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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Labour Party history'
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1
Swift, John. "Clement Attlee and the Labour Party in opposition, 1931-1940." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390321.
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Whitecross, Angela Frances. "Co-operative Commonwealth or New Jerusalem? : the Co-operative Party and the Labour Party, 1931-1951." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2015. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/11485/.
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The Co-operative Party, despite representing the largest consumer and social movement in Britain, is systematically overlooked or misunderstood in twentieth century British political historiography. What makes this neglect more surprising is that from 1927 the Co-operative Party had a formal electoral agreement with the Labour Party, the basis of which remains in place today. Through this agreement the two parties agreed to work together to return joint Co-operative-Labour candidates in certain constituencies. This unique political alliance reflected a shared ideological ground between the two parties, united in their aim to displace capitalism with common ownership. However, despite this common aim, the methods through which this would be achieved varied and whilst the Labour Party focused on state ownership as key to the ‘socialist commonwealth’, the Co-operative Party, as the political arm of theco-operative movement embodied the ideal of a‘co-operative commonwealth’ built on the principles of democratic voluntary association. Historians who have addressed the relationship between the Labour Party and the co-operative movement have argued that co-operative methods of ownership were systematically marginalised, overlooked and ignored by the Labour Party, particularly during the 1945 to 1951 period of Labour Government. In this context, this thesis will examine the political relationship between the Co-operative Party and the Labour Party in the broader period from 1931 to 1951. It will argue that both organisational and ideological factors contributed to the invisibility of co-operative methods of ownership in the policies of the Labour Party. Moreover, this will provide an additional perspective to debates regarding the development of the Labour Party during the 1930s and over the future direction of nationalisation post 1945. Despite its marginality the Co-operative Party represented a large body of working class consumers and a significant business organisation, which straddled both the labour movement and co-operative movement. Whilst this thesis agrees that co-operative ideas of ownership remained a minor influence on the Labour Party throughout this period, it will nevertheless argue that Co-operative Party contributions to policy discussions provide an alternative perspective from which a growing recognition of the diversity of influences on the Labour Party can be explored. In doing so this thesis will also provide an original interpretation of the organisational and policy history of the Co-operative Party. This will highlight tensions not only with the Labour Party, but also within the co-operative movement with regards to the function and purpose of the Co-operative Party - and more significantly the role of the co-operative movement in a socialist society.
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Beach, Abigail Louisa. "The Labour Party and the idea of citizenship, c.1931-1951." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1349491/.
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This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. The chief problem for the interwar and postwar Labour party, the thesis argues, was not blindness to the issue of participation in an age characterised by increasingly complex and large-scale social organisation: on the contrary, this feature of modern living was recognised and policies were framed to address its consequences. The difficulty in achieving the participatory ideal lay more in the complicated interplay of interests in society, in the established structures of government, and in the fact that citizens showed themselves to be more interested in affluence and consumption than in active participation in the civic process, than in a straightforward ideological indifference or antipathy towards wide and decentralised social participation.
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Davis, Jonathan Shaw. "Altered images : the Labour Party and the Soviet Union in the 1930s." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4074.
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Stammers, Richard. "The British labour party and the emergence of bipolarity : 1943 to 1949." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270917.
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Morton, Bess. "Making diamonds from dust : a working class history of British Labour Party women, 1906-1956 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm889.pdf.
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Godfrey, R. J. "The Bevan-Gaitskell rivalry : Leadership, conflict and divisions within the British Labour Party 1951-1959." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372705.
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Throughout its history, internal conflict has divided and threatened to rupture the British Labour Party. Yet even by the standards of a party accustomed to internal dissension, conflict during the period 1951-59 was particularly intense. It becomes the purpose of the thesis to consider the sources and nature of conflict during the period, and in particular to examine the character of the Bevan/Gaitskell relationship relative to that conflict. It was found that Bevan and Gaitskell were both intellectuals and advanced theoreticians whose analyses led them to adopt different if not always opposing policy positions. On occasions these differences heightened the rivalry between them, and provoked conflict. However, Bevan in particular was willing to restrain his radical, fundamentalist insticts in the interests of preserving party unity. He was also prepared, on occasions, to attempt the influence of policy development not through rebellion, but rather as a participating member of the party leadership group. Just as it is possible to overestimate the importance of ideological difference as a source of conlict between the two men, so too the importance of rivalry between them for power and position is easily overestimated. The research indicates that conflict within the party was created not so much by direct rivalry between Bevan and Gaitskell as by the reaction of Gaitskell, Morrison and most particularly the trade union leadership to the threat posed by organized Bevanism, and by the subsequent reaction and interaction of the fundamentalist and social democratic associates of Bevan and Gaitskell.
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Allender, Paul. "What is Labourism? : a critical survey." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298096.
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Catterall, Peter Paul. "The free churches and the Labour Party in England and Wales 1918-1939." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1989. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1367.
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This thesis has two principal objectives. Firstly it seeks to examine the response of the traditionally Liberal Free Churches to the inter-war decline of that party, the rise of Labour and the changing economic, social and political developments and issues which accompanied this process. This response is considered both in terms of the Free Church leadership and, with the aid of local case studies in Bolton, Bradford, Liverpool and Norfolk, of chapel society. It is therefore examined not only in terms of the changing theological and political attitudes of the Free Church leadership, that leadership's contribution to Christian Socialism in the period and its enthusiasm for particular issues like temperance. The financial problems, political witness and changing nature of the chapel community, its communication of ideals and distinctive way of looking at the world, has also been fully considered. Secondly the thesis seeks to establish the extent to which Free Churchmen were representative of a working class party in a country where the working class was not usually noted for its religiosity, how substantial the Free Church presence in the party was and why, and what contribution they made to it. This involves not only an examination of the relationship between the Free Churches and the working classes but also of the composition of the party, both at national level and in the local areas researched. Consideration has also been given to the extent to which Nonconformist Socialists have proved willing to take over from their Liberal counterparts as the bearers of the "Nonconformist Conscience" (involving close scrutiny of the development of and the labour party's response to typical Free Church concerns like temperance, gambling, Sabbatarianism, peace, education and disestablishment) and to the contribution their Christianity made to the objectives and ideals of the Labour party.
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Hayter, Dianne. "The fightback of the traditional Right in the Labour Party 1979 to 1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2004. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1841.
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The Labour Party, having lost the General Election in 1979 after the Winter of Discontent,d escendedin to internalt urmoil, ast he Left-dominatedN ational Executive Committee( NEC) and conferences oughtr evengeo n the centre-rightP arliamentary Labour Party (PLP) for its alleged failures in government. In 1981, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) split from Labour, leaving the Labour Party facing possible electoral extinction. However, the trade unions - founders of the Labour Party - came to its rescue,le d by a small groupo f dedicatedg enerals ecretariesa nd staff, who set out to regaint he NEC for the moderatesa, ndt o return the Labour Partyt o what they termed "sanity" and electability,b y expellingM ilitant, safeguardingth e position of Deputy LeaderD enis HealeyM P whenc hallengedb y Tony Benn MP, andd eliveringf or Neil Kinnock MP (the Leader they helped install after the 1983 election) an NEC committed to supporting him in changing the party. The thesis documents the organisation of the Right within the PLP before 1981 (the Manifesto Group and Labour First). It then covers the internal party groupings which organised the Fightback of the party's traditional right (the St Ermins Group of trade union leaders, Labour Solidarity Campaign and Forward Labour). It details their role in the leadership and deputy leadership elections, in changing the NEC's political composition and its workings, in the expulsion of Militant, in campaigning for One Member One Vote, and in helping keep Moderate members within the party. Contrary to some academic writings, this thesis shows how this was initially undertaken without the supporto f the Leader,a nd it detailst he amounto f organisationawl ork neededto achievec hangea nd assisti n Labour's re-emergencea s an electablep arty. The researchd rawso n extensivep rivatep apersa nd archives,t ogetherw ith over 70 interviews with key players.
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Tyler, Richard John. ""Victims of our history" : the Labour Party and In Place of Strife, 1968 to 1969." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2004. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1853.
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This thesis consists of a detailed chronological examination of the events leading up to the publication of the white paper, In Place of Strife in January 1969, and its subsequent replacement with a 'solemn and binding' agreement with the Trades Union Congress in June 1969. The work seeks to address four propositions that have emerged from the historiography: that Barbara Castle was unduly influenced by anti-trade union officials; that the contents of the white paper were a knee jerk reaction to the Conservative proposals; that neither Castle nor Harold Wilson understood the trade union movement; and that the final agreement, was a failure that demonstrated the inability of a Labour government to escape from its trade union roots. In Place of Strife has received considerable coverage in the diaries, autobiographies and biographies of politicians and trade union leaders. However, there remain a number of important gaps, notably; the respective roles of civil servants, politicians and outside advisors; the detailed debates of the parliamentary Labour party and the internal discussions of the trade unions, especially the TUC general council. Drawing from a range of primary sources including; newly released government papers this study addresses the gaps in our knowledge and evaluates the existing historiography. What emerges from this study is that, rather than being unduly influenced by her officials, Barbara Castle was the main instigator of the white paper. Similarly, whilst the white paper was influenced by the publication of the Conservative proposals, it was grounded in a well thought out philosophy of trade union rights and responsibilities. Similarly, whilst confirming that Castle and Wilson demonstrated considerable naivety in failing to anticipate the extent of the antagonism shown by trade unions towards the proposals, the study also reveals a depth of trade union intransigence that came close to challenging the government's right to govern. Consequently, Wilson in particular emerges as a skilled negotiator who extracted as much as was possible given the constraints placed on him.
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Ugolini, Laura. "Independent Labour Party men and women's suffrage in Britain, 1893-1914." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1997. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6325/.
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This thesis is a study of the attitudes towards women's enfranchisement, and involvement within the British women's suffrage movement, of the male members of the Independent Labour Party, a mixed sex socialist organisation. The period covered ranges from 1893, the year of the party's foundation, to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. The aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of a hitherto neglected aspect of suffrage history: the male supporters. Suffrage historians have generally considered Independent Labour Party men's attitudes towards women's enfranchisement to have been positive: their ideas and activities are now placed under careful scrutiny. The theoretical underpinnings of the thesis lie in gender history, most especially in the field of historical studies of masculinities, which in themselves have been informed by the ideas and writings of women's history. Independent Labour Party men are viewed not as a group of individuals with certain physical characteristics in common, but as sharing gendered identities as socialists and as men, which influenced their attitudes towards the roles deemed appropriate for men and women within society, and towards women's emancipation in particular. Furthermore, the thesis assesses how their ideas and identities were themselves challenged by developments within the suffrage movement. Chapter 1 considers the years between 1893-5, a period characterised by few formal links between Independent Labour Party men and the suffrage movement, and assesses how supportive attitudes towards women's enfranchisement fitted into prevailing understandings of socialism and independent labour representation. Chapters 2 and 3, focusing respectively on the periods between 1895-1905, and 1905-1911, consider the impact of a burgeoning suffrage movement, active within the ranks of the labour movement itself, and characterised by its own priorities, objectives and tactics. Chapter 4, dealing with the years between 1911-1914, concludes by assessing Independent Labour Party men's responses to a shift in the suffrage debate, as the introduction in Parliament of adult suffrage became a practical proposition.
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Macintyre, C. J. "Responses to the rise of Labour : Conservative Party policy and organisation 1922-1931." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382243.
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Klarman, M. J. "The Osborne Judgement : a legal/historical analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.232983.
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Child, Philip. "The heights of modernity : the Labour Party and the politics of urban transformation, 1945-70." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/24186.
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This thesis is an exploration of the politics of urban transformation in the immediate post-war period of British history, between 1945 and 1970. It centres on the Labour Party and considers the relationship of the party’s socialist aims to modernity as a stimulus for radical urban policy, particularly in terms of housing. Whilst prior historical accounts of post-war urban change have tended to eschew ideology as a serious catalyst for the reconstruction of British cities, arguing instead that pragmatism and corruption were of greater consequence, this thesis contends that a modern, socialist utopian ideal was a defining feature of urban transformation undertaken by Labour at both a local and national level. Archival material from Labour and the broader left of British politics, published sociological studies from the period 1945-70 and my own oral history interviews with key figures from the period lead this investigation. A thorough analysis of Labour’s approach to key aspects of the urban environment enables this thesis to challenge existing understandings of post-war urban transformation as irrational or hard-headed. The thesis examines the relationship of Labour to the housing market, urban planning, understandings of community and the party’s sense of history and modernity. It asserts that rent control, slum clearance and tower blocks were indicative of a modern, socialist urban vision for Labour, proposing that the ‘modern moment’ in twentiethcentury British history be taken into greater consideration. As urban history acquires greater prominence in an age of increasing urbanisation, engagement with the rationale behind past urban transformation can make a significant contribution to the understanding of why particular urban policies become reality.
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Massey, Christopher. "Public ownership and the Labour Governments of 1945-1951 : the case of steel nationalisation." Thesis, Teesside University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10149/621223.
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This thesis examines for the first time the impact of steel nationalisation during the 1945-1951 Labour Governments across five key fields of study: The Labour Party, the Conservative Party, the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation (ISTC), the British Iron and Steel Federation (BISF), and disaffected ex-Labour MP Alfred Edwards. It assesses the trajectory of nationalisation in the Labour movement and the impact of the policy on divisions within the Labour Party both inside and outside of the Cabinet. The thesis also examines three previously unexplored opposition campaigns waged against steel nationalisation by the Conservatives, the BISF, and Alfred Edwards, who was expelled from the Labour Party for his resistance to the nationalisation of steel. Although there have been many works published on Attlee’s Labour Governments, only two have explicitly concentrated on steel nationalisation (Ross, 1965, McEachern, 1980). Moreover, these works fail to examine the impact of the policy upon the five case studies assessed in this work. The thesis complements the limited secondary literature with extensive archival research in each of the five areas examined. Through these investigations it is argued that steel nationalisation was the crucial ideological divide between the two major political parties in this period. Labour advocated the nationalisation of steel due to prior inefficiency and monopoly within the industry. Whereas, the Conservatives believed that the steel industry was neither a failing industry nor a public utility and that these factors presented a critical watershed between nationalisation for ideological purposes and, as had been argued in other industries, nationalisation out of economic necessity. Labour’s pursuit of steel nationalisation resulted in the largest anti-Government vote of Attlee’s 1945-1950 administration, led to heated debates within the Labour Party – highlighted by serious Cabinet disagreements over the policy, and 143 Labour MPs signing a petition demanding the immediate nationalisation of steel in 1947 - and caused major opposition groups to fight large scale anti-nationalisation campaigns against the Labour Government. The study of these Parliamentary and public debates surrounding the nationalisation of steel offers significant and original insights into the Labour Governments of 1945-1951.
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Ikebe, Shannon. "In Place of Liberation : Failure of Labour Politics in Britain, 1964-79." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1308072968.
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Edwards, Andrew. "Political change in North-West Wales 1960-1974 : the decline of the Labour Party and the rise of Plaid Cymru." Thesis, Bangor University, 2002. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/political-change-in-northwest-wales-19601974--the-decline-of-the-labour-party-and-the-rise-of-plaid-cymru(2a7a4776-48fb-46ff-a658-29cfa35725e9).html.
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This thesis examines the decline of the Labour party in two constituencies in northwest Wales (Caernarfonshire and Merioneth) from the mid 1960s onwards, a decline which culminated in the party's defeat at the hands of the Welsh Nationalist Party - Plaid Cymru - in the general election of February 1974. Whilst the study is essentially local, it places political change in the region within much broader experiences and circumstances. National as well as local forces for political change are examined. Social, economic and cultural factors underpinning those changes are also considered. The structure of the thesis is broadly chronological and is divided into six chapters. The first chapter examines Labour's attempt to embed itself within these unfamiliar, rural, traditionally Welsh speaking communities before and after the Second World War. It shows that after 1945, Labour's (overwhelming) electoral successes were based on a combination of local and national, cultural and linguistic as well as economic appeals. The second chapter examines social and economic change from 1960-74, and shows the socio-economic challenges faced by Labour in the 1960s and early 1970s. These changes were the result of numerous factors, both long term and short term. It shows how national trends such as `affluence' combined with local concerns such as depopulation and the decline of the Welsh language to present powerful political challenges. The third chapter examines Labour's response to these challenges. It shows that whilst Labour was still successful, its commitment and plans to deliver social and economic reforms were undermined by the economic problems of the mid to late 1960s. Chapter Four shows how a viable political challenger to Labour - Plaid Cymru - emerged in the 1960s. Chapter Five focuses on Plaid's efforts to undermine Labour's credibility in the 1960s and on Labour's response to the emerging nationalist challenge. Chapter Six focuses on the general elections of February and October 1974, on the problems facing Labour in developing `new' solutions to the regions problems and on the popularity of Plaid Cymru's appeal.
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Philippou, Paul S. ""There is only one P in Perth - and, it stands for Pullars!" : the labour, trade-union, and co-operative movements in Perth, c. 1867 to c. 1922." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/f11aa3e9-69a6-43dd-9fc0-009f6912424f.
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In recent years a number of studies within Scottish labour history have added to the discipline’s understanding and knowledge of the history of the labour and trade-union movements of several Scottish towns/cities hitherto neglected by a historiography traditionally dominated by research into the West-Central Belt. These studies, of which this thesis forms part, provide data against which generalising narratives which purport to describe the development of the labour and trade-union movements in Britain can be read - a process which ultimately must improve these now orthodox narratives or see them replaced. The thesis also provides a historical description of the progress of the labour and trade- union movements in Perth, c. 1867 to c. 1922. This study of Perth is unique in that Perth’s labour and trade-union movements have been almost entirely neglected and thus the thesis provides a substantial body of fresh observations and data in the form of a critical and comparative history of the Perth labour and trade- union movements, c. 1867 to c. 1922. Comparative considerations within the thesis revolve around existing studies of the labour and trade-union movements of Scotland’s main industrial towns/cities/areas including Paisley and the Vale of Leven which shared common features with Perth. In gathering evidence use has been made of an array of primary sources. Both qualitative and quantitative methods feature throughout the thesis which is arranged using a thematic and chronological structure. The thesis also examines the Perth co-operative movement and the city’s working-class housing, in so far as they offer an understanding of the reasons for the historical development of working-class consciousness and support for Labour in Perth. The thesis provides an example of a development of class consciousness and support for Labour that shows strong deviation with those (according to conventional Scottish labour history) found in many other parts of Scotland. In particular, the thesis considers why a significant proportion of the Perth working class either remained loyal to Liberalism or shifted allegiance to Conservatism in the very early 1920s at which point the death agony of the Liberal Party had become deafening and the rise of Labour inexorable. In addition, the thesis examines the slow development of trade unionism in Perth and its failure to make any substantial headway until almost the conclusion of the Great War. The thesis when placed alongside studies such as Catriona Macdonald’s work on Paisley adds to the case for a fragmented development of class and trade-union consciousness across Scotland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The motor for the deviation between Perth and elsewhere is shown to be due to a ‘local identity’ - in particular a lingering and powerful industrial paternalism, the absence of a sizeable and powerful branch of the Independent Labour Party, and an insular craft-union dominated trades council. Additionally, the Perth working class is shown to have played a significant role in its own subordination going so far as to act to maintain the local industrial order even as Perth’s industrial paternalists and Liberal elites were abandoning the consensus upon which it was built.
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Waddington, Robert. "Which Way Now?: A n Examination of the Ideological Movement of the British Labour Party between 1974 and 1992." W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625834.
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Kemp, John Douglas. "Drink and the Labour movement in early twentieth-century Scotland with particular reference to Edwin Scrymgeour and the Scottish Prohibition Party." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.344036.
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Schreiner, Ann Marie. "The British Labour Party and the break-up of Yugoslavia 1991-1995 : a historical analysis of Parliamentary debates." Thesis, University of Chichester, 2009. http://eprints.chi.ac.uk/821/.
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The break-up of Yugoslavia, and the ensuing wars, dominated the British foreign policy agenda for the first half of the 1990s. The way in which the British Government reacted to the series of crises was a matter of ongoing scrutiny by those within and outside of Parliament. The complex nature of the conflicts, in the early years of the post Cold War world, meant that responses by British politicians were in no way based on traditional ideological divisions, that is, M.P.s did not form neat, homogenous groups reflecting the three political currents. The Labour Party was no exception to this rule. The thesis is a study of the way in which politicians of the Labour Party responded to the break-up of Yugoslavia, and the way its M.P.s reacted to events in the region, and to the actions of the British Government. With close reference to Parliamentary debates as recorded in Hansard, the thesis shows the many and complex ways in which politicians from one British political party responded to a foreign policy episode. What is demonstrated is that a number of factors influenced the opinions of the politicians. One would expect to find some level of front and back bench division. However, what is apparent is much more complex. Whilst, in general, the Shadow Cabinet mirrored the responses of their Parliamentary opponents, of more interest is the way in which the back bench politicians contributed to debates. Some M.P.s followed the example of their senior colleagues, whereas others took totally different positions. However, the motivations for these opinions varied. It is not possible to offer a simple, generalised reading of the responses that were taken by members of the Parliamentary Labour Party. Contributions to debates were influenced by a variety of features: namely, the way in which an individual viewed an international institution such as the United Nations, NATO and the European Union; the attitude that they took towards military intervention; and finally, the way in which the events of the Second World War informed their position on a contemporary conflict. The thesis adds to the research undertaken by scholars such as Brendan Simms and Mark Phythian. Through close reference to debates in Hansard, this work offers the opportunity to gain a much more detailed understanding of the responses of one British political party to one episode in international relations.
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Davies, Robert Samuel Walter. "Differentiation in the working class, class consciousness, and development of the Labour Party in Liverpool up to 1939." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 1993. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4943/.
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Strouthous, Andrew George. "A comparative study of independent working-class politics : the American Federation of Labour and third party movements in New York, Chicago and Seattle, 1918-1924." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361658.
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Jones, Benjamin Nicholas Farror. "British politics and the post-war development of human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e680adc1-a3e9-4c7a-be6d-0f3b374fb209.
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In this thesis I explore the attitudes, arguments, and actions of British political elites in connection with the development of human rights law in Europe and the UK. I do this by examining British input into five key episodes for the development of European supranational rights and their incorporation into domestic legal orders (namely the drafting of the European Convention on Human Rights 1950, the drafting of the European Social Charter 1961, the acceptance of individual petition in 1966, the failed 1970s Bill of Rights debate, the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and recent developments such as the UK ‘opt-out’ to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the emergence of a new ‘British Bill of Rights’ debate). Casting light on British involvement in less examined periods in European rights development, I challenge existing, isolated, explanations for the more focal episodes (such as Simpson’s rational-choice post-colonial thesis for individual petition acceptance, and ideological accounts for New Labour’s post-1997 constitutional reform). Responding to the most recent literature in the area, central to my analysis is the question of how rights progress relates to inter-party conflict. By considering continuities and discontinuities in elite political discussion of rights I argue that while conflict is a significant underlying feature of every major episode of rights progress during the last sixty years, and is less evident in less progressive periods, other factors have had a greater influence over the form, timing, and extent of rights progress. Most significant amongst these is the constitutional ideological development of the Labour party and the critical connection between Labour’s elevation of the Convention within the UK constitutional space and revisionist shifts in party thinking.
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Davies, Aled Rhys. "The city of London and British social democracy, c. 1959-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d45f1e5b-ca50-403d-a3d9-e802c78de9ba.
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This thesis considers the position of the British financial sector in the economic strategy of social democracy during the 1960s and 1970s. In doing so it attempts to shed light on a broader question – what caused the collapse of the postwar social democratic project in Britain during the final quarter of the twentieth century? It contends that the social democratic project faced a variety of challenges to its principles, assumptions, and practices in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher as a result of changes to the financial system. These challenges offered opportunities for the advance of social democracy beyond the norms established following the Second World War, but the capacity to pursue these was constrained in a number of ways. The emergence of institutional investment, and the breakdown of the postwar banking settlement, undermined the social democratic methods for managing and controlling credit and investment, yet also offered the opportunity to advance the State’s capacity to intervene in the economy. However the ability of the left to renew and rebuild the social democratic economic project along more advanced, interventionist lines was limited by new material constraints which made extensive reform of the financial system and the domestic economy extremely difficult. Structural changes to the international financial system following the breakdown of the Bretton Woods settlement, combined with the severe economic crisis of the 1970s, imposed new limits on the freedom of governments to engage in domestic-focused macroeconomic management. As the methods and techniques of social democratic economic strategy became less effective, the ideal of developing an advanced industrial economy through State coordination faded. In its place a new conception of the British economy was promoted which sought to revive its historic liberal and internationalist role in which the City of London was at its heart.
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Du, Pre Roy H. "Confrontation, cooptation and collaboration." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002391.
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The Labour Party was a prominent political party amongst coloured people for more than twenty-five years. Formed in 1965 to contest elections for the Coloured Persons' Representative Council (CRC), the Labour Party at the outset adopted an anti-apartheid, anti-separate representation and anti-eRe stance. During the first five years of its existence, the party tried to muster coloured support for its policies. Its promise to cripple the CRC by refusing to occupy seats in the council became the rallying call. The Labour Party won a majority of the elected seats in the first CRC election in 1969 but the government nominated progovernment candidates to all the nominated seats, depriving the Labour Party of an overall majority. Thwarted in their bid to "wreck" the CRC, Labour Party members instead took their seats in the council, vowing to destroy it from within. For the next five years the Labour Party pursued a policy of "confrontation. " By using a "boycott" strategy, it not only hamstrung the effective working of the CRC but thwarted the government in other areas of its "coloured" policy. In the 1975 election the Labour Party won an outright victory, giving it the power to cripple the CRC. However, it did not seize this opportunity. Its decision to "govern" in the CRC constituted a decisive step in the change from confrontation to cooptation. The Labour Party's continued support of the CRC drew widespread criticism from supporters and opponents alike. Its leaders tried to hold together a disaffected party and eventually agreed to the dissolution of the CRC in 1980 in an effort to paper over the cracks in party unity, and to forestall growing coloured opposition to the CRC at the next election. In 1983, the Labour Party displayed a decisive shift in its anti-separate representation stance by lending support to the tricameral system. By doing so, it laid itself open to the same charge of collaboration it had levelled at the other CRC parties. This thesis will examine the history of the Labour Party from its formation in 1965 as an anti-government party, to one of cooperation with its erstwhile opponent by 1984.
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Vallejos, Thierry. "La politique de rénovation urbaine des gouvernements New Labour après 1997 : l'exemple du Borough d'Islington à Londres." Phd thesis, Université du Sud Toulon Var, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00609573.
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La politique urbaine a pour objet d‟agir sur la gestion des villes afin d‟améliorer le bien-être des résidants. En Angleterre, l‟Etat est intervenu dès le XVIIème siècle afin de soulager les mauvaises conditions de vie des plus pauvres en agissant sur l‟hygiène et le logement. Puis la ville s‟agrandissant, les désordres liés au surpeuplement se sont multipliés, spécialement dans les zones les plus dépourvues des centres-villes. C‟est à Londres que ceux-ci ont été les plus criants et les besoins de solutions les plus urgents. Ainsi, pour permettre une gestion plus efficace des délits urbains, la gouvernance de la capitale britannique a été réformée. C‟est ce à quoi se sont attelés les Travaillistes dès leur arrivée au pouvoir en 1997, et ils ont en même temps donné une nouvelle impulsion à la politique en direction des villes en favorisant les aspects sociaux, environnementaux de la rénovation urbaine, tout en comptant sur l‟investissement des communautés. Et l‟adoption de la politique dite de la Troisième Voie fut un pas essentiel en ce qu‟elle ne rejetait plus le secteur privé mais l‟acceptait, au contraire, comme partenaire privilégié. Islington, l‟un des boroughs les plus petits de Londres, a la particularité de jouxter une des zones les plus prospères du monde : la City de Londres. Cependant, il présente des caractéristiques sociales communes aux zones les plus pauvres du pays. Les programmes qui y ont été lancés ont pris en compte cette spécificité. L‟analyse de ces projets nous permet de passer en revue la politique de rénovation telle qu‟elle a été voulue par les Travaillistes de 1997 à 2010, d‟essayer d‟en tirer des bilans et de tenter de pointer les défis auxquels les villes vont être confrontées.
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Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics." Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
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Manning, Seth. "Factionalism in the Democratic Party 1936-1964." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/477.
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The period of 1936-1964 in the Democratic Party was one of intense factional conflict between the rising Northern liberals, buoyed by FDR’s presidency, and the Southern conservatives who had dominated the party for a half-century. Intertwined prominently with the struggle for civil rights, this period illustrates the complex battles that held the fate of other issues such as labor, foreign policy, and economic ideology in the balance. This thesis aims to explain how and why the Northern liberal faction came to defeat the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party through a multi-faceted approach examining organizations, strategy, arenas of competition, and political opportunities of each faction. I conclude that an alliance between the labor movement and African-Americans formed the basis on which the liberal faction was able to organize and build its strength, eventually surpassing the Southern Democratic faction by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This passage forced the realignment of Southern states as Southern Democrats sided with Republicans at the national level. However, the party position changes that precipitated liberal Democratic support for the bill began much earlier, starting in the 1930s, another key conclusion of this thesis.
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Huntzinger, Damien. "Pourquoi et comment désarmer? : le discours public de la SFIO et du Labour sur le désarmement (1925-1932) : étude d'histoire comparée." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26886.
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Pour les partis politiques attachés à des idéaux pacifiques et internationalistes, comme les partis socialistes, la période de préparation à la Conférence mondiale du désarmement, soit entre 1925 et 1932, put paraître pleine de possibilités pour la réduction des armements nationaux. Bien que ces partis aient partagé un lien transnational, par leur adhésion à l’Internationale ouvrière socialiste, ils étaient avant tout des organisations évoluant dans des cadres nationaux différents. Ainsi, les positions qu’ils mirent de l’avant afin de convaincre leur électorat respectif ne purent être totalement semblables. Dans ce mémoire, le discours public, ainsi que les arguments le sous-tendant, de la SFIO et du Labour concernant le désarmement entre le 12 décembre 1925 et le 3 février 1932 est décrit, analysé et comparé. Les raisons du désarmement, les appréciations des développements sur la question autant dans le contexte de la SDN que dans les autres réunions internationales ainsi qu’au niveau strictement national pour les deux partis sont l’objet de cette étude. Il apparaît que la SFIO et le Labour ont présenté des arguments similaires afin de justifier le désarmement. De plus, bien qu’ils aient tous deux appuyé un potentiel rôle d’arbitrage pour la SDN, alors que les socialistes ont insisté sur leur rôle de lobbyistes, les travaillistes tablèrent plutôt sur les responsabilités des chefs d’État et des « grands hommes » dans le processus, tout particulièrement lorsque leur parti fut au pouvoir. Les travaillistes démontrèrent également une ouverture pour toute avancée du désarmement, même minime, alors que les socialistes préférèrent manifestement les ententes globales. Finalement, des approches nationales aux implications différentes furent promues : l’organisation de la nation en temps de guerre en France et la promotion d’un esprit de paix en Grande-Bretagne.For political parties which held pacifist and internationalist ideals, particularly socialist parties, the period leading to the World Disarmament Conference of Geneva, between 1925 and 1932, might have appeared as full of possibilities for national arms control and reduction. While these parties shared a transnational link, through their membership in the Labour and Socialist International, they were, first and foremost, organisations active at the national level. As such, the policies that they advocated in order to convince voters could not be totally similar. In this master’s thesis, the public discourse, as well as the underlying arguments, advocated by the French Section française de l’Internationale ouvrière (SFIO) and the British Labour party on the disarmament process between December 12, 1925 and February 3, 1932 are described, analysed and compared. The reasons to disarm, the opinions on the disarmament process at the League of Nations and on other international stages as well as at the national level for both parties, are the subjects of this study. It appears that the SFIO and the Labour employed similar arguments in order to explain the importance of disarmament. Moreover, even though they both supported a potential arbitration role for the League, while the French Socialists considered themselves principally as lobbyists, the British Labourites insisted on the responsibilities of heads of states and other “great figures” in the process, particularly when their party held power in the United Kingdom. The Labour party also demonstrated openness towards any progress on disarmament, even small developments, while the SFIO favoured a more general approach. Finally, the two parties promoted national endeavours with very different implications: the organisation of the nation during wartime in France and the promotion of a global, if somewhat vague, peace spirit in the United Kingdom.
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Shevlin, Casey G. "A System with Parts and Players: The American Lynch Mob in John Steinbeck's Labor Trilogy." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1366811963.
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Avril, Emmanuelle. "Ethnographie des congrès politiques : le cas du congrès annuel du parti travailliste britannique." Paris 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA030029.
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L'objectif de la recherche est de comprendre comment l'identite du parti travailliste se construit a l'occasion de son congres annuel (congres de 1992, 1993 et 1994), le "parti politique" etant ici defini comme le produit de l'interaction de ses membres, sur lesquels le parti ainsi constitue a en retour des effets. L'analyse se concentre sur les participants au congres annuel, en ce qu'ils sont les agents de la construction de la realite du congres, et emprunte a des techniques d'enquete tres variees : techniques classiques de la politologie (entretiens et questionnaires) ou ethnographie (observation participante). Le congres, organe souverain du parti travailliste selon les statuts du parti, acquiert en outre une dimension rituelle tres forte du fait de son caractere annuel. Il s'agit de comprendre comment la diversite des representations contribue a la constitution de cette "entite" sociale qu'est le parti travailliste, simultanement groupe en interaction avec d'autres groupes et lieu d'une interaction entre des agentsThe aim of this research is to understand the process by which the identity of the labour party is being constructed during its annual conference (1992, 1993 and 1994 conferences), the "political party" being defined as the product of the interaction of its members on whom the resulting entity in turn has an effect. This analysis concentrates on the participants who are involved in the construction of the reality of the conference, and is based on a variety of research tools : from the traditional tools of political science (interviews and questionnaires) to those of ethnography (participant observation). The annual conference, which, according to the party constitution, is the sovereign body of the labour party, also acquires a very strong ritual dimension because of it is an annual event. The aim is to understand how the diversity of representations contributes to the construction of this social entity known as the labour party, which is simultaneously a group interacting with other groups and the place where different agents interact with one another
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Dalin, Stefan. "Mellan massan och Marx : en studie av den politiska kampen inom fackföreningsrörelsen i Hofors 1917-1946." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1450.
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The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?
The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.
The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.
Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.
Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.
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Clément, Guillaume. "Rock et politique au Royaume-Uni (1994-2007) : de "Cool Britannia" à " Broken Britain"." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040124.
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Dans les années 1990, le rock britannique revient sur le devant de la scène, porté par des groupes tels Blur, Oasis, Pulp et Suede, que la presse rassemble sous l'étiquette Britpop. Non contents de s'inspirer des grands groupes locaux des années 1960, comme les Beatles, ces musiciens se distinguent par une écriture et une image profondément ancrées dans leur propre identité britannique, et évoquent volontiers dans leurs chansons le mode de vie de la jeunesse comme la culture de la classe ouvrière. Cette renaissance sur les plans musical et culturel (participant au phénomène Cool Britannia) est contemporaine de la rénovation de l'idéologie et de l'image du Parti travailliste, qui devient New Labour sous la férule de Tony Blair, intéressé par la vision positive de la britannicité dépeinte par la Britpop. Dans la course aux élections législatives de 1997, le chef de l'opposition cherche à présenter son parti comme jeune et moderne, et se rapproche des acteurs de la scène rock de l'époque dans le but de courtiser l'électorat jeune qui fait défaut à la gauche depuis les années 1980. L'utilisation du rock en tant qu'outil de soutien politique pourrait néanmoins paraître contre-Nature à cause du rôle traditionnel de ce genre musical, lié aux sous-Cultures et mouvements contestataires. L'étude des excroissances du mouvement Britpop, visibles jusqu'à l'accession de Gordon Brown au poste de Premier ministre en 2007, permettra de dégager l'existence d'une veine critique et contestataire au sein de cette même scène rock, proposant une vision plus réaliste de la société, rappelant l'idée de Broken Britain mise en avant par les Conservateurs à cette époqueIn the 1990s, a string of successful bands such as Blur, Oasis, Pulp and Suede, inspired by glorious forefathers like the Beatles, revived the British rock genre. The press was quick to dub this new scene "Britpop", to describe the way these bands drew their inspiration from their own sense of Britishness, both in their appearance and in their lyrics, which documented several aspects of youth and working-Class cultures in Britain. Meanwhile, the Labour Party was undergoing a similar kind of rebirth under the influence of Tony Blair, who rebranded his party as New Labour. Since Britpop offered a positive, near-Patriotic vision of Britishness in line with the spirit of "Cool Britannia", Blair sought to obtain a very visible support from the Britpop scene in the run-Up to the 1997 general election. This was conceived as a way to help rejuvenate the Labour Party's image and to secure the youth vote which had eluded the left since the 1980s. However, the traditional view of rock music (as a type of protest music, prone to generating subcultures) hardly seems compatible with the idea that it could be used to support a mainstream political party. As the Britpop format went on to influence homegrown rock music into the next decade, with Gordon Brown succeeding Blair as Prime Minister in 2007, it seems several bands took British rock back to its primary, subversive function by painting a realistic picture of British society, closer to the concept of "Broken Britain" than to that of "Cool Britannia"
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McCloud, Brandi Nicole. "Solidarity Forever: The Story of the Flint Sit-Down Strike and the Communist Party from the Perspective of the Rank and File Autoworkers." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1416.
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The subject of this thesis is the Sit-Down Strike in Flint, Michigan in 1936-1937. The main purpose is to examine the story of the strike as told by the strikers themselves, to explore the role that Communists played in the strike along with how the workers responded the Communism and other political ideologies of the day. The final chapter then examines the many anti-Communist forces that surrounded the autoworkers before, during, and after the Sit-Down Strike, which may account for the strikers' reluctance to admit their affiliation with the Communists.
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Cosenza, Apoena Canuto. "Um partido, duas táticas: uma história organizativa e política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), de 1922 a 1935." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-21082013-111540/.
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Nessa dissertação, realizou-se um estudo sobre a história organizativa e política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), de 1922 a 1935. Durante o período analisado, o Partido passou por duas mudanças no conjunto tático adotado. No entanto, passou por quatro linhas estratégicas diferentes. De 1922 a 1929, adotou um conjunto tático de estilo subcultural. Buscou se tornar o representante máximo do proletariado e das massas trabalhadoras, adotando formas de lutas pacíficas. De 1930 a 1934, o PCB passou por um período de luta interna acirrado, abandonando o estilo subcultural. Ao final de 1934 e até o início de 1936, foi adotado pela organização o estilo da luta direta pelo poder. No entanto, de 1922 a 1925, o PCB teve como linha estratégica a autoconstrução como ferramenta de luta. Era mais importante organizar o Partido do que combater um inimigo específico. De 1926 a 1929, foi adotada a linha estratégica de Frente Única, mas negando-se a realização de coalisões. De 1930 a 1933, foi adotada a linha denominada classe contra classe, que negava a possibilidade de qualquer aliança com a pequena burguesia radicalizada. De 1934 a 1935, foi adotada a linha da Frente Popular, que significou a atuação através da Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). Durante os treze anos que vão de 1922 a 1935, houve debilidade na capacidade organizativa. Os membros do partido eram frequentemente presos e as direções nacionais sempre tiveram dificuldades em manter contatos com as direções regionais e essas com os órgãos de base. Na prática, tratou-se de uma organização que não possuía quadros revolucionários formados. A ausência de quadros é o que explica a incapacidade de formular táticas eficazes. E mesmo as táticas formuladas eram, em geral, mal aplicadas, como observavam os próprios militantes à época.In this dissertation, it was carried out a study on the organizational and political history of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), 1922-1935. During the analyzed period, the Party went through two tactical changes. However, it went through four different strategic lines. From 1922 to 1929, it adopted the subcultural tactical style. It sought to become the highest representative of the proletariat and the working masses, adopting forms of peaceful struggle. From 1930 to 1934, the PCB has gone through a period of internal fighting, abandoning the subcultural style. At the end of 1934 and by early 1936, it adopted the style of direct struggle. However, from 1922 to 1925, the PCB had as a strategic line the self-construction. It was more important to organize the party then to fight a specific enemy. From 1926 to 1929, it adopted the strategic line of the United Front, but denying the realization of coalitions. From 1930 to 1933, it adopted the line \"class against class\", which denied the possibility of any alliance with the radicalized small bourgeoisie. From 1934 to 1935, it adopted the line of the Popular Front, which meant acting through the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). During the thirteen years from 1922 to 1935, there were problems at its leaderships have always had difficulty maintaining contact with regional leaderships and militants. In practice, it was an organization that had no revolutionary cadres formed. The absence of revolutionary cadres is what explains the inability to build effective tactics. And even if the tactics were formulated, it was generally misapplied.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.
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In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
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Hauck, Flávia Terra. "Implantação da assistência humanizada ao parto em Juiz de Fora (1998-2001)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6627.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorTrata-se de um estudo de natureza histórico-social do tempo presente. O objeto é a implantação do modelo humanizado de assistência ao parto em Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, no período de 1998 a 2001. Os objetivos do estudo são: descrever as circunstâncias de criação da Comissão Interinstitucional para Redução da Cesariana e Proteção ao Parto Normal; analisar as estratégias da Comissão Interinstitucional para Redução da Cesariana e Proteção ao Parto Normal e a implantação do modelo humanizado de assistência ao parto na cidade de Juiz de Fora; analisar os efeitos da participação das enfermeiras obstétricas no campo obstétrico. O estudo apoia-se nas noções teóricas de campo, habitus, poder simbólico, luta simbólica e capital do sociólogo Pierre Bourdieu. Na análise foi realizada a triangulação de dados, através da articulação da documentação oral e escrita à luz das noções teóricas. A criação da Comissão Interinstitucional para Redução da Cesariana e Proteção ao Parto Normal foi uma estratégia elaborada na esfera da gestão pública da cidade. Teve início no dia 26 de fevereiro de 1998 no Departamento de Programação e Acompanhamento SMS/JF. As estratégias utilizadas pela Comissão para implantar o modelo humanizado de assistência ao parto foram: a elaboração e a implantação de um Plano de Ação com ações de informações e sensibilização dos médicos e da população; formação de Recursos Humanos para implantar as práticas obstétricas humanizadas, com a criação do Curso de Especialização em Enfermagem Obstétrica; e a reconfiguração do campo obstétrico com o projeto de criação da Casa de Parto. Como efeitos da implantação do modelo humanizado de assistência ao parto foi evidenciado que, a partir de 2001, enfermeiras obstétricas, egressas do Curso de Especialização em Enfermagem Obstétrica/Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), começaram a ocupar espaços nas salas de partos de duas Maternidades da cidade, e em 2005, foi criada a Lei Municipal do Acompanhante.
This is a study of historical social nature of the present time. The object is the implementation of the humanized labor care model in Juiz de Fora, State of Minas Gerais, in the period 1998 - 2001. The aims of the study are: to describe the context of the establishment of the Inter-institutional Committee on Reduction of Cesarean Section Rate and Protection of Natural Birth; to analyze the strategies of the Inter-institutional Committee on Reduction of Cesarean Section Rate and Protection of Natural Birth and the implementation of the humanized labor care model in the city of Juiz de Fora; to analyze the effects of the obstetric nurses practice in the obstetric field. The study is based on the theoretical concepts of field, habitus, symbolic power, symbolic violence and capital of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. The analysis comprised data triangulation through the articulation of the primary oral sources and documents written in accordance with the theoretical concepts. The establishment of the Inter-institutional Committee on Reduction of Cesarean Section Rate and Protection of Natural Birth was a strategy designed at the citys public management level. It started on February 26, 1998 at the Planning and Monitoring Department of the Juiz de Fora/JF Municipal Secretariat. The strategies used by the Committee to implement the humanized labor care model: design and implementation of an Action Plan on physicians and populations information and awareness-raising actions; training of Human Resources to implement humanized obstetric practices, with the establishment of the Specialization Course on Obstetric Nursing; and the redesign of the obstetric field with the project to establish the Casa de Parto (Birth Center). As effects of the implementation of the humanized labor care model, we observed that, as from 2001, obstetric nurses graduated from the Specialization Course on Obstetric Nursing at the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF) started occupying positions at labor rooms from two Maternity Hospitals in the city and, in 2005, the Labor Coach Municipal Law was enacted.
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Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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BAGAINI, ANNA MARIA. "LOST IN PEACE. ASCESA E DECLINO DEL PARTITO LABURISTA NEL QUADRO DELLA STORIA POLITICA ISRAELIANA (1948-2001)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/40679.
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La tesi analizza il contemporaneo declino elettorale del Partito Laburista israeliano in relazione agli eventi storici, ai cambiamenti sociali e demografici che hanno portato ad un effettivo cambiamento del sistema politico. In particolar modo la ricerca si sofferma sulla lettura dei risultati elettorali, cercando di sottolineare come le dinamiche sopra indicate abbiano influenzato i trend elettorali e l'offerta politica del partito stesso. Fino a giungere agli anni Novanta, passaggio fondamentale in cui cogliere le ragioni per le quali il Partito Laburista sembra tutt'ora non riuscire invertire il trend negativo degli ultimi quindici anni.This thesis analyzes the contemporary electoral decline of the Israeli Labor Party in relation to historical events, social and demographic changes that have led to an effective change in the Israeli political system. In particular, the research focuses on the electoral results, trying to underline how the dynamics indicated above have influenced the electoral trends and the political offer of the party itself. The Nineties represent a fundamental passage in which it is possibleto understand the reasons why the Labor Party seems unable, still today, to reverse the negative trend of the last fifteen years.
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Nicolau, Maria. "Vida privada de um homem público na década de 1950: uma liderança petebista na cidade de São João da Boa Vista, São Paulo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12791.
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The present research analyses the emerging leadership in the municipal district of São João da Boa Vista (SP) allied to Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) during the years of 1950. This person leader is called Miguel Jorge Nicolau descendent from an Arabic-Lebanese immigrant family and belonging to the rural quotidian of this town. He initiated his trajectory through the quotidian of the factory FIATECE, whose workers were especially women in their majority. Despite of the Arabic-Lebanese community other than seen as a group who had with them a certain restriction common to those typical inhabitants, and also for the unusual particularities from his private life, those which were very unconventional, though all this, Miguel Jorge Nicolau became a public man. He was elected for the city hall as a mayor and became later a regional representative in the Legislative House as a deputy for the PTB. Since then, he was seen with distrust by the political police, as a dangerous communist infiltrated in PTB or as a risk to the national security, and, based on these information, the agents of the dictatorship, in 1964, he had his political rights annulled. The documentation used for this research has the amount of interviews, newspaper articles, Annals from the Legislative House. We shall give attention to the last two sources as the outstanding discourses and speeches in the Chamber of Deputies
A presente pesquisa analisa a emergência de um líder petebista no Município de São João da Boa Vista (SP), durante os anos de 1950. De nome Miguel Jorge Nicolau, oriundo de uma família de imigrantes árabe-libanesa, iniciou sua trajetória na vida pública a partir de seu quotidiano em uma fábrica têxtil da cidade (Fiatece), cujos trabalhadores eram fundamentalmente mulheres. Apesar da comunidade árabe-libanesa ser vista com certas reservas por parte daquela população interiorana, a que se acresciam particularidades pouco convencionais de sua vida pessoal, Miguel Jorge Nicolau tornou-se um homem público. Elegeu-se para a prefeitura da cidade e tornou-se o representante regional do PTB na Assembleia Legislativa, na qualidade de Deputado Estadual. Desde 1953 foi vigiado pela polícia política, como um perigoso comunista infiltrado no PTB ou um risco à segurança nacional, e, em 1964, teve seus direitos políticos cassados. A documentação utilizada para esta pesquisa constituiu-se de entrevistas, notícias de jornais, Anais da Assembleia Legislativa. Destacamos destes dois últimos acervos, seus artigos e discursos
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Cocaign, Elen. "" Knowledge in Power " ? : la gauche britannique et le livre (1918 - début des années 1950)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010592.
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En Grande-Bretagne, le Representation of the People Act de 1918 provoque un élargissement radical du corps électoral et place les classes populaires au cœur de la vie politique britannique. Ces dernières paraissent particulièrement susceptibles de voter pour la gauche et notamment pour le Parti travailliste qui cherche à s’imposer, depuis sa création au début du siècle, comme leur principal représentant. Pourtant, pendant l’entre-deux-guerres, les conservateurs exercent une véritable domination sur la vie politique. Cela pousse la gauche à remettre en cause ses stratégies en matière de diffusion des idées : un processus de médiatisation et de médiation est indispensable pour rendre ces dernières accessibles. Les différents partis, groupes et organisations para-politiques qui composent la gauche britannique investissent donc tout particulièrement le domaine culturel. A une époque, la démocratisation du système scolaire et de l’accès au savoir contribuent à l’émergence de ce que les professionnels du livre appellent le « New Reading Public », un public populaire dont le rapport au livre et à la lecture est en cours de définition. L’ensemble de la gauche fait alors de la production et de la diffusion du livre politique une priorité. Pendant la période qui s’étend de 1918 au début des années 1950, les éditeurs et les libraires de gauche sont considérés comme des acteurs de premier plan de la bataille des idées. Si certains d’entre eux restent fidèles à des modèles traditionnels définis aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles, d’autres s’attachent à faire du livre un média de masse et élaborent de nouvelles stratégies en prenant en compte les normes de la culture de masse et en articulant logiques politiques et logiques commerciales. L’institutionnalisation progressive de la production et de la diffusion des livres de gauche a toutefois des effets ambivalents sur la réception de ces livres et, plus généralement, des idées de gaucheIn 1918, a new Representation of the People Act radically enlarged the British electorate, placing the working classes at the very heart of Britain’s political system. These populations seemed particularly prone to casting their vote leftwards, thus helping the Labour Party take power since, from its foundation at the beginning of the 20th century, it intended to become their main representative. Nonetheless, during the interwar period, the Conservative Party dominated British politics. This forced the Left to reevaluate the strategies it had developed regarding the dissemination of its ideas: processes of mediation and media exposure were necessary for those to be made accessible. Therefore, the various parties, groups and para-political organizations that formed the British Left invested the cultural field. The production and diffusion of political books became one of their priorities: the British school system and overall access to knowledge were being democratized and, according to the book trade, a “New Reading Public” was slowly emerging and progressively defining its relationship to books and to reading. From 1918 to the early 1950s, left-wing publishers and booksellers were thus seen as key players in the battle of ideas. While some of them remained attached to traditional editorial models, established in the 18th and 19th century, others intended to turn the book into a mass medium. The latter, inspired by mass culture standards, had to articulate political and economic logics. The institutionalization of the production and diffusion of left-wing books had ambivalent effects on their reception and, more generally, on the reception of left-wing ideas
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Tracol, Matthieu. "La rigueur et les réformes : histoire des politiques du travail et de l'emploi du gouvernement Mauroy (1981-1984)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010700.
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Le gouvernement Mauroy est habituellement associé au « tournant de la rigueur » de 1983. Après l’euphorie, le pouvoir socialiste aurait brusquement adopté l’austérité économique. L’étude des politiques du travail et de l’emploi permet de remettre en cause ce schéma d’une double manière. Tout d’abord, l’alternance permit à des hauts fonctionnaires modernistes, très influencés par la philosophie négociatrice de Jacques Delors et de la CFDT, de parvenir aux postes de décision clés en matière de politique sociale. Dès 1981, les réformes sociales furent engagées sous le signe de la rigueur, avec la volonté de ne pas provoquer de dérapage économique et budgétaire irréversible. La réduction du temps de travail, mise au point au sein du Commissariat général du plan, fut réalisée en privilégiant la négociation sociale décentralisée et la modération salariale. L’abaissement de l’âge de la retraite à 60 ans fut à l’origine élaboré en augmentant la durée de cotisation. Les lois Auroux réformant le droit du travail n’attaquèrent pas le pouvoir des chefs d’entreprise. La deuxième remise en cause concerne le tournant de 1983 : en fait, le point d’inflexion de la politique du gouvernement Mauroy se situe au premier semestre de 1982. Après l’abandon des 35 heures, la lutte contre le chômage ne constitua plus pour lui qu’un objectif secondaire. Il se trouva alors dans une impasse, sans grande réforme à réaliser. Son agenda fut certes dominé par les problèmes financiers (déficit de l’UNEDIC, qui conduisit à réduire drastiquement les prestations chômage, et financement de la retraite), mais cela ne signifie pas qu’il y ait eu conversion généralisée des élites socialistes au néolibéralismeThe Mauroy government is usually associated with the 1983 “austerity turn”. It is commonly agreed after the eurphoria following their electoral victory, the socialist power suddendly adopted economic austerity. The study of labour and employment policies can undermine this idea in two ways. Firstly, the political changeover allowed modernist high-ranking civil servants to reach key decision-making positions in social policies. They were under the influence of Jacques Delors and of the CFDT union, who both strongly supported collective bargaining. Already in 1981, sicoial reforms were initiated in an atmosphere of rigour, in ordre not to cause irrerversible economic and budgetary slippage. The reduction of working time, developed within the StatePlanning Commision was realized by focusing on decentralized social negotiation and wage moderation. The lowering of the retirement age to 60 years was initially associated with the increase of the contribution period. The Auroux labour laws did not put into question the power of entrepreneurs. Secondly, the inflection point of the Mauroy government policy is actually not to be found in 1983, but in the first half of 1982. After project of the 35 hour working week was scrapped, the fighting against unemployment was no longer a primary objective for the gouvernment. It was then in a dead end with no major reform to achieve. Its agenda was indeed dominated by financial problems (the UNEDIC deficit, which led to a dramatic reduction of unemployment benefits, and retirement fundings), but that does not mean that there was a widespread conversion of socialiste lite to neoliberalism at the time
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Williams, Kareen. "The Evolution of Poltical Violence in Jamaica 1940-1980." Thesis, 2011. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8WS91D7.
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By the 1960s violence became institutionalized in modern Jamaican politics. This endemic violence fostered an unstable political environment that developed out of a symbiotic relationship between Jamaican labor organizations and political violence. Consequently, the political process was destabilized by the corrosive influence of partisan politics, whereby party loyalists dependent on political patronage were encouraged by the parties to defend local constituencies and participate in political conflict. Within this system the Jamaican general election process became ominous and violent, exemplifying how limited political patronage was dispersed among loyal party supporters. This dissertation examines the role of the political parties and how they mobilized grassroot supporters through inspirational speeches, partisan ideology, complex political patronage networks, and historic party platform issues from 1940 through 1980. The dissertation argues that the development of Jamaican trade unionism and its corresponding leadership created the political framework out of which Jamaica's two major political parties, the Jamaica Labor Party (JLP) and People's National Party (PNP) emerged. Within the evolution of their support base Jamaican politicians such as Alexander Bustamante utilized their influence over local constituencies to create a garrison form of mobilization that relied heavily upon violence. By investigating the social and political connection between local politicians and violence, this dissertation examines how events such as the Henry Rebellion in 1960, the 1978 Green Bay Massacre, and the public murder of the PNP candidate Roy McGann in 1980 demonstrate the failure of traditional Jamaican political patronage to control extremist violence among grassroot supporters, giving rise to a general public dissatisfaction with the established Jamaican leadership. This transformation of the political system resulted in the institutionalization of political violence by the late 1960s, and a pattern of general elections destabilized by vicious conflicts between JLP and PNP gangs. This political violence was reflected in the rise of gang dons such as Jim Brown and Wayne "Sandokhan" Smith who became independent of the patronage system through their exploitation of the drug trade. Consequently, modern Jamaican politics in the twenty-first century is fractured and local political leaders have lost control of the gangs.
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Beaulieu, Michel S. "A Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1715.
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“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested.Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652