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1
Avis, Paul. "Towards an Ecclesiology of the Cathedral." Ecclesiology 15, no. 3 (2019): 342–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01503007.
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The purpose of this article is to bring to light the ecclesiological reality of cathedrals, with a main focus on the Church of England. It initiates a concise ecclesiological discussion of the following aspects of the English, Anglican cathedrals: (a) the cathedral as a church of Christ; (b) the place and role of the cathedral within the diocese; (c) the relationship between the cathedral and the diocesan bishop; (d) the mission of the cathedral. The article concludes with a brief reflection on (e) the cathedral as the ‘mother church’ of the diocese.
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Diamond, Ciaran. "The Reformation Charter of Christ Church Cathedral Dublin, 1541." Archivium Hibernicum 53 (1999): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25484172.
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Davey, Michael. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 14, no. 1 (2011): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000822.
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Having met in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin in 2010, in 2011 Synod returned to the less spiritual but rather plusher surroundings of the City Hotel, Armagh. It was comforting to note from the attendance figures that the level of luxury seems to have little effect on the willingness of delegates to attend.
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Alves da Cunha, João. "The Cathedral of Straw." Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 3 (October 2, 2015): 228–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2013.3.0.5106.
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This communication reflects on the great Eucharistic celebrations held occasionally by the Church in public places and proposes some guidelines to its development. To do this, it uses the examples of the Masses held by Benedict XVI in Valencia and Lisbon, the Mass by Pope Francis in Lampedusa and finally a Mass celebrated in Fatima by Jesuits General Father Adolfo Nicolás sj. Through these cases is visible how a poor and simple construction generated by a humble architecture can be as beautiful and noble as the richest, but more importantly, its testimony of Christ becomes considerably more credible.
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Seán Duffy. "The Medieval Manuscripts of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin (review)." Catholic Historical Review 95, no. 2 (2009): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0390.
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Davey, Michael. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 17, no. 1 (2014): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000970.
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In this, the final year of the current triennium, the General Synod met again in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. Whether it will return to this venue, and if so how often, is open to doubt since the Synod directed that efforts be made to find a more satisfactory meeting place in Dublin having regard to the comparative costs of its regular meetings at the alternative venue in Armagh.
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Mohr, Adam. "Faith Tabernacle Congregation and the Emergence of Pentecostalism in Colonial Nigeria, 1910s-1941." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 2 (2013): 196–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341249.
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Abstract Faith Tabernacle literature first spread into the Christian community in Lagos from Western Ghana in the 1910s. By at least 1917 Faith Tabernacle literature was being read in Lagos, and the first formal branch was established in Lagos in 1920. During the early 1920s Faith Tabernacle literature was being spread throughout Nigeria as Faith Tabernacle members traveled across the colony as labor migrants, leading to the rapid spread of the church, particularly in the major cities. By early 1929 Faith Tabernacle had established 61 branches in Nigeria with over 1,200 members. However, due to the schisms of 1925 and 1929, many Faith Tabernacle leaders, members, communicants, and entire congregations left the church to establish the first Pentecostal denominations in Nigeria, which were the Apostolic Faith (1928), the Apostolic Church (1931), the Assemblies of God (1939), and the Christ Apostolic Church (1941).
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Davydova, Lyubov N. "CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE TEMPLE MUSEUM IN THE LIGHT OF RECONSTRUCTING THE CHURCH OF CHRIST NATIVITY ON THE SANDS IN ST. PETERSBURG THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE CONCEPT OF A MUSEUM-CATHEDRAL DEVELOPED BY N.F. FEDOROV." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 2 (June 24, 2021): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2021-2-44-54.
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The purpose of this study is to show the conceptual foundations of the temple museum in the light of the reconstructing the Church of Christ Nativity on the Sands in St. Petersburg (St. Petersburg, 6-ya Sovetskaya str., 19, lit. A; architect P.E. Yegorov, 1781–1789) through the prism of the concept of a museum-cathedral developed by N.F. Fedorov (1829–1903).
 
 The objectives of this study are to reveal the system of N.F. Fedorov’s views on the institute of a museum, to consider the cosmism of N.F. Fedorov’s philosophical views in relation to the institute of a museum, to throw light on the history of the Church of Christ Nativity on the Sands in St. Petersburg.
 
 This paper reveals the system of views of a cosmist philosopher, a representative of the Russian religious and philosophical tradition N.F. Fedorov (1829–1903) on the institute of a museum, described in the article «The Museum, its meaning and purpose», in the notes and supplement to the article «The Museum», which we conventionally refer to as «Fedorov concept of a museum-cathedral». The cosmism of Fedorov’s philosophical views is considered in relation to the museum institute, and the term «museum cosmism» is introduced into scientific use. The article covers the history of constructing and reconstructing the Church of Christ Nativity on the Sands in St. Petersburg. The article shows the conceptual foundations of the temple museum in the light of reconstructing the Church of Christ Nativity on the Sands in St. Petersburg (the museum as a temple – the temple as a museum).
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Meigs, Samantha A., and Raymond Gillespie. "The First Chapter Act Book of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, 1574-1634." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 3 (1998): 862. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543731.
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Tsykunov, I. V. "The trinity chapel flooring of Canterbury cathedral: symbols of the way to heavenly Jerusalem." Язык и текст 4, no. 3 (2017): 144–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2017040315.
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Cathedral and Metropolitical Church of Christ at Canterbury is the Mother Church of the worldwide Anglican Communion and seat of the Archbishop of Canterbury. In the Trinity chapel of cathedral is located a marble pavement with complex symbolism. Experts often argue when was created this pavement and circumstances. Researchers agree only that the Italian or French craftsmen were authors of this pavement. The author of this article proves that the Italian marble craftsmen Cosmati were creators of a mosaic pavement. Craftsmen are known for creation of pavement in a presbytery of the Westminster Abbey in London. The author of this article deciphers symbolism of marble pavement. The author of this article assumes this Cosmati floor mosaics symbolize the opening way of man to Heavenly Jerusalem.
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SAYERS, JANE. "Peter's Throne and Augustine's Chair: Rome and Canterbury from Baldwin (1184–90) to Robert Winchelsey (1297–1313)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 2 (2000): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900004243.
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The arrival of St Augustine in England from Rome in 597 was an event of profound significance, for it marked the beginnings of relations between Rome and Canterbury. To later generations this came to mean relations between the papacy in its universal role, hence the throne of St Peter, and the metropolitical see of Canterbury and the cathedral priory of Christ Church, for the chair of St Augustine was the seat of both a metropolitan and an abbot. The archiepiscopal see and the cathedral priory were inextricably bound in a unique way.Relations with Rome had always been particularly close, both between the archbishops and the pope and between the convent and the pope. The cathedral church of Canterbury was dedicated to the Saviour (Christ Church) as was the papal cathedral of the Lateran. Gregory had sent the pallium to Augustine in sign of his metropolitan rank. There had been correspondence with Rome from the first. In Eadmer's account of the old Anglo-Saxon church, it was built in the Roman fashion, as Bede testifies, imitating the church of the blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, in which the most sacred relics in the whole world are venerated. Even more precisely, the confessio of St Peter was copied at Canterbury. As Eadmer says, ‘From the choir of the singers one went up to the two altars (of Christ and of St Wilfrid) by some steps, since there was a crypt underneath, what the Romans call a confessio, built like the confessio of St Peter.’ (Eadmer had both visited Rome in 1099 and witnessed the fire that destroyed the old cathedral some thirty years before in 1067.) And there, in the confessio, Eadmer goes on to say, Alfege had put the head of St Swithun and there were many other relics. The confessio in St Peter's had been constructed by Pope Gregory the Great and contained the body of the prince of the Apostles and it was in a niche here that the pallia were put before the ceremony of the vesting, close to the body of St Peter. There may be, too, another influence from Rome and old St Peter's on the cathedral at Canterbury. The spiral columns in St Anselm's crypt at Canterbury, which survived the later fire of 1174, and are still standing, were possibly modelled on those that supported St Peter's shrine. These twisted columns were believed to have been brought to Rome from the Temple of Solomon. At the end of the sixth century, possibly due to Gregory the Great, they were arranged to form an iconostasis-like screen before the apostle's shrine. Pope Gregory III in the eighth century had added an outer screen of six similar columns, the present of the Byzantine Exarch, of which five still survive. They are practically the only relics of the old basilica to have been preserved in the new Renaissance St Peter's.
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Sarab'janov, Vladimir. "Patronal'nye izobrazenija v programme rospisej Spasskoj cerkvi Evfrosin'eva monastyrja v Polocke." Zograf, no. 37 (2013): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1337087s.
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The murals of Christ`s Transfiguration cathedral in Polotsk (ca. 1161), which were revealed during restoration in the last several years, include several thematic strata. Among them especially notable is a group of images, related to the patron saints. Distinguished among them are the figures of the patron saints of the Polotsk ducal family, to which St. Euphrosynia of Polotsk, the founder of the monastery and the builder of the Christ`s Church, belonged. The composition ?Exaltation of the Cross? is set in one row with the patron saints, thus revealing semantic correlation with the ktitors` portrait in Kiev Saint Sophia and some other Kiev churches of tenth and eleventh centuries, where the idea of Russia becoming a member of Christian community is developed. At the same time, the patron theme is deeply intertwined with the purpose of the Christ`s Church to serve as a family burial for St. Euphrosynia.
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Meyers, Ruth A., and Katherine Sonderegger. "Jubilate: a conversation about Prayer Book revision and the language of our prayer." Anglican Theological Review 103, no. 1 (2021): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003328621996857.
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These essays were presented at the Jubilate conference at Christ Church Cathedral in the Diocese of Southern Ohio on 2 November 2019. Meyers urges the expansion of images and metaphors used to speak of the mystery of God in liturgy while not abandoning classical masculine language for God. Expanding our language is essential, she argues, both to speak the truth about God and to uphold the dignity of every human being. Sonderegger contends that masculine language for God is a settled matter in the church and in liturgy, and that this is compatible with a particular vision of Christian feminism, one centered on the material conditions of living women.
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Barnard, TC. "Shorter notice. The First Chapter Act Book of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin 1574-1634. Gillespie (ed.)." English Historical Review 114, no. 455 (1999): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.455.181.
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Barnard, T. "Shorter notice. The First Chapter Act Book of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin 1574-1634. Gillespie (ed.)." English Historical Review 114, no. 455 (1999): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.455.181.
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Barnard, T. "Shorter notice. The First Chapter Act Book of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin 1574-1634. Gillespie (ed.)." English Historical Review 114, no. 454 (1999): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.454.181.
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Gatch, Milton McC. "Miracles in architectural settings: Christ Church, Canterbury and St Clement's, Sandwich in the Old English Vision of Leofric." Anglo-Saxon England 22 (December 1993): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004397.
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The ‘Old English Vision of Leofric, Earl of Mercia’ was first printed in a philological journal in 1908. It contains extremely interesting information about the arrangement and furnishings of two major Anglo-Saxon churches, Christ Church, Canterbury, and St Clement's Church, Sandwich. The Visio Leofrici is the only testimony, written or (apparently) archaeological, to the existence of St Clement's before the Conquest; it confirms and deepens aspects of our exclusively documentary knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon cathedral at Canterbury, which was destroyed by fire in 1067. Thus, it is particularly unfortunate that the Vision of Leofric, which has had but slight attention from students of language, literature or religious visions, has attracted even less notice from archaeologists, art historians and students of medieval liturgy.
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Foster, Paul. "Goring Revisited: George Bell, The Artist Hans Feibusch, and Art in Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 6, no. 28 (2001): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00004257.
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There is adventure about—both at home and abroad. More especially, events are taking place in respect to the place of visual art in the witness of the Church that a generation ago, or even less, would have been laughed out of court: for the counsel of this committee or that, whether at parish vestry or cathedral chapter, would have looked askance at what, today, seems to be accepted almost on the nod. Examples of what is occurring, and especially in cathedrals up and down the country, are easy to cite. One need think only of recent exhibitions at Salisbury; the use of video (Bill Viola'sThe Messenger)at Durham; the appointment of an artist in residence at Gloucester;Sculpture for Winchester, the 1998 exhibition arranged in part across the Inner Close of the cathedral; an exhibition in November 1999 of Sussex artists in the North Transept at Chichester, conducted with a view to raising funds for the continuing restoration of the cathedral; Anthony Green'sResurrection, An Act of Faithat Christ Church, Oxford; or the planned (at the moment of writing) millennial exhibition,Stations, the New Sacred Art, to be held in 2000 both at the cathedral in Bury St Edmunds and at twelve associated parishes. Varied as these examples are, they all share a very distinct characteristic—the temporary nature of the arrangements, for which no formal permission or approval was legally required from any supererogatory body or bodies. Reasons for this development are complex, and the outcomes— which frequently create controversy—are often fiercely debated. What has received less attention, however, is the foundation of the present relationship between art and the Church, a relationship that can be seen to stretch back to a judgment made by George Bell, then Bishop of Chichester, in his own consistory court in 1954, concerning a design for a mural by Hans Feibusch in the parish church at Goring-by-Sea.
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Radovanovic, Janko. "Epitaphios of Jovan, the Metropolitan of Skopje, in the treasury of the Hilandar monastery." Zograf, no. 31 (2006): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog0731169r.
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The epitaphios of Jovan, the Metropolitan of Skopje, was created between 1346 and 1348. It is unique for its beauty and iconographic program and, at the same time, it is the oldest of the epitaphia preserved in our country. The epitaphios was worn in the course of Holy Liturgy, during the Great Entrance in the cathedral churches and the major monasteries. Metropolitan Jovan presented the epitaphios as a gift to Christ 'my life-giver.' Depicted on its central field is the Epitaphios Threnos (Lamentation at the Tomb). Added around it, at a later time it seems, are bands representing the fourteen scenes of Great Feasts and the officiating Church Fathers, in embroidery. Holy Liturgy is served by the greatest fathers and teachers of the Church and Metropolitan Jovan.
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HALEVI, MASHA. "CONTESTED HERITAGE: MULTI-LAYERED POLITICS AND THE FORMATION OF THE SACRED SPACE – THE CHURCH OF GETHSEMANE AS A CASE-STUDY." Historical Journal 58, no. 4 (2015): 1031–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000776.
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ABSTRACTThe article analyses the processes that preceded the construction of sanctuaries in the Holy Land through the prism of the Church of Gethsemane in Jerusalem, deconstructing and uncovering layers of political power struggles which led to its formation and present shape. This study, based on extensive archival research and a field survey, demonstrates how the reconstruction of the basilica of Gethsemane, and hence the concretization in stone of some of the most depicted evangelical traditions, was not merely the result of an ecumenical consideration. In fact, it reflects the narrow, and sometimes very down-to-earth, interests of various denominations and political forces. The study also demonstrates how the unique setting of the Holy Land encouraged simultaneous multi-layered political processes, comparing the case-study of the Church of Gethsemane to those of other symbolic and national religious monuments: the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the basilica of Sacré-Coeur in Paris, and the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow.
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Of the Journal, Editorial board. "Certificate of the Holy Unity." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 81-82 (December 13, 2016): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2017.81-82.740.
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In the name of the triune God, we are gathered at the next Cathedral in Berenshit, in the church of St.. Mykodlaya, Mitropolit, and bishops of the Greek rite, proclaim to eternal memory: Seeing that the monotony of the Church of God in the gospel and the teaching of our Lord Jesus Christ is based on one Peter, as if on a stone, so that the Church of Christ would stand firmly under the rule and leadership of his one, so that in one body there was one head, and in one house only one master and the bearer of God's favor, placed over the people of God, to care for the order and goodness of all, and because this order, which began from the Apostolic times, continued in the Divine Church continuously . Therefore, all the Eastern Patriarchs in the affairs of faith and in the reception of the spiritual authority, as well as in the episcopal courts and responses, have always been related to the successor of St. Peter, the Holy Pope, as is evident from the Ecumenical Councils and the rules of the Holy Fathers. This is satisfactorily proved by other Slavic letters, which have already been translated into Greek from ancient times, as well as by the holy Fathers of the Eastern Churches. They all recognize this holy throne of Peter, his privilege and his authority over bishops of the whole world.
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Fiene, Donald M. "What is the Appearance of Divine Sophia?" Slavic Review 48, no. 3 (1989): 449–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498998.
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Since the sixth century, the spiritual center of Eastern Orthodoxy has been Constantinople's Hagia Sophia Cathedral and, since the eleventh century, that of Russian Orthodoxy in two cathedrals dedicated to that same Holy Wisdom. Yet few Orthodox believers would recognize any icon of Sophia.Vladimir Solov'ev, in his poem “Three Meetings” (1898), describes three visions of Sophia—each a somewhat indistinct image of feminine beauty, suffused in a “golden azure” light. Possibly, Solov′ev's perception of Sophia originated in an icon he saw as a child (his first vision having occurred when he was nine); the Orthodox church, however, found his almost fanatical obsession with the divine femininity of Sophia to be highly objectionable. In particular, the Sophiology based on Solov′ev's writings, and advanced after his death first by Pavel Florenskii and then by Sergei Bulgakov, was attacked by the church throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Bulgakov's idea of Sophia was seen by the church as “involving a fourth feminine hypostasis in the Holy Trinity” who acted as a “gnostic intermediary between God and the world”; it was condemned as heretical. The church's unyielding position in this controversy was (and is) that only Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is the true Sophia—the Divine Wisdom of God—in accordance with 1 Cor. 1:23-31: “Christ the power of God, and the wisdom of God.”
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Robson, Michael. "Saint Anselm and his Father, Gundulf." Historical Research 69, no. 169 (1996): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01851.x.
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Abstract Saint Anselm quarrelled with his father, Gundulf, left home and settled at Bec. There is a negative account of Gundulf in Eadmer's biography, although there is a reference to his taking the monastic habit near the end of his life. A necrology of Christ Church cathedral priory at Canterbury in two late manuscripts contains a hitherto unnoticed entry for Anselm's parents. This discovery, which is not mentioned in R. W. Southern's two major studies of Anselm, is of particular relevance for the saint's later dealings with his father. It leaves open the question of a subsequent reconconliation, despite the assumptions of medieval hagiography.
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Greatrex, Joan. "Marian Studies and Devotion in the Benedictine Cathedral Priories in Later Medieval England." Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015060.
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On 15 November 1407, in the monastic infirmary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Thomas Wykyng breathed his last with a prayer for the intercession of the Virgin Mary on his lips. The brethren in attendance, so the memoir continues, were convinced that at the moment of his departure the Blessed Virgin summoned him to herself (‘ad se evocavit’) because next to his trust in God he had always placed supreme confidence in her. He was remembered as a model monk who had served his turn in many offices including those of cellarer, sacrist, novice master, and warden of Canterbury College, Oxford. To the many young monks who owed their instruction in the celebration of mass to him he strongly recommended that this same prayer be included as part of their personal devotions as they stood at the altar.
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Malinov, Alexander, and Evgeny Davutov. "Reconstruction of bell rings in architectural and urban development planning on the map of Moscow." InterCarto. InterGIS 25, no. 2 (2019): 358–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35595/2414-9179-2019-2-25-358-369.
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The possibility of reconstructing the bells in the architectural and town planning structure is considered on the example of the city of Moscow. The basis of the Russian cities are a fortress, fortifications, towns and settlements. With the adoption of Christianity, the dominant role in the planning-spatial system of Russian cities belongs to spiritual objects (temples, bell towers, monasteries). Each settlement has its own cathedral church, which is an architectural dominant. It also serves as a compositional and spiritual guide. Russian city becomes the keeper of spiritual values. The warning and the call of the townspeople are conducted from deep antiquity, an important role in this is played by the bells that came to life of the Russian people with the adoption of Christianity at the end of the ХХ century, most likely from Western Europe, and almost immediately became part of Russian culture. With the invention of flat bells for the first time in the world, it is possible to carry out studies of bell ringing in the laboratory. The Moscow bells of the first half of the ХVIII century, decreed by the Dicasteria (spiritual consistory) in 1727, was reconstructed using the method of imposing on the plan of Moscow created by architect Ivan Michurin at 1739 in accordance with the list of temples and monasteries participating in the bells after the Cathedral bells of the Great Assumption Cathedral. The Church of the Resurrection of Christ in Kadashi is located on the main compositional and sentinel axis of Moscow (the Ivan the Great Bell Tower is the Church of the Ascension in the village of Kolomenskoye). New churches are being built, there is a revival of the traditions of the bell ringing — a unique component of Russian culture, which must be integrated into the spiritual life of the city and the Russian tourist practice.
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Laffin, Josephine. "What Happened to the Last Judgement in the Early Church?" Studies in Church History 45 (2009): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002382.
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The Last Judgement was one of the most important themes in Christian art from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries. It can be found in glittering mosaics on the west wall of the cathedral on the island of Torcello in the Venetian lagoon, on the sculptured centre portal of the west façade of Notre Dame in Paris, in Luca Signorelli’s haunting frescos in the Chapel of the Madonna of San Brizio in Orvieto, and in Michelangelo’s masterpiece in the Sistine Chapel. Numerous other churches had their own ‘dooms’. A dramatic but not untypical example from the twelfth century can be found above the entrance to the Church of Sainte-Foy at Conques. Christ is enthroned as an austere judge, dividing the saved from the damned. The procession to heaven is neat and orderly while hell is chaotic, being depicted as a hideous mouth devouring the damned, a common representation in medieval art. In ominous foreboding, this Romanesque Last Judgement rivals the thirteenth-century hymn, theDies Irae, as a reminder of the coming ‘day of wrath and doom impending’.
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Kinsella, Stuart. "Two Memorials to Arthur Grey de Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland (1580–82), in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin." Spenser Studies 31-32 (January 2018): 557–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/694443.
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Smith, Kathleen E. "An old cathedral for a New Russia: The symbolic politics of the reconstituted church of Christ the Saviour." Religion, State and Society 25, no. 2 (1997): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499708431774.
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Attard-Montalto, Nicola, and Andrew Shortland. "17th century blue enamel on window glass from the cathedral of Christ Church, Oxford: Investigating its deterioration mechanism." Journal of Cultural Heritage 16, no. 3 (2015): 365–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2014.06.011.
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Reeve, Matthew. "Art, Prophecy, and Drama in the Choir of Salisbury Cathedral." Religion and the Arts 10, no. 2 (2006): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852906777977752.
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AbstractThe former painted cycle over the vaults of Salisbury Cathedral represents one of the great losses of thirteenth-century English art. This paper focuses on the imagery over the three-bay choir, which features twentyfour Old Testament kings and prophets each holding scrolls with texts prefiguring the Coming of Christ. The content of the cycle derives from a sermon, well known in the Middle Ages, by Pseudo-Augustine: Contra Judaeos, Paganos et Arianos. Yet the most immediate sources lie in twelfth and thirteenth-century extrapolations of the Pseudo-Augustinian sermon in liturgical drama, the so-called Ordo Prophetarum, or prophet plays. This observation leads to a discussion of the relationship of imagery to its liturgical setting. It is argued that the images on the choir vaults were also to be understood allegorically as types of the cathedral canons, who originally sat in the choir stalls below. A reading of the choir as a place of prophecy is located within traditions of liturgical commentary, which allegorize processions through churches as processions through Christian history. This leads to a discussion of the allegorization of the church interior in the Gothic period.
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Oksana, Diachok. "STAGES OF FORMATION OF THE VOLUME AND SPATIAL STRUCTURE OF THE CHURCH OF THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST IN TERNOPIL." Vìsnik Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Lʹvìvsʹka polìtehnìka". Serìâ Arhìtektura 3, no. 1 (2021): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sa2021.01.060.
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Scientific research is devoted to the historical stages of development of one of the oldest churches in Ternopil - the Church of the Nativity of Christ, built in the early XVII century, which is one of the best examples of Podillya sacred architecture. The church is included in the state register of the national cultural heritage of Ukraine. Complicated socio-political processes in the Ternopil region and confessional transformations changed the architectural image of the shrine. The church managed to survive despite the war when almost the entire historic part of the city was destroyed. The Soviet occupation caused the greatest damage to the sacred complex. The indifference of the authorities to the architectural monument in the modern period and the emergency around the monument almost led to the destruction of the shrine. There is data on the gradual change in the volume and planning structure of the church, which began during the Reformation. The changes were also related to the intensification of national and cultural revival and the organization of the Orthodox Brotherhood at the church. The reconstructions in 1700 were associated with a change of denomination and the conversion of the parish to the Greek Catholic faith. The modernization of the church took place in 1808 to give the cathedral features and the traditional scheme of the Ukrainian three-story church: an additional volume was added to the western facade and the church was crowned with two more decorative heads. As a result of a reconstruction in 1936–1937, the church acquired a modern look. The Soviet period was the most destructive for the church, the church was first transferred to the Russian Orthodox Church, later closed. In 1958, during the expansion of the central street of the city, the bell tower and the fence were demolished. Restoration work began with Ukraine's independence. The article provides data on research during restoration surveys, which confirmed the fact that the church fortress was part of the general defence system of Ternopil and the hypothesis of researchers that part of the temple was part of the Kamyanets entrance gate of the city.
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Pearson, Timothy G. "“I Willingly Speak to You about Her Virtues”: Catherine de Saint-Augustin and the Public Role of Female Holiness in Early New France." Church History 79, no. 2 (2010): 305–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710000053.
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On July 11, 1666, the new cathedral in the French colonial capital at Quebec was finally consecrated by the vicar apostolic of New France, Msgr. François de Laval. Catherine de Saint-Augustin, a nursing sister who belonged to the Hôtel-Dieu de Québec, described the elaborate ceremony in her journal. The celebrants in their regalia made three trips around the church sprinkling holy water and chanting prayers before they came to the main door. After striking the door three times with a cross, “to signify the power of Jesus Christ, sovereign bishop of the Church,” they entered, and majestically processed toward the high altar. Upon the altar sat four candles, which signified “that Catholics (have) spread to the four corners of the world.” In the middle of these was a single cross, “that of Our Lord,” which symbolically linked the entire Church throughout the world to its (European) center—“au milieu du monde.” Following a number of minor rites including lessons and responses, the bishop circled the altar seven times sprinkling its base with holy water. The relics of saints were interred within it, and the church was dedicated to the holy trinity—the new seat of a new bishop in a “New” World.
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Masnic, Mirjana. "The icon of the Holy Virgin Vatopedini with a portrait of Voevoda Ioan Radul." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 40 (2003): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0340313m.
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In this article, the author discusses iconography and stylistic characteristic of the icon featuring the Virgin Vatopedini with the Hungarian-Wallachian Voevoda loan Radul. The icon is treasured in the cathedral church of the Holy martyr Demetrios in Bitola. In more recent times, a new layer was painted over the icon, but not so long ago the icon was restored to its original condition. The inscriptions on the icon reveal that the Voevoda was a "new ktetor" of Vatopedi and also testify the painting was completed on November 28, 1502. The representation of the enthroned Virgin with the infant Christ sitting in her lap, flanked by St John Prodromes and the founder, belongs to the iconography of Deesis. Its stylistic features indicate that in most probability it was the work by a Cretan painter from the Ritzos family.
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Rzeznik, Thomas F. "“Representatives of All that is Noble”: The Rise of the Episcopal Establishment in Early-Twentieth-Century Philadelphia." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 19, no. 1 (2009): 69–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2009.19.1.69.
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AbstractThe United States has never had an established religion, but, by the early twentieth century, many Episcopalians had come to think of themselves as the nation's religious establishment. No other denomination, they believed, was as well-suited to provide moral leadership for the nation and unite its people in faith. This article argues that their commitment to a national civic mission provided Episcopalians with a sense of collective purpose that diverted attention from internal divisions and helped propel the church to a position of prominence within American religious life. It also reveals how many of the prime proponents and beneficiaries of the church's ascendancy were members of the social and financial elite. Committed to a patrician creed of social responsibility, these “representatives of all that is noble” gained status and moral authority through their public support of the church and its mission. To trace the contours of the Episcopal ascendancy, this article focuses on developments within the Diocese of Pennsylvania, one of the largest, wealthiest, and most influential within the church. Over the course of the early twentieth century, its members overcame their prevailing parochialism, strengthened their denominational identity, and brought their influence to bear on the nation's religious life. Their exercise of religious and cultural authority can be seen in their support of three ecclesiastical projects—the proposed diocesan cathedral, historic Christ Church, and the Washington Memorial Chapel at Valley Forge— that helped fashion the public image of the Episcopal Church as the nation's religious establishment.
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Насонов, Роман Александрович. "Reconciliation in the Cathedral: Isaac's Religion in “Owen-Mass”." Музыкальная академия, no. 1(773) (March 31, 2021): 6–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34690/125.
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Статья представляет собой исследование религиозной символики и интерпретацию духовного смысла «Военного реквиема» Бриттена. Воспользовавшись Реквиемом Верди как моделью жанра, композитор отдал ключевую роль в драматургии сочинения эпизодам, созданным на основе военных стихов Оуэна; в результате произведение воспринимается подобно циклу песен в обрамлении частей заупокойной мессы. Военная реальность предстает у Бриттена амбивалентно. Совершая надругательство над древней верой и разбивая чаяния современных людей, война дает шанс возрождению религиозных чувств и символов. Опыт веры, порожденный войной, переживается остро, но при всей своей подлинности зыбок и эфемерен. Церковная традиция хранит веру прочно, однако эта вера в значительной мере утрачивает чистоту и непосредственность, которыми она обладает в момент своего возникновения. Бриттен целенаправленно выстраивает диалог между двумя пластами человеческого опыта (церковным и военным), находит те точки, в которых между ними можно установить контакт. Но это не отменяет их глубокого противоречия. Вера, рождаемая войной, представляет собой в произведении Бриттена «отредактированный» вариант традиционной христианской религии: в ее центре находится не триумфальная победа Христа над злом, а пассивная, добровольно отказавшаяся защищать себя перед лицом зла жертва - не Бог Сын, а «Исаак». Смысл этой жертвы - не в преображении мира, а в защите гуманности человека от присущего ему же стремления к агрессивному самоутверждению. The study of religious symbolism and the interpretation of the spiritual meaning of “War Requiem” by Britten have presentation in this article. Using Verdi's Requiem as a model of the genre, the composer gave a key role in the drama to the episodes based on the war poems by Wilfred Owen; as a result, the work is perceived as a song cycle framed by parts of the funeral mass. The military reality appears ambivalent. While committing a blasphemy against the ancient belief and shattering the aspirations of modern people, the war offers a chance to revive religious feelings and symbols. This experience of war-born faith is felt keenly, but for all its authenticity, it is shaky and ephemeral. The church tradition keeps faith firmly, but this faith largely loses the original purity and immediacy. Britten purposefully builds a dialogue between the two layers of human experience (church and military), finds those points where contact can be established between them. But this does not change their profound antagonism. In Britten's work, faith born of war is an “edited” version of the traditional Christian religion: in its center is not the triumphant victory of Christ over evil, but a passive sacrifice that voluntarily refused to defend itself in the face of evil-not God the Son, but “Isaac.” The meaning of this sacrifice is not in transforming the world, but in protecting the humanity of a person from his inherent desire for aggressive self-assertion.
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Musin, Oleksandr. "HISTORICAL MEMORY IN URBAN SPACE: PARADOXES OF CHURCH AND POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL HOLY PLACES IN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE." City History, Culture, Society, no. 5 (November 8, 2018): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2019.05.131.
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The article gives an analysis of the history of the reconstruction and building of iconic churches of Ukraine and Russia: the Church of the Tithes, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, the Dormition Cathedral of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra and the St. Michael’s Golden-Domed Monastery, which are national shrines. The author offers the method of understanding of socio-political queries and evolution of historical memory embodied in architectural images and restoration ideas. It is substantiated that the process of reconstruction of destroyed temples reflects not so much to the religious renaissance in Eastern Europe, as the interests of the state and politicians in manipulating historical memory. An important factor is the interests of business and the ambitions of the creative intelligentsia. There is a contradiction between the ideology of reproduction as a new construction in the historic sense and the principles of scientific restoration, whose purpose is to preserve the authenticity of the monument as a means of attaching to the past. The newly-created dominants roughly invade the urban landscape that emerged during the twentieth century and causes disillusionment among the public. Similar buildings are regarded as «novodel» and «simulacres» and conflict with the understanding of national history and religious needs. The differences in the process of reproduction of temples in Ukraine and Russia are emphasized at the level of conceptual ideas, interests, expected and real results. They are explained by the difference between Russian political monopoly and Ukrainian social corporatism. The concept of «symmetrical restoration» and the religious-confessional neutrality of places of national memory as a factor of maintaining public peace and tranquillity is proposed and substantiated.
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Young, Francis. "The Cult of St Edmund, King and Martyr in Medieval Ireland." Downside Review 136, no. 4 (2018): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580618822471.
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St Edmund, king and martyr (an Anglo-Saxon king martyred by the Vikings in 869) was one of the most venerated English saints in Ireland from the 12th century. In Dublin, St Edmund had his own chapel in Christ Church Cathedral and a guild, while Athassel Priory in County Tipperary claimed to possess a miraculous image of the saint. In the late 14th century the coat of arms ascribed to St Edmund became the emblem of the king of England’s lordship of Ireland, and the name Edmund (or its Irish equivalent Éamon) was widespread in the country by the end of the Middle Ages. This article argues that the cult of St Edmund, the traditional patron saint of the English people, served to reassure the English of Ireland of their Englishness, and challenges the idea that St Edmund was introduced to Ireland as a heavenly patron of the Anglo-Norman conquest.
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Weinbrot, Howard D. "Samuel Johnson’s Charity Sermon During War: St Paul’s Cathedral 2 May 1745." Review of English Studies 70, no. 297 (2019): 890–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz017.
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Abstract Samuel Johnson’s first ghost-written sermon was for Henry Hervey Aston at the annual Sons of the Clergy Festival on 2 May 1745. Hervey Aston was the fourth son of the Earl of Bristol, long knew Johnson, and entertained him in Lichfield and Johnson and Tetty in London. Hervey paid £12 interest on Johnson’s mother’s home in Lichfield and was, Johnson said, ‘a vicious man but very kind to me. If you call a dog Hervey, I shall love him’. He learned nothing at Christ Church, Oxford, during 18 raucous months, performed poorly as an army officer before selling his commission, and was ordained as a last hope in 1743 by the Bishop of Ely. Henry’s father the Earl of Bristol appointed him Rector of Shotley, in Suffolk, which he soon abandoned for London. Why was such a man asked to present an important sermon at England’s most impressive venue, before the Archbishop of Canterbury, eight other bishops, and many of the Great and the Good in order to raise funds for the widows and orphans of deceased Anglican clergy? This essay suggests reasons for that choice and how Johnson’s early practical sermon is part of his body of sermons. It also shows how Johnson establishes Hervey Aston’s credibility in the pulpit when he had no credibility in life, and how Johnson blends sublime theology with the quotidian. Along the way, he alludes to and politely censures the unpopular War of the Austrian Succession.
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Brzozowska, Zofia. "The Church of Divine Wisdom or of Christ – the Incarnate "Logos"? Dedication of "Hagia Sophia" in Constantinople in the Light of Byzantine Sources from 5th to 14th Century." Studia Ceranea 2 (December 30, 2012): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.08.
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The article attempts to answer the question of how the name of the most important Byzantine church of Constantinople, the basilica of Hagia Sophia, built in the mid-4th cent., and then rebuilt during the reign of Justinian the Great was understood and interpreted. The problem has been presented on the basis of the views of Byzantine writers from the 5th to the 14th cent. (Socrates Scholasticus, Procopius of Caesarea, Paul the Silentiary, John Zonaras, George Pachymeres, Patriarch Callistus I). The analysis of the above sources allows an assumption that according to the Byzantines themselves the Constantinopolitan cathedral was dedicated to the Divine Wisdom, commonly identified with Christ, the Incarnate Word. The evidence supporting this thesis has been provided by both iconography (e.g. the mosaic from the turn of the 9th and 10th cent. from the tympanum over the main entrance from the narthex to nave of Hagia Sophia, depicting Christ the Pantocrator) and the liturgical practice of the basilica, which can now be reconstructed on the basis of the temple typicons, preserved until today. The final part of the article names some other churches dedicated to the Divine Wisdom, built in the area of the Byzantine ecumene (Ephesus, Jerusalem, Thessalonica, Nicaea, Edessa, Trebizond, Mistra, Arta, Benevento, Nicosia on Cyprus, Serdica (Sofia), Ohrid, Sliven, Kiev, Novgorod the Great and Polotsk).
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Parkes, Susan M. "Kenneth Milne(ed.), Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin: A History, Four Court Press, Dublin, 2000, ISBN 1-85182-487-1, pp. xxi+420." Recusant History 25, no. 4 (2001): 728–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030600.
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Crooks, Peter. "Factions, feuds and noble power in the lordship of Ireland,c. 1356–1496." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 140 (2007): 425–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005101.
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On 17 September 1496 Gerald, eighth earl of Kildare (the ‘Great Earl’), landed at Howth, County Dublin, after a lengthy and troubled voyage from England. One of the earl’s fellow travellers gave thanks to God for his safe arrival. If Kildare did likewise, his gratitude probably sprang less from his delivery from the natural elements than from his survival of a hostile political climate at court. Since the battle of Bosworth in 1485 not one but two Yorkist pretenders had found support in Ireland. The first of them — Lambert Simnel — was crowned in May 1487 as ‘King Edward VI’ in Christ Church cathedral, Dublin, after which a parliament was held in his name. Kildare was chief governor of Ireland during both conspiracies. More recently he had faced allegations of treason during the expedition of Sir Edward Poynings (1494-5). Despite this dubious record of loyalty to the newly established Tudor dynasty, on 6 August 1496 Henry VII appointed the Great Earl lord deputy of Ireland.
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Walden, Daniel K. S. "CHARTING BOETHIUS: MUSIC AND THE DIAGRAMMATIC TREE IN THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY’S DE INSTITUTIONE ARITHMETICA, MS II.3.12." Early Music History 34 (September 23, 2015): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127915000017.
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AbstractThis article discusses a full-page schematic diagram contained in a twelfth-century manuscript of Boethius’ De institutione arithmetica and De institutione musica from Christ Church Cathedral, Canterbury (Cambridge University Library MS Ii.3.12), which has not yet been the subject of any significant musicological study despite its remarkable scope and comprehensiveness. This diagrammatic tree, or arbor, maps the precepts of the first book of De institutione arithmetica into a unified whole, depicting the ways music and arithmetic are interrelated as sub-branches of the quadrivium. I suggest that this schematic diagram served not only as a conceptual and interpretative device for the scribe working through Boethius’ complex theoretical material, but also as a mnemonic guide to assist the medieval pedagogue wishing to instruct students in the mathematics of musica speculativa. The diagram constitutes a fully developed theoretical exercise in its own right, while also demonstrating the roles Boethian philosophy and mathematics played in twelfth-century musical scholarship.
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Bolton, Brenda. "Message, Celebration, Offering: the Place of Twelfth- and Early Thirteenth-Century Liturgical Drama as ‘Missionary Theatre’." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013978.
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The Church of Christ, whether congregation, building, or organization, demands at all times continuity in the expression of its message to reinforce the faith of believers and in its purpose to spread the Word among non-believers. In the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, the growth and development of liturgical drama assisted in the expression of a corporate faith, not only that of well-established communities of monks and cathedral clergy, but also that of the laity for whom dramatic presentations could provide the necessary stimuli to worship. On the frontiers of Christendom too, where missionary endeavour was crucial, the dramatization both of the liturgy and of biblical events helped to lay the foundations for a projected continuity of worship amongst neophytes and those whose faith was not yet secure. Problems inevitably arose as new situations provoked liturgical changes. It thus became essential to ensure that neither the central faith nor the purpose of worship were weakened, diminished, or lost in the face of such change.
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Wright, Craig. "Dufay's Nuper rosarum flores, King Solomon's Temple, and the Veneration of the Virgin." Journal of the American Musicological Society 47, no. 3 (1994): 395–441. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3128798.
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Analysis of the architecture of the cathedral of Florence suggests that there is no correlation between the structural proportions in that church and the durational ratios in Guillaume Dufay's motet Nuper rosarum flores (as suggested by Charles Warren in 1973). The inspiration for the formal plan of the motet was likely not architecture, but a biblical passage (1 Kings 6:1-20), which gives the dimensions of the Temple of Solomon as 60 x 40 x 20 x 30 cubits. The vision of the Temple and, to a lesser degree, the image of the womb of the Virgin as the temple of Christ were elaborated upon by countless medieval exegetes, sermonizers, liturgical commentators, poets, and manuscript illuminators. Dufay expressed the traditional numerical symbols of the Temple (6:4:2:3, 4 and 7) and that of the Virgin (7) throughout the structure of his motet and thereby effected a musical union of these two spiritual forces.
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Tulić, Damir. "Spomenik ninskom biskupu Francescu Grassiju u Chioggi: prilog najranijoj aktivnosti venecijanskog kipara Paola Callala." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.507.
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The oeuvre of the sculptor Paolo Callalo (Venice 1655-1725) is a paradigmatic example of how the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian sculptors have been expanded, supplemented and revised during the last twenty years. Until Simone Guerriero’s ground-breaking article of 1997, Paolo Callalo was almost completely unknown. In his search for Callalo’s earliest preserved work, Simone Guerriero suggested that Callalo was responsible for the stipes of the altar of St Joseph, featuring the relief of the Flight into Egypt flanked by two putti which are almost free standing, which was made between 1679 and 1685 for San Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice. However, another significant sculpture can now be added to the catalogue of Callalo’s early works: a memorial monument to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi (Chioggia, 3 October 1667 – Zadar, 29 January 1677) which is located on the left presbytery wall in the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta at Chioggia. As we learn from its commemorative inscription, the monument was commissioned by Paolo Grassi, the nephew of the deceased who was a prominent member of this aristocratic family from Chioggia. The Grassi (de Grassi) family produced as many as three bishops of Chioggia: Pasquale (1618-1639), Francesco (1639 -1669) and Antonio (1696-1715) who was a brother of Francesco, the Bishop of Nin, and a great-nephew of the first two. The monumental memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in the presbytery of Chioggia Cathedral consists of a rectangular marble plaque topped with a semi-circular pediment with two reclining putti. Immediately below, two more putti are depicted flying and drawing a curtain in front of an oval niche containing the bishop’s bust, the commemorative inscription and the bishop’s coat of arms set in a wreath. All the elements of this excellent work point to Paolo Callalo’s hand. The bishop’s bust was most probably created posthumously by relying on one of the portraits of the bishop as a source model. It depicts him as having a somewhat square face with a lively mouth opened in a melodramatic way and as having probing eyes with emphasized pupils, all of which characterize Callalo’s sculpting technique. A direct parallel for such a physiognomy can be found in the 1686 sculpture of St Michael in San Michele in Isola at Venice. Two remarkably beautiful and skilfully modelled putti which are drawing the curtain can be connected to the putti on the stipes of the altar of St Joseph in San Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice, but also with a putto on the keystone of a niche on the 1684 altar of St Teresa in the Church of the Scalzi. The richly draped marble curtain being drawn by the two flying putti is an example of Callalo’s thorough knowledge of contemporary sculptural innovations and trends in Venice. He could have seen a similar curtain on the 1677 monument to Giorgio Morosini in San Clemente in Isola at Venice, which belongs to the oeuvre of Giusto Le Court, the most important Venetian sculptor of the second half of the seventeenth century. That Callalo was no stranger to this type of decoration is also demonstrated by one of his later works, now sadly lost, the contract for which set out the terms for the sculptural decoration of the high altar in the old Venetian church of La Pietà. In 1692 Callalo agreed to make for this high altar ‘a curtain out of yellow marble of Verona being held by putti’.The stylistic analysis of the memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi indicates that it was erected in a relatively short period of time after the bishop’s death in 1677. It seems highly likely that it was made in the early 1680s or around 1686 at the latest because in that year Callalo made the statue of St Michael in San Michele in Isola. The memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in Chioggia Cathedral is the first monument on the left-hand side of presbytery wall which would in time become a ‘mausoleum’ of the Grassi family. Around the same time or perhaps somewhat later, the Bishop of Chioggia by the name Francesco Grassi was honoured posthumously with a memorial containing a bust portrait that can be attributed to Giuseppe Torretti (Pagnano, 1664 – Venice, 1743). This group of episcopal memorials in the presbytery of Chioggia Cathedral ends with 1715 when Alvise Tagliapietra (Venice, 1680 – 1747) made the tomb for Bishop Antonio Grassi while he was still alive.Callalo’s Dalmatian oeuvre is relatively modest and consists of the following works so far identified as his: two marble angels set next to the high altar in the Parish Church at Vodice and four music-making putti at the sides of the high altar as well as those on a side altar in the Parish Church at Sutivan on the island of Brač. However, Callalo’s hand can also be recognized in a statue from a large-scale sculptural group which adorned the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in Zadar Cathedral. The altar structure was built by Antonio Viviani in 1719 while Francesco Cabianca (Venice, 1666-1737) carved the majority of the altar’s rich sculptural decoration. At the centre of the altar is a niche with a relatively small marble statue of Our Lady of Sorrows with the dead Christ in her lap. It is difficult to find a place for this marble Pietà from Zadar in Francesco Cabianca’s catalogue especially with regard to his Pietà above a door in the cloister of the Frari Church at Venice in 1714. Compared to the Zadar Pietà, Cabianca’s Venetian Pietà displays a number of differences: a crisper chiselling technique, a certain roughness of workmanship, robust bodies as well as a different treatment of the figures’ physiognomies and drapery. However, the Pietà from Zadar can be added to the catalogue of Paolo Callalo’s works. The carefully modelled figure of Our Lady of Sorrows and the soft drapery which spreads outwards in a radial fashion around her feet can be compared to the statues of Faith and Hope on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in Udine Cathedral, which was made after 1720. The statue of the Risen Christ on the tabernacle of the aforementioned altar from Udine provides a parallel for the modelling of Christ’s body and, in particular, his face with a restrained expression. The same can be said for the Risen Christ on the tabernacle of the Parish Church at Clauzetto, which I also attribute to Callalo, as well as for earlier, more monumental, examples such as the Christ from the 1708 altar of the Transfiguration in the Parish Church at Labin.Callalo’s memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in Chioggia is an important indicator of his personal stylistic development. He transformed his stylistic expression from the robust energy of this ‘youthful work’ at Chioggia to the lyrical poetics characterized by softness which can be seen in his late work, the Pietà on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in the Cathedral of St Anastasia at Zadar. It is likely that future research in Venice, Dalmatia and the rest of the Adriatic coast will expand Paolo Callalo’s already rich oeuvre and confirm the important place he holds in Venetian sculpture as one of its protagonists during the late Seicento and early Settecento.
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Pagan, Heather. "The Anglo-Norman Gospel Harmony: A Translation of the ‘Estoire de l’Evangile’ (Dublin, Christ Church Cathedral C6.1.1, Liber Niger) . By Brent A. Pitts." French Studies 71, no. 1 (2017): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knw307.
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Diggelmann, Lindsay. "The Anglo-Norman Gospel Harmony: A Translation of the ‘Estoire de l’Evangile’ (Dublin, Christ Church Cathedral C6.1.1, Liber niger) by Brent A. Pitts." Parergon 33, no. 2 (2016): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2016.0116.
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Wiedlack, Katharina, and Masha Neufeld. "Lost in Translation? Pussy Riot Solidarity Activism and the Danger of Perpetuating North/Western Hegemonies." Religion and Gender 4, no. 2 (2014): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00402005.
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This article critically discusses solidarity actions in support of Pussy Riot within the global North/West, arguing that most solidarity projects within popular culture as well as within the queer-feminist counterculture are based on a lopsided interpretation of Pussy Riot as Russian version of Riot Grrrl feminists. This onedimensional interpretation of the performance art group as Riot Grrrl-identities further leads to labelling their performance at the Christ the Saviour Cathedral as anti-religious. Within this framework the group’s negotiation of Orthodox religion within their song lyrics, performances as well as statements is ignored, supporting the binary construction of The North/West as progressive – tolerant and secular – and Russia as backward – dogmatic and fundamentalist religious. We attempt to complicate the view on Pussy Riot’s performances and reread them within the Russian context, highlighting several political statements that got lost in North/Western translations. The focus of the analysis concentrates on the ‘Punk Prayerr’, its mimicry of religious language and references to the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church as well as the local public critical discourses.
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Nex, Jenny, and Lance Whitehead. "A Copy of Ferdinand Weber's Account Book." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 33 (2000): 89–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.2000.10540991.
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With a population of some 140,000 in 1760, Dublin was the second largest city in the British Isles. Although small in comparison to London, it had a thriving musical community which attracted the likes of George Frideric Handel (1685–1759), Thomas Arne (1710–1778), Niccolo Pasquali (c. 1718–1757) and the oboist Johann Fischer (1733–1800). Concerts took place at various venues across the city including Dublin Castle, Christ Church Cathedral and Fishamble Street Musick Hall. In addition, societies such as the Musical Academy (an aristocratic music society founded by the Earl of Mornington in 1757) supported charitable concerts such as those at the Rotunda, the concert venue attached to the Lying-in Hospital. Although instruments were imported from London throughout the century (John Snetzler, for example, supplied the organ for the Rotunda in 1767), there was a knot of local instrument builders working in the vicinity of Trinity College. However, in contrast to the concentration of keyboard instrument builders in the Soho area of London in the eighteenth century, the distribution of harpsichord makers in Dublin was more diffuse.
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Kesselring, K. J. "The Case of Catherine Dammartin: Friends, Fellows, and the Survival of Celibacy in England’s Protestant Universities." Renaissance and Reformation 44, no. 1 (2021): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v44i1.37043.
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Catherine Dammartin began her adult life as a nun in Metz but ended it in 1553 as a wife in an Oxford college. First laid to rest in Christ Church Cathedral, her corpse was later removed as a pollutant then finally restored in a ceremony that saw her bones mixed with those of the virgin St. Frideswide. This article revisits Dammartin’s story to explore what it can tell us of the affective, sexual, and gendered dimensions of England’s Reformation. It argues that the Oxford Protestants who arranged her reburial did so to intervene in the debate about clerical marriage, a debate in which they were only partially successful. Dammartin was one of the first and last wives to live in college for a very long time. Her story offers a reminder that despite the shift to clerical marriage, England’s universities remained—somewhat distinctively within Protestant Europe—sites where celibacy continued as the norm: sites of homosocial bonding and fellowship that served as a counterpoint to otherwise dominant codes of masculine behaviour that privileged the Protestant paterfamilias.