Journal articles: 'Labour Party history'

1

Petter, Martin, Tony Cliff, and Donny Gluckstein. "The Labour Party a Marxist History." Labour / Le Travail 27 (1991): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25130283.

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2

Fair, John D. "The Labour Party: A Centenary History." History: Reviews of New Books 29, no. 1 (January 2000): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525664.

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3

James, Leighton, Raymond Markey, and Ray Markey. "Class and Labour: The British Labour Party and the Australian Labor Party Compared." Labour History, no. 90 (2006): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516112.

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4

Howells, Richard. "The Labour Party." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 17, no. 4 (October 1997): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689700260841.

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5

Knox, William. "Hassan, The Scottish Labour Party." Scottish Historical Review 85, no. 1 (April 2006): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2006.0018.

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6

Childs, Michael J., and Andrew Thorpe. "A History of the British Labour Party." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 30, no. 2 (1998): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053610.

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7

Roberts, Graham. "The Socialist Labour Party." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 17, no. 4 (October 1997): 505–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689700260951.

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8

Kitson, Simon, and Noel Thompson. "Political Economy and the Labour Party." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 58 (April 1998): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770668.

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9

Thorpe, Andrew. "Centenary Histories of the Labour Party." History 86, no. 284 (October 2001): 523–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.00204.

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10

Buturlimova, O. "EVOLUTION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY (1893-1931): A HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.4.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian researches in the field of British Labour history. The author proposes to outline 3 chronological periods in the scientific study of the history of the British Labour Party when a great amount of works has appeared. As we can see, the first period was 1930-1940’s, when the vast amount of the works of prominent leaders and active members of the Labour movement and the Labour Party were published. The second period, as we can outline, was in the 1950’s – the beginning of the 1960’s when the Labour Party lost its positions in the political sphere of Great Britain. And the third period is nowadays when in the early 2000’s Labour Party’s 100th anniversary was celebrated and besides it, the Party achieved the greatest success - it won parliamentary election three times in a row (1997, 2001 and 2005). The author concluded that the history of the British labor movement of the second half of the 19th – the first third of the 20th centuries and the theme of the party struggle for the electorate among the workers still needed to be reconsidered and re-evaluated. Although there are many works devoted to the British Labour Party history, the reasons for its strengthening, the factors of its rapid growth at the beginning of the 20th century, the causes and consequences of the crisis of 1931, etc. still remain debatable. Therefore, it is not a quiet time to talk about the completeness of the research topic. The author also noted that despite the number of historical researches of modern Ukrainian scholars, Ukrainian British studies still lack investigations with the analysis of the organizational structure of the British Labour party and its leadership.

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11

Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.

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12

Stansky, Peter, and K. D. Brown. "The First Labour Party, 1906-1914." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 670. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869196.

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13

Bevir, Mark. "Fabianism, permeation and Independent Labour." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020720.

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ABSTRACTThe leading Fabians held different versions of permeation: Shaw saw permeation in terms of weaning the Radicals away from the Liberal party, so he favoured an independent party; Webb defined permeation in terms of the giving of expert advice to a political elite without any need for a new party. These varieties of permeation can be traced in the individual and collective actions of the Fabians, and, in particular, in their attitude to the formation of the Independent Labour party (I.L.P.). The Fabians did not simply promote the I.L.P. nor did they simply oppose the I.L.P.

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14

Molendijk, Arie L. "Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (January 22, 2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732000003x.

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AbstractIn 1947 the liberal Protestant minister Willem Banning drafted a new programme for the Labour Party, in which the party dropped the Marxist view of history and class struggle. New Labour in the Netherlands was envisioned as a party that strove for a democratic and just society. Banning's role in reforming the Labour Party was part of his broader project of breaking down structures of socio-political segregation that had existed since the end of the nineteenth century. Banning argued that the Labour Party had to abandon its atheist ideology to open up to Protestants and Catholics. This article will examine Banning's views and ideals and show how he contributed to the transformation of Labour into a social democratic party and seek answer to the question: how could a liberal Protestant minister become the main ideologue of the Labour Party?

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15

Pelling, Henry, and Kenneth D. Brown. "The First Labour Party, 1906-1914." Economic History Review 38, no. 4 (November 1985): 654. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597212.

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16

Marsden, Richard, and Paul Whiteley. "The Labour Party in Crisis." Labour / Le Travail 16 (1985): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142546.

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17

Catterall, Peter. "Morality and Politics: the free churches and the Labour Party between the wars." Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1993): 667–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014357.

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ABSTRACT:The inter-war period saw the decline of the Liberal party, the traditional political ally of the free churches, and the rise of the Labour party. This article traces the responses of the free churches to these developments. The relationship of the free churches with the Labour party in this period is examined at three different levels; that of the free church leadership, that of the chapels and the ordinary people in the pews and that of the nonconformists who became active in the Labour party. Whilst attitudes towards the Labour party changed within free church institutions during the inter-war years they did not become important supporters of the party, or greatly influence it. The number and proportion of individual nonconformists who were active and influential in the party in this period was however considerable. In the process not only did Labour M.P.s become the main carriers of the nonconformist conscience on issues such as drink and gambling. They also made a distinctive and important contribution to the development and ideals of the Labour party.

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18

Fleay, C., and M. L. Sanders. "The Labour Spain Committee: Labour Party Policy and the Spanish Civil War." Historical Journal 28, no. 1 (March 1985): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00002272.

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19

Weiler, P. "Review: MacDonald's Party: Labour Identities and Crisis, 1922-1931 * David Howell: MacDonald's Party: Labour Identities and Crisis, 1922-1931." Twentieth Century British History 15, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/15.1.111.

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20

Knox, William. "The Scottish Labour Party: History, Institutions and Ideas (review)." Scottish Historical Review 85, no. 1 (2006): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shr.2006.0018.

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21

Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (July 1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.

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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.

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22

Thorpe, A. "Locking out the Communists: The Labour party and the Communist party, 1939-46." Twentieth Century British History 25, no. 2 (August 30, 2013): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwt020.

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23

Tanner, D. "MacDonald's Party: Labour Identities and Crisis, 1922-1932." English Historical Review 119, no. 480 (February 1, 2004): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.480.153.

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24

Buchanan, T. "The Labour Party, Nationalism and Internationalism, 1939-1951." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 795–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen108.

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25

Kelemen, Paul. "Zionism and the British Labour party: 1917–39." Social History 21, no. 1 (January 1996): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071029608567957.

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26

Mijatov, Nikola. "The Impact of the British Labour Party on the Dissidence of Milovan Djilas 1950–1958." Britain and the World 14, no. 2 (September 2021): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0371.

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The article analyses the influence of the leadership of the British Labour Party on the first Cold War dissident, Milovan Djilas. Up until his dissidence in 1954, the main Yugoslav official for official relations with the British Left was Djilas. He had many contacts with the members of the British Labour Party such as Morgan Phillips, Aneurin Bevan and Jennie Lee. While many of these contacts were professional, Djilas established a firm friendship with Bevan, under whose influence Djilas gradually abandoned communism and embraced the Labour movement. When he called for another party in Yugoslavia (one similar to the Labour Party), he was condemned by Tito’s regime.

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27

Banner, Duncan. "A Century of Labour. A History of the Labour Party,1900-2000 Keith Laybourn." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (September 2000): 1033–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.463.1033.

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28

Banner, D. "A Century of Labour. A History of the Labour Party,1900-2000 Keith Laybourn." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (September 1, 2000): 1033–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.463.1033.

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29

Inbar, Efraim. "The decline of the Labour party." Israel Affairs 16, no. 1 (January 2010): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120903462019.

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30

Kirkby, Diane. "Labour: The New Zealand Labour Party 1916–2016 / One and All: Labor and the Radical Tradition in South Australia." Australian Historical Studies 49, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 420–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2018.1495149.

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31

Andrijauskaitė, Ugnė Marija. "Inventing the Communist Party of Lithuania as a Labour Movement. Narratives in Soviet Historiography." Lithuanian Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (January 28, 2018): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02201005.

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This study analyses and shows how the history of the Communist Party of Lithuania (Lietuvos komunistų partija, LKP) was constructed as the history of an organised labour movement in Soviet historiography. Most studies on Lithuanian workers and labour unions written between 1960 and 1988 searched for connections between the LKP and the labour movement, analysed the impact of the LKP on the workers and unions, and sometimes used the terms ‘workers’ or ‘labouring men’ as synonyms for members of the LKP. According to Soviet Lithuanian historians, labour unions, strikes, workers, and the whole organised labour movement that sympathised with Moscow, helped to gain influence among the citizens of Lithuania prior to the occupation in 1940. Because the labour history of Soviet Lithuania was tied to the history of the Lithuanian Communist Party, it is still hard to draw a line between the history of the workers and the history of the LKP, since the studies on workers, the labour movement and the history of the LKP written during Soviet times are treated as a product of the ideology. It is argued that Soviet Lithuanian labour history must be properly reviewed in order to reevaluate its relationship with contemporary historiography and today’s perception of the labour movement itself.

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32

Lowe, R. "The Labour Party and Taxation: Party Identity and Political Purpose in Twentieth-Century Britain." English Historical Review 117, no. 470 (February 1, 2002): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.238.

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33

Shefftz, Melvin, and K. D. Brown. "The First Labour Party: 1906-1914." Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142797.

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34

Toye, Richard. "‘The Smallest Party in History’? New Labour in Historical Perspective." Labour History Review 69, no. 1 (April 2004): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.69.1.83.

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35

Wrigley, C. "Shorter notice. A History of the British Labour Party. Thorpe." English Historical Review 114, no. 455 (February 1999): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.455.261.

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36

Wrigley, C. "Shorter notice. A History of the British Labour Party. Thorpe." English Historical Review 114, no. 454 (February 1, 1999): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.454.261.

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37

Wrigley, C. "Shorter notice. A History of the British Labour Party. Thorpe." English Historical Review 114, no. 455 (February 1, 1999): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.455.261.

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38

Purdue. "Speak for Britain! A New History of the Labour Party." Labour History Review 76, no. 3 (December 2011): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174581811x13166898134194.

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39

Booth, A. "The Labour Party and the Planned Economy, 1931-1951." English Historical Review 119, no. 483 (September 1, 2004): 1014–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.483.1014.

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40

RIDDELL, N. "The Catholic Church and the Labour Party, 1918-1931." Twentieth Century British History 8, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/8.2.165.

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41

Cohen, Gidon. "The Independent Labour Party, Disaffiliation, Revolution and Standing Orders." History 86, no. 282 (April 2001): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.00186.

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42

NUTTALL, JEREMY. "PLURALISM, THE PEOPLE, AND TIME IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY, 1931–1964." Historical Journal 56, no. 3 (August 5, 2013): 729–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1300023x.

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ABSTRACTObserving the increasing, yet still partial exploration of pluralism, complexity and multiplicity in recent Labour party historiography, this article pursues a pluralist approach to Labour on two central, related themes of its middle-century evolution. First, it probes the plurality of Labour's different conceptions of time, specifically how it lived with the ambiguity of simultaneously viewing social progress as both immediate and rapidly achievable, yet also long term and strewn with constraints. This co-existence of multiple time-frames highlights the party's uncertainty and ideological multi-dimensionality, especially in its focus both on relatively rapid economic or structural transformation, and on much more slow-moving cultural, ethical, and educational change. It also complicates neat characterizations of particular phases in the party's history, challenging straightforwardly declinist views of the post-1945–51 period. Secondly, time connects to Labour's view of the people. Whilst historians have debated between positive and negative perceptions of the people, here the plural, split mind of Labour about the progressive potential of the citizenry is stressed, one closely intertwined with its multiple outlook on how long socialism would take. Contrasts are also suggested between the time-frames and expectations under which Labour and the Conservatives operated.

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43

Hennessy, Peter. "Michael Young and the Labour Party." Contemporary British History 19, no. 3 (September 2005): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460500100500.

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44

Schneer, Jonathan, and Duncan Tanner. "Political Change and the Labour Party, 1900-1918." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (December 1991): 1548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165351.

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45

Dawson, Michael. "Money and the real impact of the Fourth Reform Act." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002584x.

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AbstractThe real significance ofthe Representation of the People Act, 1918, for the Liberal and Labour parties lay in its mundane and little discussed financial provisions, not in its extension of the franchise. Despite the electoral reforms of 1883–5, election contests before 1914 were still expensive enough effectively to exclude the Labour party from politics outside the industrial centres. In 1918 the politicians of the older parties took the opportunity to relieve their pockets of a substantial part of the expense of elections. However, Labour was the main beneficiary: its new strategy of contesting seats nationwide was only made possible by the changes in and underlying the Fourth Reform Act. These changes, in turn, enabled Labour to benefit from being a ‘national’ party and ‘alternative government’, during a period when the established leading ‘progressive’ party was divided and weakened. The Fourth Reform Act also assisted Labour's strategy of eliminating the Liberal party as a parliamentary force: Liberals could be denied election victories in the countryside and the suburbs by hopeless but inexpensive Labour interventions.

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46

TOMLINSON, JIM. "THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE CAPITALIST FIRM, c. 1950–1970." Historical Journal 47, no. 3 (September 2004): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003917.

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One of the most profound challenges facing the Labour party in the post-war period was its ability to understand and make policy to reform the private sector. Before the Attlee government, Labour had little to say on this issue, but that government's experience exposed the dangerous ‘vacuum’ this involved. In the 1950s the nature of the capitalist firm ranked alongside the alleged ‘embourgoisement’ of the working class as an issue framing Labour's ideological and policy debate. The centrality of this issue reflected the fact that understanding the firm was inextricably linked to a raft of broader arguments within the Left about the nature of modern capitalism. The benign view of the corporation that flowed from the revisionist wing of the party was challenged by the ‘declinist’ politics of the 1960s, and in office after 1964 Labour pursued a modernizing agenda which centrally involved seeking to shape the behaviour of the private sector in order to deliver the higher economic growth that Labour so much desired. The failure of this growth to materialize led to great disillusion across the party about the policies pursued by the Wilson government, and this in turn led to a fundamental rethink of policy that was to underpin the radical agenda of the party in the 1970s.

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47

Bale, Tim. "‘All poke and no soak?’: interpreting the labour party." History of the Human Sciences 19, no. 1 (February 2006): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695106062155.

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48

Cohen, Gidon. "Labour Inside the Gate. A History of the British Labour Party between the Wars (review)." Parliamentary History 25, no. 3 (2006): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pah.2006.0039.

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49

Keogh, Dermot. "Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.

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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden. Only one thing united this variegated political grouping – the unanimous wish to keep Eamon de Valera and his party in opposition.

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50

Fielding, S. "The Labour Party: A Centenary History, Brian Brivati and Richard Heffernan." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 1, 2001): 534–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.466.534.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour Party history'

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