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Journal articles on the topic 'Lactantius, Classical literature'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Roots, Peter A. "The De Opificio Dei: The Workmanship of God and Lactantius." Classical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (December 1987): 466–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030676.

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Lactantius' treatise the de opificio dei has received little attention from classical scholars in modern times. There are two main reasons for this. First, Lactantius is regarded essentially as a Christian apologist and therefore of interest primarily to theologians and students of Christian history. Second, that work which has been done on the treatise has tended to the view that the opif.'s interest for scholars lies largely in the question of its written sources, its main such source, according to several commentators, being the Hermetic body of writings. Both of these reasons need re-examining. With regard to the first, it is unfortunate that the only surviving works of Lactantius are his specifically Christian treatises, written after the outbreak of persecution in A.D. 303. As such they represent only a portion of his work, being composed in the last two decades of a long life. The basis of his reputation as a rhetorician, a reputation which secured him his appointment as professor of Latin rhetoric at Nicomedia under Diocletian, must have been his earlier works, which pre-date his conversion in c. 300.

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2

Bryce, Jackson. "Lactantius’ Institutes." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni088.

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3

Hill, D. E. "LACTANTIUS ON STATIUS." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 57–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.57.

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4

Adams, J. N. "A Medical Theory and the Text at Lactantius, Mort. persec. 33.7 and Pelagonius 347." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 522–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037125.

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It would be a mistake to attempt to identify in modern terms the disease of Galerius described so graphically by Lactantius, Mort. 33 (cf. the similar description at Eus. H.E. 8.16). Consumption by lice or worms, if not genital ‘gangrene’, was a typical end for a tyrant or the impious, and there must be an element of literary exaggeration in Lactantius' account. But whatever one makes of the nature of the illness, Lactantius did set out to give the passage a scientific plausibility by his use of technical medical phraseology, and by an allusion to a medical theory at 33.7. Recognition of this theory allows one to settle the text at one point, where editors have failed to agree. There is also a second place in the chapter where familiarity with medical Latin points one towards the solution of a textual problem.

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5

Woods, David. "Lactantius, Valerian, and Halophilic Bacteria." Mnemosyne 61, no. 3 (2008): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x235254.

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6

Nicholson, Caroline, and Oliver Nicholson. "Lactantius, Hermes Trismegistus and Constantinian obelisks." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632052.

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In a recent article in this journal (JHS cvii [1987] 51–57) Garth Fowden has argued that the obelisk from Karnak erected by Constantius II in Rome in 357 had been promised to that city by his father Constantine, as Ammianus Marcellinus states, and was not originally intended, as was claimed in the (lost) inscription on its base, for Constantine's new foundation at Constantinople. The interesting suggestion is made that Constantine might have been in touch with Athenian religious experts over the matter, and the project is seen as an earnest of ‘his desire to conciliate the pagan Establishment of Old Rome’. The point of this piece is to enlarge on the possible significance of the obelisk to contemporary Christians that is hinted at by Dr Fowden.Constantine paid three visits to Rome as emperor, in 312, after winning the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, in 315 during the celebration of his Decennalia, and in 326 for his Vicennalia; on at least one of these occasions, he gave offence to non-Christian Romans by declining to perform the customary procession to the Capitol to offer sacrifice.

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7

Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma. "Lactantius, Porphyry, and the Debate over Religious Toleration." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300808.

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Did the events surrounding Diocletian's persecution of 303–311 launch a debate over religious toleration? The first suggestion that they did occurs in Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles, a defence of traditional religion and theology in three books. Writing before the persecution, the celebrated Neoplatonist philosopher from Tyre, a man whom several Christian emperors and church councils would soon condemn, asked the question that stood at the heart of the persecution:How can these people [i.e., Christians] be thought worthy of forbearance (συϒϒώμη) ? They have not only turned away from those who from earliest time are referred to as divine among all Greeks and barbarians … and by emperors, law-givers and philosophers—all of a common mind. But also, in choosing impieties and atheism, they have preferred their fellow creatures [i.e., to worshipping the divine]. And to what sort of penalties might they not justly be subjected who … are fugitives from the things of their fathers?

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8

Speyer, Kathrin. "Musik und Moral: Intertextuelle Bezüge zwischen Lact. inst. 6,21 und Sen. epist. 123,9 f." Philologus 163, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 298–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2018-0043.

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Abstract The goal of this article is to use structural, lexical and content analysis to make the case that the Church Father Lactantius, when composing Divinae institutiones 6,21, engaged with Sen. epist. 123,9 f. and pointedly refers to it. In the process, this whole chapter of Lactantius will be examined to see what the relation is between the decisive influence of the Seneca passage and that of other pre-texts that have already been identified as such in existing publications, especially the works of other Church Fathers. The content under discussion concerns the risks of purely instrumental music compared to those of artistically designed speech for the spirit of the listener, closely linked to the question of whether Christian writings, too, may – or even should – be aesthetically appealing. The treatment of this question leads ultimately to a general discussion of the relation of pleasure to virtue in the sense of a life pleasing to God.

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9

Muse, Kevin. "Lactantius Divinae Institutiones 3.26.7 and the Text of Sallust Catilina 14.2." Mnemosyne 69, no. 3 (May 7, 2016): 503–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342059.

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10

Watt, W. S. "Notes on the epic poems of Statius." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 516–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.516.

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At their first meeting Polynices and Tydeus come to blows. They are reconciled by Adrastus, who expresses the hope that their quarrel will lead to loyal friendship between them, as it did.Esse pro fuisse dixit, says Lactantius, more ingenuously than Klotz, who tries to make the same thing more palatable by saying esse est pro imperfecti quodammodo infinitiuo. Some have taken the accusative and infinitive to be a general statement, but Heuvel is clearly right in saying that it is Tydeus and Polynices whom the poet has in mind. The most favoured solution has been Grater's conjecture isse, but (as Helm says) that produces an unnatural expression (the passages adduced by Mueller are not parallels); Mozley renders it by ‘grew’, thereby translating not what stands in his text but what ought perhaps to stand there, namely <cr>esse, a conjecture of Gil, which has been almost entirely overlooked. This contracted form is found in extant literature only at Lucretius 3.683 and (concresse) Ovid, Met. 7.416 (at 3.200 Statius flesse). The first letters of a line are particularly liable to omission; despite Hill, I do not find it at all surprising that at 1.544 perseus lost its first letter and the remnant became aureus.

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11

Nicholson, Oliver. "Magna Et Mirabilia Exempla - J. L. Creed: Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, edited and translated. (Oxford Early Christian Texts.) Pp. xlviii + 148. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1984. £15." Classical Review 36, no. 2 (October 1986): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00106225.

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12

Bennardo, Lorenza. "On Statius, Theb. 8.26 serunt animas and Its Interpretation in Later Readers." Mnemosyne 70, no. 3 (May 10, 2017): 436–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342117.

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Although most recent editions printferunt, this paper argues forseruntas the correct reading in Statius,Theb.8.26. After discussingferuntas a vague and colourless contribution to the description of Dis’ hellish court, I analyzeseruntas a product of the poet’s lexical inventiveness: while he is the first to apply the verb to weaving, Statius connectsserotoseriesand provides aThebanrepresentation of the Parcae as spinners. Lexical enrichment guides the appropriation of myth. Secondly, I deal with two quotations ofTheb. 8.26 in later readers of Statius. I suggest that Claudian’s encrypted reference to Statius’ passage inDe Raptu Proserpina1.52 echoes Statius’ stoicizing presentation of the spinning Fates. In Lactantius’ quotation, on the other hand,seruntis interpreted as a reference to reincarnation, in the context of a philosophical reading ofTheb.8.91-93. While supporting the authenticity ofserunt, the two later references toTheb.8.26 attest different interpretations of Statius’ unique (and debated?) usage of the verb.

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13

Den Boeft, J. "J. L. CREED, Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, edited and translated. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984. xlvii, 148 p. Pr. £ 15,-." Mnemosyne 41, no. 1-2 (1988): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852588x00444.

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14

Flower, Richard. "Visions of Constantine." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (June 8, 2012): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000068.

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Early one bright afternoon, seventeen centuries ago, Constantine stood staring at the sun. According to his self-appointed biographer Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, who claimed to have heard the story from Constantine himself, the emperor was on campaign, when, ‘around midday, as the day was declining’ he saw a shining cross of light over the sun, with the attached text ‘By this conquer’. The understandably startled ruler slept on the matter, whereupon Christ appeared in a dream and instructed him to fashion himself a copy of the holy sign, which would protect him against his enemies. He did as he had been told, took Christian clerics as his advisers and, not long afterwards, set off for Italy to fight his rival, Maxentius. The rhetorician Lactantius, writing about twenty years before Eusebius, presented a different tale in hisDe mortibus persecutorum: Constantine, on the eve of his decisive battle against Maxentius ina.d. 312, at the Milvian Bridge to the north of Rome, was instructed in a dream to ‘mark the heavenly sign of God’ on his shields. Constantine's moment of epiphany, sometimes equated with his ‘conversion’, has traditionally been seen both as one of history's great turning-points and as one of its most enduring enigmas. The interpretation of Constantine's vision(s) is further complicated by an anecdote that appears in an anonymous panegyric of the emperor, delivered ina.d. 310. Having turned off from the road to visit ‘the most beautiful temple in the world’, Constantine was greeted by a remarkable sight: ‘For you saw, I believe, Constantine, your Apollo, accompanied by Victory, offering you laurel crowns, which each brought an omen of thirty years [of life or rule]’.

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15

THIERRY, J. J. "E. HECK & A. WLOSOK, L. Caeli Firmiani Lactanti Epitome Divinarum Institutionum (Bibliotheca Teubneriana). Stuttgart/ Leipzig, Teubner, 1994. XLVIII, 128 p. Pr. DM 69,-." Mnemosyne 50, no. 6 (December 27, 1997): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568-525x_050_06-04.

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16

Nicholson, Oliver. "A. Bowen and P. Garnsey, Lactantius: Divine Institutes (Translated Texts for Historians 40). Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2003. Pp. xiv + 472. 1 pl. ISBN 0-85323-988-6. £20.00. - J.-Y. Guillaumin and S. Ratti (Eds), Autour de Lactance: Hommages à Pierre Monat. Paris: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté (Diffusion Les Belles Lettres), 2003. Pp. 344, 1 pl. ISBN 2-84867-029-0. €25.00. - E. D. Digeser, The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius and Rome. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000. Pp. xv + 199. ISBN 0-8014-3594-3. US$39:95." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543580000160x.

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17

Cristini, Marco. "CASSIODORUS, INSTITVTIONES 1.28.3 AND LACTANTIUS, DIVINAE INSTITVTIONES 3.28.22." Classical Quarterly, March 22, 2021, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000379.

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Abstract This note identifies the source of a brief quotation in Cassiodorus, Institutiones 1.28.3 as a passage of Lactantius, Diuinae Institutiones 3.28.22. It argues that Cassiodorus possibly intended to draw an implicit comparison between himself and Lactantius.

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18

Cain, Andrew. "Three Further Echoes of Lactantius in Jerome." Philologus 154, no. 1 (January 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.2010.0006.

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19

Bryce, Jackson. "E. Heck-A.Wlosok, L. Caelius Firmianus Lactantius. Divinarum institutionum libri septem. Fasc. 1: Libri I et II. Ediderunt Eberhard Heck et Antonie Wlosok (Bibliotheca Teubneriana), München-Leipzig: K.G. Saur, 2005, LXI + 200 pp., ISBN 3-598-71265-0." Exemplaria Classica 11 (December 1, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/ec.v11i0.492.

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