOBILITY AND OCCUPATIONAL OUTCOMES IN WESTERN EUROPE. A COMPARISON BETWEEN ITALY, UK AND GERMANY." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/889925.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of my research is to study internal geographical mobility and its association with social mobility in a comparative perspective for selected countries in Europe, namely Italy, UK and Germany using longitudinal data. The first part of my thesis focuses on the selection process that takes place in the movements of the population. What are the characteristics of individuals who move? How are they different from the non-movers in terms of education, social origin, civil status? The second part will analyze how geographic mobility affects labour market outcomes. Are individuals who move more likely to have an upward occupational mobility? Since geographic mobility affects men and women differently, a dedicated section will focus on gender differences in these trajectories. To test the research hypothesis I use random-effect and fixed-effect probability models with panel data. The results show differences between the countries in term of selection processes and social mobility. The empirical results also confirm that women gain less from migration in terms of occupational outcomes compared to men.
34
Heinrich, Steffen [Verfasser], and Uwe [Akademischer Betreuer] Wagschal. "Patterns of dualisation : coordinated capitalism and the politics of flexible labour markets in Germany and Japan, 1990-2010 / Steffen Heinrich ; Betreuer: Uwe Wagschal." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1177810670/34.
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Ottou, Estelle. "German labour market outcomes of cohorts of immigrants over time : A forecast of the employment of recent cohorts based on earlier newcomers." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-88914.
Full textAbstract:
It has been noticed that throughout the years, immigrant’s skills, knowledge, and experience have declined. In fact, researchers have noticed the presence of cohort effects, where there are differences in quality and skills across the immigrants. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel and through an out-of-sample forecast of the employment of recent cohorts based on how earlier newcomers performed, I can confirm that, over time, immigrants see their probability of being employed decrease. For instance, employment decreased from 99% for immigrants that arrived in Germany in 2010 to 92% for those that came in 2015. The linear probability model also highlights that not only human capital influences directly employment levels of immigrants. Undeniably, the region of origin and the immigrants’ duration of residence in Germany also impact the likelihood of finding a paid job. Therefore, cohort effects cannot only be justified by the fact that newly arrived immigrants are very different from those who arrived some years ago.
36
Fassauer, Gabriele. "Messages on "Resistance to change" in German change management approaches: Working Paper presented at the 29th International Labour Process Conference April 2011, University of Leeds." Technische Universität Dresden, 2011. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A28720.
Full textAbstract:
"Resistance to change" is one of the most important topics of change management in organizations. The paper investigates the analytical framing of „resistance“ and the „resistant employee“ in established German literature on change management. The analysis reveals three main messages referring the characteristics of resistance and the resistant change recipient. These are 1) that resistance is a „natural“, nearly inevitable phenomenon in organizational change processes, 2) that every behavior of employees in change processes is potentially resistant and thus often „false faced“, and 3) that resistance often is based on „irrational" and "emotional” motives. From a critical standpoint, this appears as a rather problematic understanding of (employee) agency and resistance. The result once more point to the overdue reconceptualization of "resistance to change" within the change management discipline and raise general questions referring to the high popularity of the analyzed segment of literature.
37
Sinsuwan, Woramon. "Thai Marriage Migrants in Germany and Their Employment Dilemma after the Residence Act of 2005." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18769.
Full textAbstract:
Seit ungefähr den 1960er Jahren migrieren Thailänder nach Deutschland, und es ist statistisch belegt, dass die Feminisierung der thailändischen Migration bis heute anhält (Bundesamt für Statistik, 2016). Frauen machen 87 Prozent aller in Deutschland lebenden Thailänder und Thailänderinnen aus. 94 Prozent aller Ehen mit thailändischer Beteiligung in Deutschland bestehen zwischen thailändischen Frauen und deutschen oder ausländischen Männern, während in nur 6 Prozent der Fälle thailändische Männer mit deutschen oder ausländischen Frauen verheiratet sind. Im Jahr 2005 waren 58.784 thailändische Staatsangehörige in Deutschland gemeldet, aber nur 43 Prozent davon waren nach dem deutschen Gesetz als „erwerbstätig“ registriert. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht das Beschäftigungsdilemma thailändischer Heiratsmigranten seit dem Inkrafttreten des neuen Aufenthaltsgesetzes im Jahr 2005. Zunächst beleuchtet sie die zugrundeliegenden Probleme, wegen derer die thailändische Heiratsmigranten ihr Potential als Vollzeit-Arbeitskräfte nicht ausschöpfen können, und erklärt, warum sich hochqualifizierte thailändische Heiratsmigranten nicht voll in den deutschen Arbeitsmarkt integrieren können. Dann untersucht sie die thailändische Diaspora und den Transnationalismus thailändischer Heiratsmigranten in Deutschland, und schließlich versucht sie, anhand Pierre Bourdieus Theorie von Kapital, Habitus und sozialem Raum die Berufsentscheidungen thailändischer Heiratsmigranten im deutschen Umfeld zu erklären. Qualitative Interviews, welche zwischen 2016 und 2017 durchgeführt worden sind, stellen mit 38 Informanten und einem quantitativen Fragebogen, der von 125 Befragten ausgefüllt wurde, bislang eine der umfangreichsten Forschungen über thailändische Ehemigranten in Deutschland dar.<br>Thais started to migrate to Germany around the 1960s, and it is statistically evident that the feminisation of Thai migration through marriage to Germans has continued to the present day (Federal Statistics Office of Germany, 2016). Women account for almost 87 percent of all Thais in Germany. Marriages of Thai women to German or foreign husbands account for 94 percent of marriages in Germany involving Thai nationals, compared to only six percent of Thai men married to German or foreign wives. In 2005, the total number of Thais in Germany was 58,784; however, only 43 percent of Thais were registered as “labour” under the German employment system. This paper investigates the employment dilemma of Thai marriage migrants after implementation of the new Residence Act of 2005. First, it sheds light on the underlying problems that hinder Thai marriage migrants’ potential as full-time labourers and provides better understanding of why highly-educated Thai marriage migrants cannot fully integrate into the German labour market. Second, it examines the Thai diaspora and explores the present-day trans-nationalism of Thai marriage migrants in Germany. Finally, it applies Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical concept of capital, habitus and social space to better understand Thai marriage migrants’ career choices in the German milieu. Qualitative interviews with 38 informants and a quantitative questionnaire filled out by 125 additional respondents were conducted between 2016 and 2017, providing one of the most comprehensive researches on Thai marriage migrants in Germany to date.
38
Hartmann, Jörg [Verfasser], Karin [Akademischer Betreuer] Kurz, Steffen [Gutachter] Kühnel, and Frank [Gutachter] Kalter. "Assimilation Over the Life Course? : Early Labour Market Careers of Second-Generation Turks in Germany / Jörg Hartmann. Betreuer: Karin Kurz. Gutachter: Steffen Kühnel ; Frank Kalter." Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1102535982/34.
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Denis, Mathieu. "Labor in the collapse of the GDR and reunification." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16406.
Full textAbstract:
Waren die Arbeitnehmer bei den Ereignissen 1989/90 in Deutschland involviert? Die meisten Untersuchungen über die Revolution und die darauffolgende Vereinigung Deutschlands verneinen dies; die vorliegende Untersuchung behauptet aber das Gegenteil. Durch die Kontextualisierung der Dynamiken in der ost- und westdeutschen Arbeitnehmerschaft schafft sie ein neues Bild von vermeintlich bekannten Ereignissen. Die Studie untersucht die unterschiedlichen Wege auf denen die ost- und westdeutsche Arbeitnehmerschaft zu entscheidenden Akteuren 1989-1990 wurden. Zunächst stellt sie die Beteiligung der ostdeutschen Arbeitnehmer an der Revolution heraus, durch das Aufdecken von vielfältigen Überschneidungen der Entwicklungen in den Betrieben und auf der Strasse. Dynamiken innerhalb der Arbeitnehmerschaft, so zeigt die Studie, waren ein Kernbestandteil der politischen Prozesse, welche das Ende der DDR markierte. Darauffolgenden konzentriert sich die Analyse auf die Politik von vier Westdeutschen Gewerkschaften (Metall, Chemie, Medien und Öffentlicher Dienst) und ihres Dachverband (DGB) und deckt die Einrichtung eines Krisenmanagement der ostdeutschen Wirtschaftreformen, zwischen der Westdeutschen Regierung, Arbeitgebern und Gewerkschaften auf. Bereits im Februar 1990 gegründet, führte dieses formelle und informelle Abkommen zur Erhaltung der existierenden Westdeutschen Institutionen, Normen und Akteure der sozialen Systeme und industriellen Beziehungen im vereinten Deutschland. Die Kehrseite dieser institutionellen Erweiterung war die schnelle Etablierung der Gewerkschaftsstrukturen in Ostdeutschland, der letzte Aspekt, welcher in der Arbeit analysiert wird. Die schnelle Verbreitung der DGB Gewerkschaften und der Arbeitgeberverbänden war eine organisierte „tour de force“. Die Kosten für die Gewerkschaften waren die Unterwerfung der ostdeutschen Gewerkschaftsaktivisten unter die „neuen“ Gewerkschaften und die Abkehr vom Kern der programmatischen Forderungen zu Hause.<br>Was labour involved in the events of 1989-1990 in Germany? Most studies of the East German revolution and the subsequent unification of Germany say no. This study argues in the opposite direction and by contextualizing the dynamics of East and West German labour offers a new picture of supposedly well-known events. The study explores the different ways in which East and West German labour became crucial actors in 1989-1990. It first enlightens the participation of East German workers to the revolution, by revealing the multifaceted overlapping of developments in the shop floors and the streets. Dynamics within labour, the work shows, were a core constituent of the political processes that marked GDR''s end. The analysis then focuses on the politics of four West German unions (metal, chemistry, media, and public service) and of their federation (DGB) and unearths the setting up of a tripartite crisis management of the East German economic reforms, between the West German government, employers and unions. Set up as early as February 1990, this formal and informal agreement led to the adjunction of the "social" dimension to the Monetary, Economic and Social Union of May 1990, i.e. the preservation of the existing West German institutions, norms and actors of the social systems and industrial relations in unified Germany. The two collective bargaining partners became in charge of keeping social tension to a minimum during the economic reforms, through the tools of collective bargaining. The flipside of this institutional extension was the rapid setting up of trade unions structures in eastern Germany, a last aspect analyzed in this work. The rapid extension of the DGB unions and employers associations was an organizational "tour de force." But it came with a cost for the trade unions: the subjection of East German union activists in the "new" unions, and the renunciation to core programmatic claims at home.
40
Pocher, Eva. "Does immigration lead to a reduction of native wages and employment? : a review of the regional labour market outcomes of migration in Germany and the UK." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2011. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=167827.
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In this thesis the regional effects of immigration onto native wages and employment in the United Kingdom and in Germany were examined. Using the regional survey data of the British QLFS from 1993-2009, the estimation results confirmed that foreign workers and British are imperfect substitutes. Natives and immigrants with middle education are found to have the highest elasticity of substitution. Unsurprisingly, the largest percentage of foreign population has been found to be in England. In the analysed time of 1993 until 2009, only middle educated British experienced negative earnings and employment effects caused by immigration. Taking the wage and employment impacts for natives of all three skill groups in the four British countries and the UK itself into account, it can be seen that the positive wage effects were numerically larger than the negative employment changes. Applying the individual data of the German SOEP from 1984-2007 (from 1994 including data about East Germany), imperfect substitution between regional Germans and foreigners were determined. Examining several regions of West Germany (North- West and Middle-South-West) in the time frame of 1994-2007, it could be seen that natives with low and middle education gained in their wages but lost in their employment to immigrants of similar education. However, highly skilled German P a g e | 2 citizens were confronted with a wage loss but higher employment. The analysis of the effect of immigration on native wages and employment in East Germany led to interesting results. Low, middle and highly educated East German natives experienced either a minimal wage increase or no wage change. Considering the employment in East Germany, low educated natives saw a small rise in their employment. However, no change could be found in the employment of middle and highly skilled workers in East Germany.
41
Theodoropoulou, Sotiria. "The political economy of unemployment, labour market institutions and macroeconomic policies in open economies : the cases of Germany and the Netherlands in the 1980s and 1990s." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/191/.
Full textAbstract:
The question that this thesis addresses is how western European countries with regulated labour markets managed to reduce their unemployment rates in the 1980s and 1990s. Most of the accounts in mainstream economics literature have been trying to explain this turnaround in performance in terms of labour market reforms that were undertaken in the direction of deregulation and by stressing potential interactions between such reforms in labour market policies, backing their claims with econometric evidence that is usually not robust. This thesis takes a different approach both theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, it develops the hypothesis that in open economies, coordinated collective wage bargaining can lead to moderate wage/price outcomes in the presence of conservative/stability oriented macroeconomic policies even in the presence of generous labour market protection policies. Moreover, in countries with regulated labour markets, the effectiveness of moderate bargaining outcomes and labour market reforms in combating unemployment will depend on the size and openness of the economy: the smaller and more open an economy is, the more effective moderate bargaining outcomes and labour market reforms will be in reducing the equilibrium rate of unemployment. This hypothesis is an alternative to the ‘deregulation thesis’ rather than a competing one. This hypothesis is explored and further qualified in this thesis through qualitative comparative analysis-QCA with fuzzy-sets and the detailed study of the cases of the Netherlands and Germany in the 1980s and the 1990s. The upshot of the analysis of this thesis is that the effects of labour market policies and institutions on labour market performance should be considered within the context of macro-level institutions (e.g. macroeconomic policies) and characteristics (e.g. openness to trade) if we want to accurately assess the need to reform them.
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Schrauf, Marcus H. "An examination of the evolution of the industrial relations systems in Germany and South Africa with special reference to the functionality of Chapter V of the South African Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53261.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After decades of its struggle against the apartheid policy and system, and after the
victory in the first democratic elections in 1994, the pre-1994 co operation within the
alliance of the African National Congress (ANC), the Congress of South African
Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) created
the framework of reference for the legal infrastructure of a new Industrial Re[ations
([R) system in which trade unions, employers and government would act together in
a spirit of tripartism. The legal infrastructure of the new IR system was thus aligned
with the new politica[ dispensation and in compliance with the new Constitution (200
of 1993) with its overarching aim as the correction of the imbalances of the past by
ensuring both, a climate supportive of growth and the pursuit of social equity for all
South Africans.
However, in the wake of the 1994 elections, more and more ideo[ogical differences
have arisen within the Alliance, also fostered by South Africa's unequal income
distribution, the [ow life expectancy, the [ow literacy rates, high infant mortality, one of
the highest H[V/Aids infection rates among the black population and its strong
investor - unfriendly climate, all affecting effective policy making. [n particular, the
ANC's 'shift to the right' with its Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR)
strategy for macroeconomic development is alienating it from its alliance partners.
Nevertheless, a new package of labour legislation was structured around the core of
the individual contract of employment, resting in common law, with the Basic
Condition of Employment Act (75 of 1997) setting minimum standards, and the new
Labour Relations Act (66 of 1997) providing the framework for a collective
bargaining system.
The new Labour Relations Act integrates co operation in the [R system by enabling
trade unions and employers to establish and regulate formally their relationships for
the purpose of collective bargaining and creating machineries for the resolution of
disputes of interest on the one side, and an employee - employer relationship based
on rights vested in the parties in an enterprise, domestic context on the other. Provisions for a certain form of codetermination by, and participation of workers in
the taking of decisions by management on the shop floor are legally entrenched in
Chapter V - Workplace Forums - of the Labour Relations Act.
Chapter V of the Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995) stipulates the requirements for
the establishment of a Workplace Forum and defines and regulates its functions. If
the definition and structure of such a Workplace Forum as contained in the
respective schedule of the Act are compared with the German
Betriebsverfassungsgesetz of 1952 and 1972, numerous similarities can be
observed, and a quasi - adoption and incorporation of the German act as a blueprint
for Chapter Vof the South African act can be assumed.
However, whereas in Germany co-determination and the 8etriebsvedassungsgesetz
of 1952 and 1972 have evolved naturally over the years, workers participation in
South Africa through a Workplace Forum appears to be a mere legal creation,
conceived on the drawing board for the new legislation, without any particular
tradition and an effective place in the IR system.
Additionally, questions raised in connection with its constitutionality leaves the quasiimported
provisions of Chapter V in a doubtful light.
I n analogy to the German Verfassungsklage of 1976 against the then new
Mitbestimmungsgesetz, the focus of this study falls on a hypothetical test whether
the provisions of Chapter V would be in accord with the new South African
Constitution (200 of 1993), and also the constitution of their 'importing country',
namely Germany.
Several grey areas exist in which the Constitutional Courts of both countries would
most probably have to declare some provisions as unconstitutional, the most
important one being that, since the establishment of a Workplace Forum is linked
only to the initiative of an existing representative union, the Freedom of Association
of the individual is impaired.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na dekades van weerstand teen die sisteem van die apartheidsbeleid, en na die
oorwinning in die eerste, demokratiese verkiesing van 1994, het die samewerking
binne die alliansie van die African National Congress (ANC), die Congress of South
African Trade Unions (COSATU) en die South African Communist Party (SACP) die
raamwerk vir die struktuur van 'n nuwe Nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel waarbinne
vakbonde, werkgewers en die regering in 'n gees van tripartisme kan saamwerk, die
lig laat sien. Die regtelike infrastruktuur van die nuwe nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel
was dus met die nuwe politiese sisteem in ooreenstemming en ook voldoende aan
die vereistes van die nuwe Konstitusie (200 van 1993). Die alomvattende doel van
die Konstitusie was om die sosiale wanbalans van die verlede te korrigeer en 'n
klimaat te skep wat ekonomiese groei en die strewe na sosiale gelykheid vir alle
Suid-Afrikaaners moontlik sal maak.
In die tydperk na die verkiesing het egter meer en meer ideologiese verskille binne
die Alliansie ontstaan, ook veroorsaak deur Suid Afrika se ongelyke
inkomsteverdeling, 'n lae lewensverwagting, 'n lae vlak van lettervaardighede, 'n hoe
graad van kindersterflikheid, een van die hoogste Vigs statistieke vir die swart
bevolking en 'n onvriendelike klimaat vir buitelandse investering wat all die
effektiewe beleidsskepping beinvloed. Besonders die ANC se 'verskuiwing na regs'
met sy Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategie vir
makroekonomiese ontwikkeling vervreemd die organisasie van sy bondgenote.
Dit nieteenstande het 'n nuwe pakket van arbeidswetgewing ontstaan. Die kern van
die pakket is die individuele kontrak van indiensneming wat in die algemene reg
veranker is, maar wat deur die Wet op Basiese Diensvoorwaardes (75 van 1997) met
'n getal van minimum standaarde en vereistes gemodifiseer word, met die Wet op
Arbeidsverhouding (66 van 1995) wat vakbonde en werkgewers met 'n raamwerk vir
die proses van kollektiewe bedinging voorsien.
Die nuwe Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge maak voorsiening vir die samewerking tussen
vakbonde en werkgewers om hulle verhouding vir die doel van onderhandelinge te formaliseer en ook meganisme vir die beslegting van belangedispute, en ook
regsdispute wat uit die regte van die partye in die direkte werksplek vloei.
Voorsiening vir 'n sisteem van werkersdeelname en medebestemming in die
besluitneming van bestuur word in Hoofstuk V - Werkplekforums - van die Wet op
Arbeidsverhoudinge gemaak.
Hoofstuk V van die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge bepaal die vereistes, reguleer die
stigting en defineer die funksies van 'n Werkplekforum. As 'n vergelyking van die
definisies vir, en die struktuur van so 'n Werkplekforum soos voorgeskryf in die
skedule vir Hoofstuk V met die Duitse Betriebsverfassungsgesetz van 1952 en 1972
gemaak word, kan daar baie ooreenstemming met die wet gevind word. Dit Iyk ook
dat baie komponente van die Duitse wet oorgeneem en as 'n bloudruk vir Hoofstuk V
gebruik en daarin geintegreer is.
In analogie met die Duitse Verfassungsklage van 1976 teen die destydse nuwe
Mitbestimmungsgesetz val die klem in die studie op 'n hipotetiese toets of die
voorwaardes van Hoofstuk V met die vereistes van die nuwe Suid Afrikaanse
Konstitusie (200 van 1993) voldoen, en ook die van die konstitusie van hulle
'importeeringsland', naamlik Duitsland.
Daar bestaan sekere grys areas in Hoofstuk V waarin die konstitusionele howe van
altwee lande hoogswaarskynlik sommige voorwaardes as botsend met hulle
onderskeidelike konstitusies sou vind.
Die mees belangrikste daarvan is die voorwaardes dat, aangesien 'n Werkplekforum
net deur 'n verteenwoordigende vakbond mag gestig word, die Verenigingsvreiheid
van die individu aangetas word.
43
Regenhardt, Hans-Otto. "Arbeitsforschung in Deutschland im 20. Jahrhundert - zwischen Kapital und Arbeit, Volk und Klasse." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/21183.
Full textAbstract:
Die Dissertation untersucht in nationaler Perspektive am Beispiel Deutschlands im 20. Jahrhundert Voraussetzungen und Entwicklungen einer Verwissenschaftlichung der industriellen Arbeit. Gefragt wird nach Zusammenhängen zwischen politischen Systembrüchen und Arbeitsforschung von der Weimarer Republik, über das NS-Regime, zur Deutschen Demokratischen Republik und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bis 1990. Es werden personelle und institutionelle Brüche und Kontinuitäten untersucht und in einem Exkurs mit der Arbeitsforschung in der Schweiz verglichen. Erörtert wird die Frage, in welchem Maße sich die Arbeitsforschung in Deutschland in einer permanenten „Dilemma-Situation“ befand - zwischen Kapital und Arbeit, Volk und Klasse, Wissenschaft und Politik, Führung und Freiheit, Leistung und Ausbeutung, männlicher Dominanz und weiblicher Chancensuche. Inwieweit kann von ideologischer und politischer Instrumentalisierung der Arbeitsforschung oder auch von gewollter Bereitstellung ihrer Ressourcen für die jeweils politisch Herrschenden gesprochen werden?<br>Using the example of Germany in the 20th century, the doctoral thesis examines the conditions and developments in the scientification of industrial labour from a national perspective. Questions are asked about the connections between political system discontinuities and labour research from the Weimar Republic, through the Nazi regime, to the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany until 1990. Personal and institutional breaks and continuities are examined and compared in an excursus with labour research in Switzerland. The question discussed is to which extent labour research in Germany was in a permanent "dilemma situation" - between capital and labour, people and class, science and politics, leadership and freedom, performance and exploitation, male dominance and female search for opportunities. To what extent can one speak of ideological and political instrumentalization of labour research or also of the deliberate provision of its resources for the respective political rulers?
44
Kranert, Michael. "Text and context in the discourses of the Third Way in Germany and the United Kingdom : a comparative study of the language of 'New Labour' and 'Die Neue Mitte'." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://researchrepository.napier.ac.uk/Output/402527.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis undertakes a comparison of the discursive strategies of New Labour and the German SPD at the turn of the twenty-first century, when both parties engaged in a discourse of the Third Way in order to win over ‘the middle ground of the electorate'.Approaching the two discourses with an interdisciplinary set of analytical tools from linguistic discourse analysis (keyword analysis, metaphor analysis, argumentation analysis, genre analysis) and political science (political culture, comparative politics, morphology of ideologies), I demonstrate the similarities and differences between these discourses at a structural level. Germany and the UK differ widely in their political cultures and institutions as well as in their traditions of political discourse, and I analyse how far these differences manifest themselves in the linguistic strategies employed by the German SPD and the British Labour Party in order to change their ideological identity in the 1990s and early 2000s. In order to describe and compare central features of the discourse of the Third Way in Germany and the UK, the analysis begins at the crossing point of the two discourses: a policy paper that became known as the Schröder-Blair paper. The analysis is then enriched by evaluating three key publications by leading proponents of a Third Way (Giddens (1998) The Third Way, Mandelson and Liddle (1996) The Blair Revolution, Hombach (1998) Aufbruch). The second step focuses on two central party-political text types, ‘party conference speeches' and ‘election manifestos', to demonstrate how they differ in German and English, and which central features of the Third-Way discourse Labour and the SPD employ in these texts to convince the party members and the electorate of their new political orientation. The analysis of the election manifestos also adds a diachronic element, as it contains a corpus-assisted analysis of the election manifestos of Labour and the SPD between 1987 and 2002.
45
Pautz, Hartwig. "Think-tanks and public policy in the UK and Germany : a case study of the development of social policy discourses of the Labour Party and SPD between 1992 and 2005." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494330.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyses the relationship between the activities of think-tanks and the development of, firstly, party-programmatic discourses of the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and, secondly, their welfare and labour market policies as parties of government. It addresses the years between 1992 and 2005 during which both parties underwent a programmatic revision resulting in the adaptation of "Third Way" Social Democracy which served as the leitmotif for comprehensive policy reform in both countries. Description and analysis of the interaction of the various policy field stakeholders establish what exactly it is that a number of specific think-tanks did, whether what they did was policy-relevant, and if and how the country-specific political system influenced the modus operandi of think-tanks. The study employs a multilevel perspective which considers the macro-level of the socio-economic structures, the meso-level of the practice of the policy process and the micro-level of individual agency. Adopting a neo-Gramscian approach to the study of think-tanks as civil society actors active in the (re)production of discursive hegemony, the policy network concept of Maarten Hajer's discourse coalition is enlisted as a further tool to understand what the role of think-tanks is in the policy process. The research does not attempt to establish causal relationships between think-tank activity and policy outcomes but seeks to establish congruence between what thinktanks did and policy outcomes. The focused comparison of two similar countries helps to discern why think-tanks were more successful in some instances while not in others. This study contributes to the literature on the relationship between (social) science, policy and politics. It addressesa number of gaps in the literature: policy advice for political parties in general and for Labour and SPD during the specified time span in particular have not been adequately explored.
46
Trampusch, Christine. "Arbeitsmarktpolitik, Gewerkschaften und Arbeitgeber." Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B23A-7.
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Giessner, Sophie Muriel [Verfasser], Werner [Akademischer Betreuer] Widuckel, and Lutz [Gutachter] Bellmann. "What are the factors influencing retirement in the Federal Republic of Germany? An empirical analysis of the motivational causes of the early exit of white- and blue-collar workers from the German labour force / Sophie Muriel Giessner ; Gutachter: Lutz Bellmann ; Betreuer: Werner Widuckel." Erlangen : Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (FAU), 2018. http://d-nb.info/1177368730/34.
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Fehmel, Thilo. "Weder Staat noch Markt." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-208387.
Full textAbstract:
Ziel des Beitrags ist es, den Blick auf einen Trend sozialstaatlichen Umbaus lenken: die Vertariflichung sozialer Sicherung. Darunter versteht der Verfasser die zunehmende Überantwortung der Wohlfahrtsproduktion an die kollektiven Akteure des Systems der industriellen Beziehungen, also an eine Aushandlungs- und Gestaltungsebene, die sich durch ihre Eigengesetzlichkeiten von
Sozialstaatlichkeit ebenso deutlich unterscheidet wie vom Handeln
individueller Akteure auf Wohlfahrtsmärkten. Die Beteiligung der
Tarifpartner an der Wohlfahrtsproduktion ist für sich genommen nichts
Neues. Neu ist, dass die von Tarif- und Betriebsakteuren ausgehandelten Elemente sozialer Sicherung vermehrt substitutiv statt
komplementär zu sozialstaatlichen Leistungen fungieren sollen. Einleitend beleuchtet der Autor das Verhältnis von Tarifsystem und
staatlicher Sozialpolitik; dabei zeichne ich historische Prozesse der
funktionalen Differenzierung beider Systeme ebenso nach wie deren in
jüngerer Zeit zu beobachtende partielle Entdifferenzierung (1). Diese
Richtungsumkehr wird ausführlicher an zwei sozialpolitisch relevanten
Bereichen sichtbar gemacht: an der Gestaltung des Rentenübergangs und an der betrieblichen Altersvorsorge (2). Dann werden die Folgen der Entdifferenzierungsprozesse für die Akteure im System der Industriellen Beziehungen diskutiert (3) und Überlegungen zu den
daraus resultierenden wahrscheinlichen Konsequenzen für den Staat
angestellt (4). Der Beitrag schließt mit einem Ausblick und mit dem
Versuch, die Vertariflichung sozialer Sicherung mit den anderen, oben
genannten Entwicklungen in Beziehung zu setzen (5). (ICB2)
49
Henneke, Stefanie [Verfasser]. "How can governments communicate labour market reforms successfully? : A theoretical and empirical approach to good reform communication by a case study of Germany with comparative references to the United Kingdom / Stefanie Henneke." Aachen : Shaker, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1071529838/34.
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Merkerová, Zdeňka. "Uplatnění Čechů na německém trhu práce." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-196547.
Full textAbstract:
The present diploma thesis Finding employment of Czech people at the German labour market consists of two parts. The first deals with free movement of labour in the EU, working migration and approving of professional qualification. The second analyses the possibilities and conditions of enforcing of Czech people to the German labour market before and after 1. 5. 2011. It focuses on statistics of Czech people working in Germany, analyses the barriers restraining Czech people from enforcing to the German labour market and its consequences for both countries.