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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour imperialism'
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1
Rood, Daniel. "Herman Merivale’s black legend: rethinking the intellectual history of free trade imperialism." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002493.
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Focusses on the lectures and theories of economist and colonial bureaucrat Herman Merivale on the imperial transition of British colonialism from slave labour to free labour, and toward free trade, in 1839. Author specifically shows how Merivale propagated the free trade imperialism of the reformed British Empire by using the "Black Legend" way of thinking, i.e. criticizing Spanish colonialism, to caricaturize the second British Empire, and thus justify imperial policy reforms. Author elaborates on this Black Legend tradition, going back to writings of Las Casas, and how it served as justification for "better" imperialisms of other colonial powers than Spain, and how Merivale's views followed this tradition. He shows how Merivale as part of this criticized the mismanagement, slavery, brutality, mercantilism, and the concentration of power and wealth in Cuba and other Spanish colonies, as negative examples contrasted to the British approach. Author points out, however, how Merivale's views were in part paradoxical and ambiguous, as he favoured a social hierarchy and an imperial authoritarianism limiting free labour.
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Rood, Daniel. "Herman Merivale’s black legend: rethinking the intellectual history of free trade imperialism." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002493.
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Focusses on the lectures and theories of economist and colonial bureaucrat Herman Merivale on the imperial transition of British colonialism from slave labour to free labour, and toward free trade, in 1839. Author specifically shows how Merivale propagated the free trade imperialism of the reformed British Empire by using the "Black Legend" way of thinking, i.e. criticizing Spanish colonialism, to caricaturize the second British Empire, and thus justify imperial policy reforms. Author elaborates on this Black Legend tradition, going back to writings of Las Casas, and how it served as justification for "better" imperialisms of other colonial powers than Spain, and how Merivale's views followed this tradition. He shows how Merivale as part of this criticized the mismanagement, slavery, brutality, mercantilism, and the concentration of power and wealth in Cuba and other Spanish colonies, as negative examples contrasted to the British approach. Author points out, however, how Merivale's views were in part paradoxical and ambiguous, as he favoured a social hierarchy and an imperial authoritarianism limiting free labour.
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Farooqui, Amar, and Partha Sarathi Gupta. "Imperialism and the British Labour Movement, 1914-1964." Social Scientist 32, no. 1/2 (January 2004): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518330.
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Basu, Nirban. "Imperialism and the British Labour Movement (1914–64)." Indian Historical Review 33, no. 2 (July 2006): 240–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360603300224.
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Kerswell, Timothy, and Surendra Pratap. "Labour imperialism in India: The case of SEWA." Geoforum 85 (October 2017): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.07.001.
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Dixon, Keith. "New Labour, New Imperialism? Blairite Foreign Policy since 1997." Revue LISA / LISA e-journal, Vol. V - n°3 (September 1, 2007): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lisa.1486.
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Heyningen, Elizabeth. "Imperialism, labour and the new woman: olive schreiner's social theory." Women's History Review 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020400200749.
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Taylor, Peter J. "Thesis on labour imperialism: How communist China used capitalist globalization to create the last great modern imperialism." Political Geography 30, no. 4 (May 2011): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.04.006.
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JAHN, BEATE. "Barbarian thoughts: imperialism in the philosophy of John Stuart Mill." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 599–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006650.
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Mill's political and his international theory rest on a philosophy of history drawn in turn from the experience of nineteenth century imperialism. And yet, this philosophy of history remains unexamined in Political Theory and International Relations (IR) alike, largely because of the peculiar division of labour between the two disciplines. In this article I will argue that this omission results not just in a misconception of those aspects of Mill's thought with which Political Theory and IR directly engage; in addition, and more seriously, it has led in both disciplines to an unreflected perpetuation of Mill's justification of imperialism.
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Paul, Kathleen. "“British Subjects” and “British Stock”: Labour's Postwar Imperialism." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386075.
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If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.
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Gartzke, Erik, and Dominic Rohner. "The Political Economy of Imperialism, Decolonization and Development." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 3 (February 1, 2011): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000232.
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Nations have historically sought power and prosperity through control of physical space. In recent decades, however, this has largely ceased. Most states that could do so appear relucant, while the weak cannot expand. This article presents a theory of imperialism and decolonization that explains both historic cycles of expansion and decline and the collective demise of the urge to colonize. Technological shocks enable expansion, while rising labour costs and the dynamics of military technology gradually dilute imperial advantage. Simultaneously, economic development leads to a secular decline in payoffs for appropriating land, minerals and capital. Once conquest no longer pays great powers, the systemic imperative to integrate production vertically also becomes archaic.
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Pradella, Lucia. "Marx and the Global South: Connecting History and Value Theory." Sociology 51, no. 1 (February 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516661267.
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This article interrogates Marx’s critique of political economy in the context of the global South and southern epistemologies. It first traces the contradictory roots of a non-Eurocentric conception of history within Adam Smith. Recovering Marx’s silenced sociologies of colonialism in his writings and notebooks, it then shows that Marx incorporated colonialism and imperialism into his analysis of accumulation. The antagonism between wage-labour and capital needs to be understood as a global tendency, encompassing a hierarchy of forms of exploitation and oppression. Marx’s support for the Taiping revolution (1850–1864) played a crucial, albeit often ignored, role in his theorisation. It allowed him to recognise the living potential for anti-colonial struggles and international solidarities, thus breaking with Eurocentric accounts of history. The article concludes that it is crucial to sociology’s global futures that it reconnects with the critique of political economy, and actively learns from the anti-imperialist South.
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Robert, Julian. "Book Review: Imperialism, Labour and the New Woman: Olive Schreiner's Social Theory." Sociological Research Online 9, no. 1 (February 2004): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136078040400900116.
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Maliuk, Andrii. "Imperialism in the Marxian conception of globalisation." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, stmm 2019 (3) (September 12, 2019): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2019.03.033.
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The paper aims to reconstruct the Marxian vision of the place and role of capitalism in shaping worldwide, global relationships and interconnections, as well as in setting the historical limits of globality. It is shown that both globality as a product of capitalism itself and the worldwide expansion of capital are imperialist by nature. With regard to Marx’s viewpoint on how the law of value works on an international scale, non-equivalent exchange as a basis for imperialist domination can be attributed to the fact that the value created in peripheral countries of the global capitalist system is handed over to its industrially developed core — without receiving any value in return. This usually takes place in three ways. The first one involves direct exploitation of indigenous labour force by the capital of the core. The second one is related to the mechanism of the world market where backward countries sell the produced commodities at a price below their value to advanced countries which, in turn, sell their commodities at a price above their value (with respect to the average price for a particular commodity worldwide). The third way is a combination of both the above. Another aspect worth mentioning is that capitalism eliminates economic fragmentation of both the means of production and ownership, which prevailed at earlier stages of the evolution of private property. Furthermore, capitalism incorporates local, regional and national markets into a single global one, as well as concentrates productive forces of the entire humankind through global value chains and production networks. This entails socialisation of labour (which Marx referred to as ‘Vergesellschaftung der Arbeit’) on an unprecedented scale. This also enables the transition to social (in Marx’s terms, ‘gesellschaftliche’) production, which serves to overcome alienation and eradicate poverty. In Marx’s opinion, capitalism is historically justified because it creates the material basis for a new society. On the one hand, capitalism fosters new types of relations, which are global in character and based on interdependence among people; besides, it generates means for these relations. On the other hand, capitalism facilitates development of human productive forces and makes it possible, by means of science, to transform production of material goods into control of nature. Therefore, history turns into a truly global history, and this is a prerequisite for its transformation from prehistory into a real history. This process coincides with the transition to a communist economic system.
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Hyslop, Jonathan. "Scottish Labour, Race, and Southern African Empire c.1880–1922: A Reply to Kenefick." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990629.
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SummaryIn his article in the current edition of International Review of Social History, the Scottish historian, Billy Kenefick, argues against my thesis that the labour force of the United Kingdom and the settler colonies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries can be understood as having constituted a linked “imperial working class” in which an ideology of racialized white labour protectionism predominated. Kenefick believes that in South Africa British socialists challenged white labourism, and that Scottish immigrants played a very prominent role in this anti-racist project. My reply traces the relationship between Scottish national identity, imperialism, and the labour movement. It then examines the evidence on the racial politics of Scottish trade unionists in South Africa and argues that, with a very few individual exceptions, they did buy into the ideas of white labourism. Finally, the article considers Scottish labour attitudes to race in the home country, and demonstrates that there was strong sympathy for the racial labour politics of the settler colonies.
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Tuffnell, Stephen. "Engineering inter-imperialism: American miners and the transformation of global mining, 1871–1910." Journal of Global History 10, no. 1 (February 18, 2015): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000369.
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AbstractThis article examines the transnational circulation of American mine engineers between the United States, southern Africa, and the Americas in the late nineteenth century. Technology and knowledge was diffused worldwide with the circulation of American engineers who styled themselves as expert race managers as they compared the labour practices of mines across the world. The article's focus is the extension of the United States’ global footprint to South Africa, where an expatriate ‘colony’ of American engineers created a resilient form of Anglo-American inter-imperial collaboration. As they worked the Rand, American engineers made transnational comparisons of South African and North and South American mines. In the process, they led a global discussion of the efficiency of mining labour that reified white management of other races. After leaving the Rand, American engineers migrated across the globe, many to Mexico, where the interwoven networks of expert knowledge, industrial capitalism, and transnational race-making that characterized late nineteenth-century global mining followed.
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Patnaik, Utsa. "On Capitalism and Agrestic Unfreedom." International Review of Social History 40, no. 1 (April 1995): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113033.
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The proposition is not new that the freedom of labour is not a necessary accompaniment of the growth of capitalist production; and that conditions of non-market duress upon labour ranging from outright slavery to indenture and restrictions on mobility have been a typical feature of the world-wide growth of capitalism. Indeed the very title of Eric Williams' seminal book Capitalism and Slavery, which explored the interlinkages between the rise of capitalist manufacturing industry in Britain and the exploitation of the slave labour-based plantation system of the West Indies, exemplified this understanding. Ernest Mandel in his Marxist Economic Theory, which in fact dealt as much with historical description as with theory, also analysed the role of duress in the operation of the colonial system, as did P. A. Baran in his Political Economy of Growth. To the present author who shares Williams's perception, in particular that the colonial system and the later working of imperialism were crucially dependent on the imposition of unfree conditions upon Third World labour (particularly wherever labour migration was induced), Tom Brass's general emphasis on the lack of correspondence between capitalism and freedom of labour seems quite unexceptionable.
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Bergquist, Charles. "Latin American Labour History in Comparative Perspective: Notes on the Insidiousness of Cultural Imperialism." Labour / Le Travail 25 (1990): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143345.
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Reader, Luke. "‘An Alternative to Imperialism’: Leonard Woolf, The Labour Party and Imperial Internationalism, 1915–1922." International History Review 41, no. 1 (August 29, 2017): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2017.1367706.
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Callaghan, John. "The Left in Britain in the Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900212751.
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The eleventh annual conference of the Institute of Contemporary British History was held at the Institute of Historical Research, University of London, July 12–16, 1999. The first day was largely concerned with British Marxist and socialist movements; the second concentrated on the trade unions and comparative perspectives; the third and fourth days focused on the Labour party; and the conference concluded with a day on the future of the Left. The conference was male-dominated to about the same proportion as most university departments in Britain, but the age range of participants was broad and involved doctoral students as well as professors. Only two papers were presented on women in the labor movement, and although participants addressed issues concerned with identity and ethnicity, there was nothing directly concerned with imperialism or immigrants from Britain's former colonies and their British-born offspring.
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Hayward, Mark. "Good workers: television documentary, migration and the Italian nation, 1956–1964." Modern Italy 16, no. 1 (February 2011): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532941003683021.
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This paper examines a series of documentaries produced in the period between 1956 and 1964 that document the activities of Italian migrants around the world (a corpus of more than 100 films and programmes altogether). These films, which record the dedicated and laborious nature of Italians around the globe, play a double role. On the one hand, they serve as a necessary adjunct to the establishment of a ‘labour culture’ in Italy, a central aspect of the compromise between labour unrest and the demands of capital in which the figure of the worker is continually praised. At the same time, they serve to obscure and rewrite the Italian collective memory concerning the legacy of Fascist imperialism and Italian involvement in colonial expansion, in the process recasting the Italian coloniser as the ‘good worker’.
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Schmidt, Ingo. "Kapitalistische Krisen mit und ohne systemischer Herausforderung." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 185 (December 1, 2016): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i185.130.
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This article draws on Marxist theories of crises, imperialism, and class formation to identify commonalities and differences between the stagnation of the 1930s and today. Its key argument is that the anti-systemic movements that existed in the 1930s and gained ground after the Second World War pushed capitalists to turn from imperialist expansion and rivalry to the deep penetration of domestic markets. By doing so they unleashed strong economic growth that allowed for social compromise without hurting profits. Yet, once labour and other social movements threatened to shift the balance of class power into their favor, capitalist counter-reform began. In its course, global restructuring, and notably the integration of Russia and China into the world market, created space for accumulation. The cause for the current stagnation is that this space has been used up. In the absence of systemic challenges capitalists have little reason to seek a major overhaul of their accumulation strategies that could help to overcome stagnation. Instead they prop up profits at the expense of the subaltern classes even if this prolongs stagnation and leads to sharper social divisions.
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Khiun, Liew Kai. "Labour Formation, Identity, and Resistance in HM Dockyard, Singapore (1921–1971)." International Review of Social History 51, no. 3 (November 1, 2006): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002549.
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For close on half a century, the British naval dockyard in Singapore was a prominent employer in the colony. The huge facility attracted migrant workers from the region, and entire settlements and communities were established around the premises of the dockyard as well. This article seeks to place the legacy of Singapore's naval-base workers within the historical contexts of the entanglements between imperialism, diaspora, social movements, and labour resistance. The development of international labour flows, formation, and identity was reflected in the prominence of the migrant Malayalee community and its socio-religious organizations at the naval base. Furthermore, the routine individual defiance and industrial unrest went beyond disputes about wage levels and working conditions. They were enmeshed within the broader undercurrents of Singapore's transitory political culture, and between the interwar decades and the period of decolonization disturbances at the naval dockyard became part of larger political contestations.
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CALLAGHAN, JOHN. "The British Labour Movement and Imperialism - Edited by Billy Frank, Craig Horner and David Stewart." History 97, no. 325 (January 2012): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2011.00543_37.x.
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NEAL, STAN. "Opium and Migration: Jardine Matheson's imperial connections and the recruitment of Chinese labour for Assam, 1834–39." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 5 (June 5, 2017): 1626–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000925.
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AbstractThis article examines the role of the private merchant firm Jardine Matheson in procuring Chinese tea cultivators for the East India Company's experimental tea plantations in Assam in the 1830s. Where existing literature has detailed the establishment of a Tea Committee by the East India Company to oversee these tea plantations, the focus of this article is on the way that the illicit opium-distribution network of Jardine Matheson was used to extract labour, tea specimens, and knowledge from China. The colonial state's experimental tea plantations were directly connected to the devastation of the opium trade. The multiple uses of Jardine Matheson's drug-distribution networks and skilled employees becomes evident upon examination of their role in facilitating Chinese migration. The recruitment of tea cultivators from China in the 1830s also impacted on colonial concepts of racial hierarchy and the perceived contrast between savagery and civilization. Ultimately, Jardine Matheson's extraction of skilled labour from the China coast informs our understanding of the evolving private networks that became crucial to British imperialism in Asia, and through which labour, capital, people, information, and ideas could be exchanged.
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Iatrides, John O. "Book Review: The British Labour Government and the Greek Civil War: The Imperialism of 'Non-Intervention'." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 14, no. 2 (1996): 373–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1996.0020.
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Van Renen, Denys. "‘Sick Nature Blasting’: The Ecological Limits of British Imperialism in Thomson's The Seasons." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 38, no. 1 (May 2018): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2018.0237.
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This article argues that James Thomson depicts the 2nd duke of Argyll's methods as a counterpart to Britain's rapacious imperial ventures as epitomized by Edward Vernon. It supplements scholars' efforts to reassess Thomson's treatment of Scotland and its cultural practices. Argyll's many affiliations with the region authorize his rule; his sensitivity to his surroundings influences traditional pursuits – agricultural labour, for example – industry, and wider enterprises that reverberate across Scotland and the globe. This article considers the ways in which Thomson moderates his tribute to Britain as a benevolent colonial power. The article examines: the interplay between robust British commerce and the preservation of healthy ecologies; Thomson's poem The Castle of Indolence to analyze the responsibilities of the georgic poet; and the anxieties and responsibilities that attend supplementing and even replacing the energy of the sun.
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Young, Louise. "When fascism met empire in Japanese-occupied Manchuria." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000080.
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AbstractFocusing on the case of Japanese-occupied Manchuria, this article asks what set Japan, Germany, and Italy apart from other empires during the ‘fascist moment’ from the aftermath of the First World War to the defeat of the Axis powers in 1945. While scholars have examined the politics and culture of fascism in metropolitan Japan, there is virtually no literature on fascist imperialism. Indeed, the consensus term is ‘wartime empire’ and the dominant framework is of an empire mobilized for total war. One of the goals is to think through what the concept ‘fascist imperialism’ might mean and what the Japanese case might contribute to its definition. Detailed comparison with Germany and Italy is beyond the scope of this article, which builds a definition of fascism around four core elements drawn from the Japanese case: the ideology of Asianism and its vision for Japanese leadership over a regional movement of anti-colonial nationalisms; hyper-militarism that went well beyond military imperialism pursued since the late nineteenth century and that constituted a new celebration of military action and the aesthetics of violence; red peril thinking that propelled the creation of a police state targeting communist intellectuals, politicians, and labour activists within the archipelago as well as communist nationalists in the empire; and radical statism, which signified the turn to the state as the spear tip and staging ground of action to address the crisis. All four dimensions of fascism in Japan intensified in the process of territorial expansion from 1931 to 1945, and linked transformations across the nation-state-empire.
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Kidman, Joanna. "Whither decolonisation? Indigenous scholars and the problem of inclusion in the neoliberal university." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 2 (March 21, 2019): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319835958.
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What is the role of the indigenous critic and conscience of society in the neoliberal university? Much has been written about neoliberalism in higher education but less attention is given to how it is enacted in settler-colonial societies where intellectual labour is shaped by histories of imperialism, invasion and violence. These historical forces are reflected in a political economy of knowledge forged in the interplay of power relations between coloniality and free-market capitalism. Indigenous academics who mobilise a form of public/tribal scholarship alongside native publics and counter-publics often have an uneasy relationship with the neoliberal academy which celebrates their inclusion as diversity ‘partners’ at the same time as consigning them to the institutional margins. This article traces a cohort of Māori senior academics in New Zealand whose intellectual labour is structured around public/tribal scholarship and examines how this unsettles and challenges the problem of neoliberal inclusivity in settler-colonial institutions.
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Reilly, Kenneth. "“A Hard Strain on Imperialism”: South Asian Resistance to the British Honduras Scheme." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-2020-0037.
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In the fall and winter of 1908, the Canadian government attempted to relocate South Asians living in British Columbia to British Honduras for indentured labour. Those in favour of relocation claimed that most South Asians were unemployed, were unable to survive winter, and could not adapt to Canadian society because of their religious beliefs. South Asians who opposed relocation challenged many of these claims and formed a wide network across the British Empire to foil this relocation. This study discusses the overlooked subject of the Canadian state’s attempts to remove South Asians who had already settled in the country, as well as the agency of South Asians in early-twentieth-century Canada. The documents examined throughout this article show that the British Honduras Scheme failed when South Asians could not be convinced that it served their interests and found that they possessed the necessary resources to challenge deportation.
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Salem, Sara. "Historicising the Left in the Middle East: On Agency, Archives and Anti-capitalism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 4 (February 14, 2017): 230–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341547.
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AbstractThis article is a review of Ilham Khuri-Makdisi’s bookThe Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Capitalism, 1860–1914. I argue that this book is a valuable contribution to historiographies of the Left in the Middle East, a field that remains under-represented given the importance of labour to the nationalist movements as well as broader worker-activism in the region throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. I review the main debates of the book, and raise critical questions about aspects that could have been probed further, among them the questions of imperialism and race in contexts such as Egypt and Lebanon, and the relationship(s) between workers and the radical intellectuals discussed throughout the book.
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Geue, Tom. "Soft Hands, Hard Power: Sponging Off the Empire of Leisure (Virgil,Georgics4)." Journal of Roman Studies 108 (April 15, 2018): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435818000266.
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AbstractThis article seeks to jumpstart the politico-historicist scholarship on Virgil'sGeorgicsin the direction of Marxist criticism. I argue that theGeorgicsshould be understood less as a battle site for intra-elite power struggles or civil strife, more as an ideological stomping ground to work out, and dig in, the particular relationships of slavery and imperialism disfiguring the Roman world in 29b.c.e. After a brief analysis of the dynamics oflaborin Books 1–3, I train on a close reading of Book 4, which sees the bees (et al.) as crucial to the new dominant logic of compelling others (whether slaves or provincial subjects) to produce and give up the fruits of their labour — all for the leisured enjoyment of the upper crust.
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Bosma, Ulbe. "Beyond the Atlantic: Connecting Migration and World History in the Age of Imperialism, 1840–1940." International Review of Social History 52, no. 1 (March 9, 2007): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002835.
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The age of mass migration that commenced in the 1840s has traditionally been conceived within the orbit of Atlantic history, and rendered as a narrative of modernity and industrialization. At an individual level the departure for the New World was propelled by rising expectations, which nicely fitted the macro-pattern of converging labour markets between North-America – as well as Australia for that matter – and Europe. Many of the assumptions that brought global migration under the aegis of modernization have been refuted, or at least seriously questioned. But that still leaves us with the important question whether there are alternative paradigms available that fit the realities both within and outside the North Atlantic world. Some have already answered the question negatively. According to Hatton and Williamson, it is impossible to find a unifying paradigm that would enable us to develop a global migration history. Their argument is too important not to be cited:
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Xu Lu, Sidney. "Good women for empire: educating overseas female emigrants in imperial Japan, 1900–45." Journal of Global History 8, no. 3 (October 2, 2013): 436–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022813000363.
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AbstractThis article examines two tutelage campaigns launched by Japanese social reformers targeting Japanese emigrant women in Manchuria and California in the first two decades of the twentieth century. It reveals how these two middle-class-based social campaigns jointly paved the way for the Japanese state's ‘continental bride’ policy in the late 1930s, which mobilized and exported women from across the nation to Manchuria on an unprecedented scale. Synthesizing the stories of Japan's colonialism in Manchuria and Japanese labour migration to the American Pacific coast, this study traces the convergence and flows between the women's education campaigns in Japanese communities on both sides of the Pacific. It moves the debate of Japanese imperialism beyond Asia and situates it in a transnational space encompassing the local, the national, and the global.
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ΠΑΠΑΣΤΡΑΤΗΣ, ΠΡΟΚΟΠΗΣ. "Thanasis D. Sfikas, The British Labour Government and the Greek Civil War 1945- 1949: the Imperialism of «Non-intervention»." Μνήμων 18 (January 1, 1996): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.552.
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Strauss, Julia C. "The Past in the Present: Historical and Rhetorical Lineages in China's Relations with Africa." China Quarterly 199 (September 2009): 777–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009990208.
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AbstractChina's official rhetoric on its relations with Africa is important; it frames, legitimates and renders comprehensible its foreign policy in this ever-important area of the world. This article explores the following puzzle: why China's rhetoric on its involvement with Africa has retained substantial continuities with the Maoist past, when virtually every other aspect of Maoism has been officially repudiated. Despite the burgeoning layers of complexity in China's increasing involvement in Africa, a set of surprisingly long-lived principles of non-interference, mutuality, friendship, non-conditional aid and analogous suffering at the hands of imperialism from the early 1960s to the present continue to be propagated. Newer notions of complementarity and international division of labour are beginning to come in, but the older rhetoric still dominates official discourse, at least in part because it continues to appeal to domestic Chinese audiences.
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Gibbs, Mark T., Bridget L. Gibbs, Maxine Newlands, and Jordan Ivey. "Scaling up the global reef restoration activity: Avoiding ecological imperialism and ongoing colonialism." PLOS ONE 16, no. 5 (May 6, 2021): e0250870. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0250870.
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The health and condition of the world’s reefs are in steep decline. This has triggered the development of fledgling micro-scale coral reef restoration projects along many reef coastlines. However, it is increasingly recognised that the scale and productivity of micro-scale coral gardening projects will be insufficient to meet the growing global threats to reefs. More recently, efforts to develop and implement restoration techniques for application at regional scales have been pursued by research organisations. Coral reefs are mostly located in the unindustrialised world. Yet, most of the funding, and scientific and engineering method development for larger-scale methods will likely be sourced and created in the industrialised world. Therefore, the development of the emerging at-scale global reef restoration sector will inevitably involve the transfer of methods, approaches, finances, labour and skills from the industrialised world to the unindustrialised world. This opens the door to the industrialised world negatively impacting the unindustrialised world and, in some cases, First Nations peoples. In Western scientific parlance, ecological imperialism occurs when people from industrialised nations seek to recreate environments and ecosystems in unindustrialised nations that are familiar and comfortable to them. How a coral reef ’should’ look depends on one’s background and perspective. While predominately Western scientific approaches provide guidance on the ecological principles for reef restoration, these methods might not be applicable in every scenario in unindustrialised nations. Imposing such views on Indigenous coastal communities without the local technical and leadership resources to scale-up restoration of their reefs can lead to unwanted consequences. The objective of this paper is to introduce this real and emerging risk into the broader reef restoration discussion.
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Veevers, David. "Building borders in a borderless land: English colonialism and the Alam Minangkabau of Sumatra, 1680�1730." Journal of the British Academy 9s4 (2021): 58–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009s4.058.
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This article adopts the concept of securitisation to understand the failure of the English East India Company�s attempt to build a territorial empire on the island of Sumatra in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. Securitisation formed a key component of European colonialism, involving the creation of fortified and militarised borders both to exclude groups from entering newly defined territorial spaces, but also as a way to control goods, labour and resources within those spaces. Ultimately, this form of imperialism failed on the west coast of Sumatra, where a highly mobile society participated in a shared political culture that made any formal boundary or border between Malay states too difficult to enforce. Trading networks, religious affiliations, transregional kinship ties, and migratory circuits all worked to undermine the Company�s attempt to establish its authority over delineated territory and the people and goods within it.
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Edmonds, Daniel, Evan Smith, and Oleska Drachewych. "Editorial: Transnational communism and anti-colonialism." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334807.
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The relationship between international communism, the national communist parties, and anti-colonial political movements is a subject which has drawn heated debates both amongst activists and historians. This professed anti-imperialism attracted new recruits in the non-European world, enabling the organisation to begin to break out of the European and North American strongholds which had been basis of prior social-democratic internationalism. Within the metropoles, racialised outsiders entered party ranks determined to turn the propounded anti-colonial ideals into a political reality. Connections were forged between labour movement activists and anti-colonialists, and between different colonial nationalist campaigners. This issue of Twentieth Century Communism features a selection of papers presented at a symposium at the University of Manchester, UK in November 2018. The symposium considered considered new trends in the history of communist anti-colonialism and internationalism in the twentieth century. 'Within and Against the Metropole' drew together scholars and activists from the US, Europe and the UK.
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O'Neill, John. "Empire versus Empire." Theory, Culture & Society 19, no. 4 (August 2002): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276402019004014.
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Hardt and Negri's Empire pronounces the end of socialist/communist history based upon class and colonial struggles. The only dialectic of history is in the capacity of American capitalism for self-transformation and universalization. Empire presents a revisionary narrative of American republicanism, New Deal and post-war hegemony that has evolved into the current new world order. In this project, the struggle for social justice has shifted from national to international institutions of humanitarian justice and security sanctioned by US military and commercial power. Yet Empire delivers its own post-communist manifesto, arguing that information capitalism cannot dominate the general intellect (Marx, Grundrisse) of its symbolic labour force. The latter must be understood in terms of Spinoza's concept of the constitutional capacity of the multitude for exercising its collective freedom, becoming-communist. Empire concedes the privatization of the industrial commons (loss of welfare state functions) and ignores the repressive and violent interventions of old-order US imperialism.
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Arneil, Barbara. "Origins: Colonies and Statistics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 4 (December 2020): 735–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842392000116x.
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AbstractIn this address, I examine the lexical, geographic, temporal and philosophical origins of two key concepts in modern political thought: colonies and statistics. Beginning with the Latin word colonia, I argue that the modern ideology of settler colonialism is anchored in the claim of “improvement” of both people and land via agrarian labour in John Locke's labour theory of property in seventeenth-century America, through which he sought to provide an ideological justification for both the assimilation and dispossession of Indigenous peoples. This same ideology of colonialism was turned inward a century later by Sir John Sinclair to justify domestic colonies on “waste” land in Scotland—specifically Caithness (the county within which my own grandparents were tenant farmers). Domestic colonialism understood as “improvement” of people (the “idle” poor and mentally ill and disabled) through engagement in agrarian labour on waste land inside explicitly named colonies within the borders of one's own country was first championed not only by Sinclair but also his famous correspondent, Jeremy Bentham, in England. Sinclair simultaneously coined the word statistics and was the first to use it in the English language. He defined it as the scientific gathering of mass survey data to shape state policies. Bentham embraced statistics as well. In both cases, statistics were developed and deployed to support their domestic colony schemes by creating a benchmark and roadmap for the improvement of people and land as well as a tool to measure the colony's capacity to achieve both over time. I conclude that settler colonialism along with the intertwined origins of domestic colonies and statistics have important implications for the study of political science in Canada, the history of colonialism as distinct from imperialism in modern political thought and the role played by intersecting colonialisms in the Canadian polity.
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Blanc, Paul Le. "Rosa Luxemburg and the Heart of Darkness." New Formations 94, no. 94 (March 1, 2018): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/newf:94.08.2018.
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'Imperialism', Rosa Luxemburg tells us, 'is the political expression of the process of the accumulation of capital in its competitive struggle over the unspoiled remainder of the noncapitalist world environment'. The realities analysed by this outstanding socialist revolutionary have also found significant reflection in classic writings of such literary icons as Herman Melville, Joseph Conrad, Mark Twain, Rudyard Kipling and George Orwell. Conrad's racist conceptualisation in The Heart of Darkness shows us an idealistic imperialist, Kurtz, whose last words - 'the horror' - can be understood in opposite ways: as an idealism grotesquely corrupted when a 'civilising' white 'goes native' or, more persuasively, as a grotesque violence emanating from 'progressive' capitalist civilisation itself. Dark horrors visited upon innumerable victims in Africa, Asia, Latin America and among indigenous peoples of Australia and North America have been generated, as Luxemburg demonstrates in The Accumulation of Capital, from the very heart of European civilisation, permeated and animated as it is by the capital accumulation process. The eloquent justifications of Kurtz can be found in the glowing prose of - for example Winston Churchill: 'Let it be granted that nations exist and peoples labour to produce armies with which to conquer other nations, and the nation best qualified to do this is of course the most highly civilised and the most deserving of honour.' Yet the actual impacts have been summarised by W. E. B. Du Bois: 'There was no Nazi atrocity - concentration camps, wholesale maiming and murder, defilement of women or ghastly blasphemy of childhood - which the Christian civilization of Europe had not long been practicing against colored folk in all parts of the world in the name of and for the defense of a Superior Race born to rule the world.' Such horrors have afflicted not only vast 'peripheries' but have also defined modern and contemporary history in the civilised 'metropolis'.
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Savran, David. "Toward a Historiography of the Popular." Theatre Survey 45, no. 2 (November 2004): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055740400016x.
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The greatest challenge that theatre scholars face today—as we watch the seemingly inexorable march of U.S. imperialism and capitalist globalization— is to remember, to historicize rigorously and resourcefully, to render events (in Brecht's words) “remarkable,” to “expose the world's mechanism on a grand scale and to copy it in such a way that it would be more easily serviced.” When we practice a mimeticism that keeps “impermanence always before our eyes, . . . our own period can be seen to be impermanent too.” We must remember in order to be able to demystify the pieties disseminated by our politicians, pundits, and journalists who so blithely disregard the brutalities and deceptions that structure the histories they glibly rewrite that one would think they sprinkled water from the River Lethe on their Cheerios every morning. For remembering, as Pierre Bourdieu points out, represents a reconstruction not only of the past but also of the dynamics of disavowal and forgetting. To historicize means to “reconstruct the history of the historical labour of dehistoricization [italics in original quote].” This reconstructive labor seems all the more urgent during a period when theatre scholars (who have long been considered more or less irrelevant within the humanities) must face the increasing corporatization of the universities for which we work, the continuing intellectual paralysis of the Left, the relentless commercialization and retrenchment of American theatre (for better or worse), and the rise of a discipline, performance studies, that is challenging, reinvigorating, and partially displacing theatre studies.
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Lampert, Ben, and Giles Mohan. "Sino-African Encounters in Ghana and Nigeria: From Conflict to Conviviality and Mutual Benefit." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, no. 1 (March 2014): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300102.
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China's renewed engagement with Africa is often framed as a form of imperialism, with the growing number of Chinese migrants on the continent seen as an exploitative presence. Such claims have generally been based on little evidence, and where more detailed empirical studies have emerged, they tend to emphasise the tensions and conflicts that have arisen. Our research on Chinese migrants in Ghana and Nigeria suggests that while there are concerns about Chinese competition in the informal retail sector and the treatment of local labour in Chinese enterprises, narratives of apparent tension and conflict are often much more nuanced than is generally recognised. Furthermore, more convivial and cooperative relations have also emerged and these have facilitated important opportunities for Africans to benefit from the Chinese presence. However, while the presence of Chinese migrants in African socio-economic life can be more integrated and mutually beneficial than is often assumed, the ability of African actors to benefit from this presence is highly uneven, placing the politics of class at the centre of any understanding of Sino-African encounters.
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White, Tom. "National Philology, Imperial Hierarchies, and the ‘Defective’ Book of Sir John Mandeville." Review of English Studies 71, no. 302 (December 31, 2019): 828–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz140.
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Abstract This article examines when and how the ‘Defective’ version of the Book of Sir John Mandeville came to be called ‘defective’. It describes the use of this name by Sir George F. Warner in an edition produced in 1889 for the elite bibliographic society the Roxburghe Club. Drawing on recent work in disability studies, it argues that the philological use of ‘defective’ be read in conjunction with its broader use in the elaboration of hierarchies of class, race, and gender. Far from a neutral descriptor, ‘defective’ provides a compelling example of the imbrication of medieval studies, imperialism, and Social Darwinist principles in the late nineteenth century. The article closes with the call not only to rename the ‘Defective’ version the ‘Common’ version, but also for a broader reappraisal of this apparently discrete version of Mandeville’s Book. However, it also argues that amid the increasing marketization of higher education and the concomitant insecurity of academic labour, digital editing does not provide a straightforward answer to the question of how best to map and display the complex textual history of Mandeville’s Book.
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Farr, Martin. "The British Labour Movement and Imperialism Billy Frank, Craig Horner and David Stewart, eds. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010. 205 pp. £39.99 (hardback)." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0110.
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Alonso-Fradejas, Alberto. "The Modern Periphery-Making Machine in the Early Twenty-First Century." International Review of Social History 65, no. 3 (October 22, 2020): 507–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000590.
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AbstractCultural, discursive, and technological differences notwithstanding, the peripheralization effects of plantation agriculture-based development pathways seem to be as vibrant today as during the height of the modern era's imperialism. This, at least, is what Bosma suggests, and I fully agree with him. The plantation, that modern labour-expelling periphery-making machine, is alive and kicking hard amid convergent socioecological crises nowadays. And this is an analytically but also politically salient phenomenon. Most often, development models which rely on predatory extractivism not only leave the majority of the population behind the well-being bandwagon, thereby turning a deaf ear to the pledge of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development to “leave no one behind”; they also erode the ecological base, socioeconomic fabric, and institutions that enable more just and environmentally sound life projects to blossom. Thus, the careful examination of the complex and generative interplay between the model and intensity of resource extractivism and the broader political economy, as developed by Bosma in The Making of a Periphery, calls into question any non-transformative climate stewardship and sustainable development efforts, like the “business as usual” one represented by the flex crops and commodities complexes of the twenty-first century.
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ENGLISH, JIM. "EMPIRE DAY IN BRITAIN, 1904–1958." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0500511x.
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The celebration of Empire Day in Britain was of greater significance than previous research has suggested. This article disproves the misconception that the festival was restricted in the main to a constituency of schoolchildren. The celebrations had a far wider effect on diverse communities; in many cases the ritual celebration of the British Empire traversed class boundaries and helped to sustain traditional social hierarchies. In the immediate aftermath of the First World War, when unrestrained jingoism became inappropriate, Empire Day retained its hegemonic potency by amalgamating the emerging traditions of sombre commemoration into the repertoire of imperial festivity. Empire Day, although remaining popular during the interwar period, became an arena of passionate contestation. The Conservative party and other groups adopted Empire Day as a vehicle for anti-socialist propaganda, whilst the communist party exploited it as an opportunity to attack British imperialism. Other protests came from local Labour groups and pacifist dissenters. The overt politicization of Empire Day severely disrupted its hegemonic function and the political battles fought over the form and purpose of the celebrations made it difficult to uphold the notion that the festival was merely a benign tribute to a legitimate and natural state of affairs.
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Manchanda, Nivi. "The Imperial Sociology of the ‘Tribe’ in Afghanistan." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 46, no. 2 (November 22, 2017): 165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829817741267.
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The ‘tribe’ is a notion intimately related to the study of Afghanistan, used as a generic signifier for all things Afghan, it is through this notion that the co-constitution of coloniser and colonised is crystallised and foregrounded in Afghanistan. By tracing the way in which the term ‘tribe’ has been deployed in the Afghan context, the article performs two kinds of intellectual labour. First, by following the evolution of a concept from its use in the early 19th century to the literature on Afghanistan in the 21st century, wherein the ‘tribes’ seem to have acquired a newfound importance, it undertakes a genealogy or intellectual history of the term. The Afghan ‘tribes’ as an object of study, follow an interesting trajectory: initially likened to Scottish clans, they were soon seen as brave and loyal men but fundamentally different from their British interlocutors, to a ‘problem’ that needed to be managed and finally, as indispensable to a long-term ‘Afghan strategy’. And second, it endeavours to describe how that intellectual history is intimately connected to the exigencies of imperialism and the colonial politics of knowledge production.
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CARTER, MARINA. "IMPERIAL LABOUR Indentured Labour in the Age of Imperialism, 1834–1922. By David Northrup. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xi+186. £30 (ISBN 0-521-48047-7); £10.95, paperback (ISBN 0-521-487519-3)." Journal of African History 38, no. 2 (July 1997): 301–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853797317010.
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