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Academic literature on the topic 'Labour imperialism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

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Journal articles on the topic "Labour imperialism"

1

Rood, Daniel. "Herman Merivale’s black legend: rethinking the intellectual history of free trade imperialism." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002493.

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Focusses on the lectures and theories of economist and colonial bureaucrat Herman Merivale on the imperial transition of British colonialism from slave labour to free labour, and toward free trade, in 1839. Author specifically shows how Merivale propagated the free trade imperialism of the reformed British Empire by using the "Black Legend" way of thinking, i.e. criticizing Spanish colonialism, to caricaturize the second British Empire, and thus justify imperial policy reforms. Author elaborates on this Black Legend tradition, going back to writings of Las Casas, and how it served as justification for "better" imperialisms of other colonial powers than Spain, and how Merivale's views followed this tradition. He shows how Merivale as part of this criticized the mismanagement, slavery, brutality, mercantilism, and the concentration of power and wealth in Cuba and other Spanish colonies, as negative examples contrasted to the British approach. Author points out, however, how Merivale's views were in part paradoxical and ambiguous, as he favoured a social hierarchy and an imperial authoritarianism limiting free labour.

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Rood, Daniel. "Herman Merivale’s black legend: rethinking the intellectual history of free trade imperialism." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002493.

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Focusses on the lectures and theories of economist and colonial bureaucrat Herman Merivale on the imperial transition of British colonialism from slave labour to free labour, and toward free trade, in 1839. Author specifically shows how Merivale propagated the free trade imperialism of the reformed British Empire by using the "Black Legend" way of thinking, i.e. criticizing Spanish colonialism, to caricaturize the second British Empire, and thus justify imperial policy reforms. Author elaborates on this Black Legend tradition, going back to writings of Las Casas, and how it served as justification for "better" imperialisms of other colonial powers than Spain, and how Merivale's views followed this tradition. He shows how Merivale as part of this criticized the mismanagement, slavery, brutality, mercantilism, and the concentration of power and wealth in Cuba and other Spanish colonies, as negative examples contrasted to the British approach. Author points out, however, how Merivale's views were in part paradoxical and ambiguous, as he favoured a social hierarchy and an imperial authoritarianism limiting free labour.

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Farooqui, Amar, and Partha Sarathi Gupta. "Imperialism and the British Labour Movement, 1914-1964." Social Scientist 32, no. 1/2 (January 2004): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518330.

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Basu, Nirban. "Imperialism and the British Labour Movement (1914–64)." Indian Historical Review 33, no. 2 (July 2006): 240–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360603300224.

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Kerswell, Timothy, and Surendra Pratap. "Labour imperialism in India: The case of SEWA." Geoforum 85 (October 2017): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.07.001.

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Dixon, Keith. "New Labour, New Imperialism? Blairite Foreign Policy since 1997." Revue LISA / LISA e-journal, Vol. V - n°3 (September 1, 2007): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lisa.1486.

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Heyningen, Elizabeth. "Imperialism, labour and the new woman: olive schreiner's social theory." Women's History Review 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020400200749.

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Taylor, Peter J. "Thesis on labour imperialism: How communist China used capitalist globalization to create the last great modern imperialism." Political Geography 30, no. 4 (May 2011): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.04.006.

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JAHN, BEATE. "Barbarian thoughts: imperialism in the philosophy of John Stuart Mill." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 599–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006650.

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Mill's political and his international theory rest on a philosophy of history drawn in turn from the experience of nineteenth century imperialism. And yet, this philosophy of history remains unexamined in Political Theory and International Relations (IR) alike, largely because of the peculiar division of labour between the two disciplines. In this article I will argue that this omission results not just in a misconception of those aspects of Mill's thought with which Political Theory and IR directly engage; in addition, and more seriously, it has led in both disciplines to an unreflected perpetuation of Mill's justification of imperialism.

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Paul, Kathleen. "“British Subjects” and “British Stock”: Labour's Postwar Imperialism." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386075.

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If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labour imperialism"

1

Sweeney, Sean. "Labour imperialism or democratic internationalism? : U.S. trade unions and the conflict in El Salvador and Nicaragua, 1981-1989." Thesis, University of Bath, 1990. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317349.

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Curless, Gareth Michael. "Economic development, labour policy, and trade unions in the Sudan, 1898-1958." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/10861.

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Like many other African colonies, the Sudan experienced a period of sustained industrial unrest during the late 1940s. The Workers’ Affairs Association (WAA), the representative body for Sudanese railway workers, led a two year campaign of strikes during 1947 and 1948. The escalating labour unrest provoked considerable unease among British officials in the Sudan Government. Not only was there a fear that the strikes might escalate into broader anti-colonial protest but the sustained campaign of industrial unrest also caused significant disruption to the economy. During the strikes the export of cotton - the Sudan Government’s principal source of revenue - was delayed and the movement of other essential goods was severely restricted. The thesis argues that the economic dislocation caused by the strikes, which coincided with growing concerns about rising anti-colonial nationalism and imperial decline, meant that labour discipline among key sector workers was the primary objective for the late colonial state. Although the protests in the Sudan were part of the broader strike wave that was sweeping through the African continent in the late 1940s, it has largely been excluded from the historiography of this period – primarily because of the Sudan’s unique status as a ‘Condominium’ of Britain and Egypt. Through an analysis of the Sudan Government’s labour policy, the thesis challenges this notion of exceptionality, demonstrating that the British officials of the Sudan Political Service (SPS) were animated by similar concerns and motivations to their counterparts elsewhere in colonial Africa. With this in mind, the thesis aims to address two broad research objectives. Firstly, to examine the causes of the industrial unrest: investigating the relationship between the structure of the economy, social organisation, and post-war economic conditions. Secondly, to analyse the Sudan Government’s response to the labour protests, documenting how immediate economic concerns, combined with post-war ideas relating to industrial relations management and social welfare, shaped colonial labour policy.

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Foster, Ian Thomas. "Anglican Evangelicalism and politics, 1895-1906." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272583.

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Baker, Jennifer. "Like a Virgil: Georgic Ontologies of Agrarian Work in Canadian Literature." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39179.

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In this dissertation, I argue that two dominant perspectives on farming in Canada—the technoscientific capitalist perspective on modern industrial farming and the popular vision of hard-won survival on the family farm—both draw on narrative and aesthetic strategies that have deep roots in distinct, but related variations of the georgic tradition, which arrived in Canada in the eighteenth century and continues to shape literary representations and material practices today. Critics of Canadian literature have tended to subsume the georgic under the category of pastoral, but I argue that the georgic is a separate and more useful category for understanding the complex myths and realities of agricultural production in Canada precisely because it is a literary genre that focuses on the labour of farming and because it constitutes a complex and multi-generic discourse which both promotes and enables critique of dominant agricultural practices. I argue that, despite its sublimation beneath the pastoral, the georgic mode has also been an important cultural nexus in Canadian literature and culture, and that it constitutes a set of conventions that have become so commonplace in writing that deals with agricultural labour and its related issues in Canada that they have come to seem both inevitable and natural within the Canadian cultural tradition, even if they have not been explicitly named as georgic. By analyzing a variety of texts such as Oliver Goldmith’s The Rising Village, Isabella Valancy Crawford’s Malcolm’s Katie, Susanna Moodie’s Roughing It in the Bush, Frederick Philip Grove’s Settlers of the Marsh, Martha Ostenso’s Wild Geese, Al Purdy’s In Search of Owen Roblin, Robert Kroetsch’s “The Ledger,” Christian Bok’s Xenotext, Rita Wong’s Forage, and Phil Hall’s Amanuensis, I recontextualize Canadian writing that deals with agrarian work within two distinct but related georgic traditions. As Raymond Williams and others have shown, the georgic’s inclusion of both pastoralizing myths and material realities makes it useful for exploring ecological questions. The georgic is often understood in terms of what Karen O’Brien has called the imperial georgic mode, which involves a technocratic, imperialist, capitalist approach to agriculture, and which helped theorize and justify imperial expansion and the technological domination of nature. But as ecocritics like David Fairer, Margaret Ronda, and Kevin Goodman have argued, the georgic’s concern with the contingency and precariousness of human relationships with nonhuman systems also made it a productive site for imagining alternatives to imperial ways of organizing social and ecological relations. Ronda calls this more ecologically-focused and adaptable georgic the disenchanted georgic, but I call it the precarious georgic because of the way it enables engagement with what Anna Tsing calls precarity. Precarity, as Tsing explains, describes life without the promise of mastery or stability, which is a condition that leaves us in a state of being radically dependent on other beings for survival. “The challenge for thinking with precarity,” she writes, “is to understand the ways projects for making scalability have transformed landscape and society, while seeing also where scalability fails—and where nonscalable ecological and economic relations erupt” (42). By tracing the interplay between imperial and precarious georgic modes in Canadian texts that have mistakenly been read as pastoral—from Moodie’s settler georgic to the queer gothic georgic of Ostenso’s Wild Geese to the provisional and object-oriented georgics of Robert Kroetsch and Phil Hall—I argue that the precarious georgic strain has always engaged in this process of thinking with precarity, and that it holds the potential for providing space to re-imagine our ecological relations.

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Lilja, Fredrik. "The Golden Fleece of the Cape : Capitalist expansion and labour relations in the periphery of transnational wool production, c. 1860–1950." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-193053.

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This thesis is about the organisation, character and change of labour relations in expanding capitalist wool farming in the Cape between 1860 and 1950. It is an attempt to analyse labour in wool farming within a transnational framework, based on an expansion of capital from core to periphery of the capitalist world-economy. Wool farming in peripheries like the Cape was part of capitalist production through the link to primarily the British textile industry. This relationship enabled wool farmers to invest in their farms in sheep, fences and windmills. They thereby became agents of capital expansion in the world-economy, which was a prerequisite for a capitalist expansion. Although wool production in the Cape was initially an imperial division of labour, that relation changed during the twentieth century as Britain’s leading role as textile producer was challenged by other capitalist core countries. Capitalism as a transnational production system, based on commodity chains from periphery to core, became the most crucial structure for wool farmers in the Cape, who could increase their exports. The thesis also shows that the pre-capitalist generational division of labour among black peasants, through which farmers acquired labour, especially shepherds, was both discarded and intensified. Shepherding was intensified along with fencing during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century due to threat from jackals and lack of sufficient water supplies. Those farmers who invested in technology in the form of jackal-proof fences and windmills managed to change production from herding to rotational grazing in camps, which meant that shepherds were replaced by camp walkers, who controlled fences instead of sheep. Those farmers who did not invest were forced to exploit the pre-capitalist relations more intensively and hire shepherds in order to be able to produce and sell wool to textile manufacturers in capitalist core areas. As the young adult males disappeared from farms to the mines, the role of children and youths as shepherds became increasingly important. By the 1940s almost all the shepherds were children or youths, but they were about to be made redundant, as the number of shepherds decreased during the 1930s and 1940s.

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Griffiths, Philip Gavin, and phil@philgriffiths id au. "The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2007. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20080101.181655.

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This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured coloured labour. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing free institutions, such as parliamentary democracy. ¶ These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling classto narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.

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Owen, Nicholas. "The confusions of an imperialist inheritance : the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284270.

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Suwandi, Intan. "Back to Production: Labor-Value Commodity Chains and the Imperialist World Economy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22713.

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Despite the complexities and decentralization that characterize global supply chains in today’s world economy, imperialist relations of exchange continue to prevail, due to the fact that the differences between wages of North and South is greater than the difference of their productivities. This dissertation examines the global exploitation of labor that mostly occurs in the global South, as a form of such imperialist relations, particularly under the domination of multinational firms emanating primarily from the core of the system. I start by laying out the theoretical and empirical groundwork for the labor-value commodity chains framework that puts labor, along with the question of control and class, at the center of its formulation. By incorporating a calculation of cross-national variation in unit labor costs in manufacturing—a measurement that combines labor productivity with wage costs in a manner closely related to Marx’s theory of exploitation—the labor-value chains framework is a means to operationalize exploitation within the framework of the labor theory of value. Findings show that the global organization of labor-value chains is a means to extract surplus value through the exploitation of workers in the global South, where not only are wages low, but productivity is also high. I then show the concrete processes of how global North capital, personified in multinational corporations, captures value from the global South by applying systemic rationalization and flexible systems as mechanisms to exert control over their dependent suppliers in labor-value commodity chains. The burden of such mechanisms is borne by the workers —the direct producers of commodities—employed by these dependent suppliers. Case studies of two Indonesian companies that supply to multinationals are presented to illustrate these phenomena at the point of production. This observation further suggests that labor-value commodity chains are a form of unequal exchange and thus reveal the imperialistic characteristics of the world economy. This dissertation includes both previously published and coauthored materials.
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Avelar, Gilmar Alves de. "Nas franjas do imperialismo a inserção do sudeste goiano na economia mundo: desenvolvimento e subordinação." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2011. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/7589.

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This research approaches capitalist development in the Southeast region of Goiás State. It`s know that this region underwent deep transformations since 1970`s. The first wave came with phosphate and niobium mining industry. After this, there were three more capitalist waves, agriculture modernization in the 1980`s, neoliberal policies in the 1990`s together with automaker industry and a new dam construction. All these processes aggravated the contraditions and increased class struggle in Catalão city.Here the main focus is Goiandira city. For this reason, several factors which contributed to the formation of this space are taken into consideration. Goiandira is a small town with five thousands inhabitants, located 14 km far from Catalão. Over the time its relation with Catalão has become more intensified and conflicts with the city are surfacing more and more.The production of space in Goiandira started with a railroad construction in 1911. From that moment on land workers found jobs in the town. The railroad construction created the possibility to build a new village. In this context, not only the church appeared with its rigid views controlling the life of the people, but also the idea of socialism and the fight against exploitation came as well.This town emancipated from Catalão in 1931. During a long time due to its workers the railroad left a lasting feature in the town. Despite being small Goiandira was a railroad connection/hub place and had a important amount of commodities circulation.In 1978, the railsroads tracks and train station were removed from downtown area, afterwards passengers transportation came to an end in the 1980`s and later train services were privatized resulting in workers lay off. This process brought important changes to the town landscape. Today, Goiandira is an enormous laboratory providing workforce to capitalism in Catalão with hundreds of people on the road night and day. Policy makers in Goiandira are getting ready to take advantage of the closeness with Catalão and also little by little segregation is growing in Goiandira. Thus, this study argues that Goiandira has taken part in the capitalist economy, but always being subjected.
Esta pesquisa aborda o desenvolvimento do capitalismo no Sudeste Goiano. Sabe-se que esta região passa por profundas transformações desde a década de 70. Primeiro com a indústria da mineração do fosfato e do nióbio, aprofundando as mudanças com a modernização da agricultura nos anos de 1980 e a penetração no curso do modelo neoliberal de desenvolvimento da década de 90 com a chegada das montadoras e a indústria barrageira. Tudo isso agrava as contradições e intensifica as lutas de classe no município de Catalão. O foco mais específico da análise centra-se no município de Goiandira, levando em consideração os diversos fatores que contribuíram para a formação deste espaço e suas transformações mais recentes. Goiandira, uma pequena cidade de pouco mais de cinco mil habitantes, localiza-se a 14 quilômetros de Catalão e a cada dia intensifica suas relações e seus conflitos com esta cidade. A produção do espaço goiandirense começa a se formar desde que inicia a construção da ferrovia no ano de 1911, momento em que trabalhadores do campo passam a ter também tarefa de construir a cidade. A construção da ferrovia possibilita a construção da cidade e a põe de imediato em relação com o mundo. Nessa relação é que chega a Igreja e seu rígido controle da vida das pessoas, mas também chega a ideia do socialismo e da luta contra a exploração. A cidade emancipa-se de Catalão em 1931. Durante muito tempo a ferrovia construída pelo conjunto de trabalhadores aqui presente, marcou a característica da cidade. Goiandira, embora pequena, pelo fato de ser entroncamento ferroviário tinha expressiva importância pelo volume de mercadorias em circulação. A retirada dos trilhos e da Estação do centro da cidade em 1978 e o fim dos transportes de passageiros na década de 80 conjuminados com a privatização dos serviços ferroviários e demissão dos trabalhadores mudam de forma significativa o horizonte da cidade. Goiandira é hoje, um enorme laboratório de mão de obra para o capital instalado em Catalão, com centenas deles viajando dioturnamente. Aos poucos os gestores de Goiandira vão se preparando para aproveitar das vantagens da proximidade com Catalão e também aos poucos encontrando no espaço rastros da segregação espacial. Assim defende-se a tese de que Goiandira por sucessivas vezes insere-se na economia capitalista, mas sempre de forma subordinada.

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Weaver, Brendan J. M. "Para beneficiar la plata: labor, role, and status in a silver refinery during the First century of spanish imperialism in the town of Porco." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113639.

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Before the Spanish conquest, the town of Porco, in the Department of Potosí in modern-day Bolivia, was the site of one of the most important Inca mining projects. During the viceregal period it became the focus of the first Spanish silver mining operations of the in the Andes. This region offers an excellent opportunity for historical archeology to ask questions about the relationship between the states that organized such mining projects and the workers who exploited the ore. Such an undertaking grants us a better understanding of the dynamics that had a profound impact on the origins of the modern Andean economy. This article presents ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence in order to discuss the organization of colonial labor categories, and the development of the changing social roles and status of skilled workers associated with the south-central Andean mining industry. In doing so, I trace the regional transitions in labor from the Inca to Spanish empires. Excavations at the colonial site of Ferro Ingenio, a silver refinery in the San Juan Valley, southwest of the village of Porco, shed new light on labor in the first century of Spanish colonialism and how skilled indigenous workers negotiated their positions within colonial society.
Antes de la conquista española, el pueblo de Porco, en el departamento de Potosí, Bolivia, fue uno de los asientos mineros más importante de los incas. Durante el virreinato, fue el foco de las primeras operaciones de minería de plata española en los Andes. Esta región ofrece una excelente oportunidad para que la arqueología histórica plantee preguntas acerca de la relación entre los estados que organizaban dichos proyectos mineros y los trabajadores que explotaban el mineral, que nos ayuden a entender esa dinámica que tuvo un profundo impacto en los orígenes de la economía andina moderna. Este artículo presenta evidencia arqueológica y etnohistórica para examinar la organización de ciertas categorías laborales coloniales, y el desarrollo de los papeles y posiciones sociales de trabajadores asociados a la industria minera andina sur-central para trazar la transición de la mano de obra en la región del imperio de los incas al de los españoles. Las excavaciones en el sitio colonial de Ferro Ingenio, una refinería de plata en el valle de San Juan, al sudoeste del pueblo de Porco, arrojan nuevas luces sobre el tema de la mano de obra en el primer siglo de colonialismo español y de cómo los trabajadores calificados negociaban sus propias posiciones en la sociedad colonial.

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Books on the topic "Labour imperialism"

1

Clough, Robert. Labour: A party fit for imperialism. London: Larkin Publications, 1992.

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The British labour movement and imperialism. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars, 2010.

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Imperialism and the British labour movement, 1914-1964. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2002.

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Southall, Roger. Imperialism or solidarity?: International labour and South African trade unions. Rondebosch, South Africa: UCT Press, 1995.

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Resources, empire & labour: Crises, lessons & alternatives. Black Point, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing, 2014.

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Cope, Zak. Divided world, divided class: Global political economy and the stratification of labour under capitalism. Montreal, Quebec: Kersplebedeb, 2012.

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Dominelli, Lena. Love and wages: The impact of imperialism, state intervention, and women's domestic labour on workers' control in Algeria, 1962-1972. Norwich: Novata Press, 1986.

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Labour and the politics of empire: Britain and Australia, 1900 to the present. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011.

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Northrup, David. Indentured labor in the age of imperialism, 1834-1922. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Kuumba, M. Bahati. Reproductive imperialism: Population and labor control of underdeveloped world women. [East Lansing, Mich.]: Women in International Development, Michigan State University, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labour imperialism"

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Scipes, Kim. "Labour Imperialism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–11. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_182-1.

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Scipes, Kim. "Labour Imperialism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1541–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_182.

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Cope, Zak, and Timothy Kerswell. "Labour, Imperialism, and Globalisation." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_235-1.

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Cope, Zak, and Timothy Kerswell. "Labour, Imperialism, and Globalisation." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1551–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_235.

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Higginbottom, Andrew. "Enslaved African Labour: Violent Racial Capitalism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_168-1.

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Higginbottom, Andrew. "Enslaved African Labour: Violent Racial Capitalism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_168-2.

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Higginbottom, Andrew. "Enslaved African Labour: Violent Racial Capitalism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 736–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_168.

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Grigera, Juan. "Food and the International Division of Labour." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_213-1.

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Smith, John. "‘Global Labour Arbitrage’ and the New Imperialism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–14. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_180-1.

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Grigera, Juan. "Food and the International Division of Labour." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 888–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_213.

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Conference papers on the topic "Labour imperialism"

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Mallick, Bhaswar. "Instrumentality of the Labor: Architectural Labor and Resistance in 19th Century India." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.49.

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Abstract:

19th century British historians, while glorifying ancient Indian architecture, legitimized Imperialism by portraying a decline. To deny vitality of native architecture, it was essential to marginalize the prevailing masons and craftsmen – a strain that later enabled portrayal of architects as cognoscenti in the modern world. Now, following economic liberalization, rural India is witnessing a new hasty urbanization, compliant of Globalization. However, agrarian protests and tribal insurgencies evidence the resistance, evocative of that dislocation in the 19th century; the colonial legacy giving way to concerns of internal neo-colonialism.

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