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1
Coldham, Simon. "STATUTE NOTE." Journal of African Law 45, no. 2 (October 2001): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855301001729.
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LAND ACQUISITION AMENDMENT ACT, 2000 (ZIMBABWE)Since Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 the issue of land reform and, in particular, the issue of land acquisition and redistribution has seldom been off the political agenda. For the first ten years of independence there were constitutional constraints on the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, but the National Land Policy of 1990 set out plans for an accelerated programme of resettlement. In order to achieve its ambitious targets the government of Zimbabwe saw the need to strengthen its powers of compulsory acquisition both by amending section 16 of the Constitution (which provided strong protection against the compulsory acquisition of property) and by enacting the Land Acquisition Act to provide a statutory basis for the new policy. These reforms were extremely controversial both inside and outside the country and a clause excluding the right to fair compensation for expropriated land was dropped partly in response to international pressure.
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Coldham, Simon. "The Land Acquisition Act, 1992 of Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 37, no. 1 (1993): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011141.
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The gazetting of the Land Acquisition Bill on 24 January, 1992 unleashed what has been described as the fiercest debate ever known in the history of Zimbabwe. However, the issue of land reform had been back on the political agenda ever since the expiry of the Lancaster House Constitution on 18 April, 1990, and pressures from a variety of quarters, both internal and external, had been brought to bear on the government during the intervening period. In particular, its adoption in 1990 of a document declaring National Land Policy had generated intense controversy. In accordance with the principles set out in that document the government has sought to facilitate the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, first by amending section 16 of the Lancaster House Constitution and subsequently by enacting the Land Acquisition Act. In formulating its policy the government has recognized both the need to redress inequalities in land distribution and the need to take into account current national and international socio-economic realities. The result is a compromise.
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Bvirindi, Tawanda Ray, and Nigel Mxolisi Landa. "Exploring Policy Issues on the Trafficking of Women in Southern Africa with Reference to Zimbabwe." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 46, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/2662.
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Following the socio-economic and political problems that ensued after the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) in Zimbabwe, instances of human trafficking previously unseen on a large scale have sparked a newfound interest among policy makers and researchers. This article examines the flawed system provided by the Zimbabwean Trafficking in Persons Act No. 4 of 2014 for the protection of victims of human trafficking. It argues that the “Palermo Protocol”—the international instrument against all trafficking in persons is well-equipped to assume greater responsibility in ensuring the protection of victims. Although the Palermo Protocol is a universal protocol; which should be contextualised to suit various scenarios in which trafficking occurs across the globe, it may still be reasonably interpreted as providing the core principles which are vital to the protection of vulnerable populations from trafficking. Over the long haul, a new Zimbabwean Act, re-aligned with the Palermo Protocol, yet flexible, anti-trafficking partnerships between the government, Non-governmental Organisations and Civil Society remain the most viable solutions to addressing this predicament.
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Charles Mazhazhate, Tapiwa C Mujakachi, and Shakerod Munuhwa. "Towards Pragmatic Economic Policies: Economic Transformation and Industrialization for Revival of Zimbabwe in the New Dispensation Era." International Journal of Engineering and Management Research 10, no. 5 (October 27, 2020): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijemr.10.5.14.
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Whilst literature has many monetary and economic policies that were enacted before and after the dawn of the New Dispensation in Zimbabwe the country still faces a downward trend in terms of economic recovery. This study reviews the various policies put in place by the government and their impact on socio-economic development of Zimbabwe. A review of Zimbabwe’s economic history shows that the country dropped from being one of the best economies in Sub-Saharan Africa and now ailing and characterised by hyperinflation, agricultural challenges, corruption, very high tax regime, huge domestic and foreign debts, increase in consumer prices and being a chief net importer of most goods or services. The study was underpinned by a case study survey from Singapore’s revival with both qualitative and quantitative instruments used. The study found out that even though the land reform had an impact on economic performance, corruption, party-power politics and absence of an economic institute eroded any necessary contribution to economic transformation and industrialization in Zimbabwe. The study also revealed that the bilateral and multi-lateral agreements that were enacted in the dawn of the new dispensation have not yielded the desired economic revival transformations. The study recommended establishment of an economic institute to direct policy as well as removal of unethical practices in both public and private sectors so as to ensure financial and economic discipline.
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De Wet, Chris. "The Application of International Resettlement Policy in African Villagization Projects." Human Organization 71, no. 4 (November 28, 2012): 395–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.71.4.0787k13246877275.
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It is now widely agreed that anything less than consciously planned and implemented development for resettled people will leave them worse off. Compensation is not up to the task of restorative, let alone just, resettlement. But what happens when, as in the case of smaller scale, but widely occurring, projects involving resettlement, the "development" projects do not give rise to significant new resources, thereby effectively making resettlement with development impossible? Smaller scale villagization type projects with an agricultural/land reform/political reorganization agenda are widespread in Africa. They have been/are imposed in recurring fashion on rural areas by succeeding governments, typically involving short-range resettlement, limited capital investment and assistance, and loss of local autonomy in relation to land use. The paper provides case studies from South Africa and Zimbabwe. It will be shown how these ongoing interventions and responses have directed the developmental, social, and resettlement dynamic in the resulting settlements—as well as raising crucial implications for whether, and how, we are best to apply international resettlement policy in such situations.
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Jones, Oliver R., and Chido Dunn. "Legal Documents Relating to Land Reform in Zimbabwe." International Legal Materials 49, no. 5 (October 2010): 1380–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.49.5.1380.
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In Gramara (Private) Ltd. & Others v. Government of Zimbabwe & Others (‘‘Gramara’’)1 and Von Abo v. Government of South Africa (‘‘Von Abo’’),2 the legitimacy of Zimbabwe’s land reform program has once again come under the judicial microscope. In Gramara, Judge Patel of the Zimbabwean High Court refused to enforce a decision of the Southern African Development Community (‘‘SADC’’) Tribunal that declared the program inconsistent with a range of human rights protections. By contrast, in Von Abo, Judge Prinsloo of the South African High Court virulently condemned the South African government’s failure to afford the applicant farm-owner diplomatic protection in relation to the government of Zimbabwe’s confiscations of land owned by South African nationals. The decisions throw into sharp relief both the potential and the limitations of the application of international law in the domestic context.
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Rakodi, C. "Urban Land Policy in Zimbabwe." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 28, no. 9 (September 1996): 1553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a281553.
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Related to the functions of the central state and local state, a range of interventions in the urban land-development process may be pursued. Typically, policies and practices related to land are devised at different times for different purposes and are administered by different agencies. Rarely are the relationships between them, their implementation, and their overall impact considered systematically, especially for developing countries. In this paper I evaluate urban land policy in Zimbabwe. I consider tenure, land-use planning and development control, taxation, and direct public sector intervention in the land market. Particular attention is given to the local administrative context and to the relationship between central and local government as portrayed in the paths of land delivery for private developers, municipalities, and central government. The overall conclusion is that Zimbabwe's urban land administration system works effectively. However, it is formal and complex, which is restricting its ability to play an appropriate role in catering for rapid urban growth and the needs of low-income residents.
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Naldi, Gino J. "Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Some Legal Aspects." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012258.
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The Government of Zimbabwe has only recently begun to implement the commitment of the liberation movements to give land to poor ‘communal’ farmers, especially those dispossessed by the whiteminority régime after Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence in 1965. It needs to be recalled that by virtue of the Land Tenure Act of 1969 almost half of the country's agricultural land was allocated to Europeans, who had ‘greater access to the regions considered suited to intensive crop and livestock production’, and that ‘On average, each of the nearly 7,000 European farms was roughly 100 times the size of any of the 700,000 or so holdings in the Tribal Trust Lands’. The fact that much of this land was under-utilised only served to increase African resentment.
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Moyo, Nathan, and Maropeng M. Modiba. "Government and educational reform: policy networks in policy-making in Zimbabwe, 1980–2008." Journal of Education Policy 28, no. 3 (May 2013): 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2012.752868.
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VYZDRYK, Vitalii, and Oleksandra MELNYK. "AGRICULTURAL POLICY OF THE WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC GOVERNMENT." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-211-221.
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The article covers the preconditions and features of the agrarian reform in Western Ukraine. The land question is characterized since it demanded quick actions of the government in the legislative field because of the war with Poland. In the article, the regulatory framework is investigated, which regulated the powers of the authority and administration in the agricultural sphere. Legislative resolution of the land issue for farmers would help to rebuild the destroyed farms, which would be extremely important for the future state. The purpose of the study is to justify the preconditions for land reform, its significance for the Galician peasantry, and the adoption of a legislative framework. The agrarian reform was in charge of the State Secretariat of Land Affairs, and its responsibilities included the preparation and control of land tenure reform. He was subordinated to the district referendums at the state county commissariats, who gradually grew into the land division. The methodological basis for scientific research is the principles of scientific cognition, historicism, and objectivity; both general scientific and special methods of cognition were used to study the main methodological principles and aspects of this theme. It is shown the content of the agrarian reform and its ethnopolitical direction, highlighted the role of the land management system in the economic development of the village, considered the policy of the leading Ukrainian parties concerning the agrarian question. Keywords West Ukrainian People’s Republic, agrarian reform, Ukrainian National Council, agricultural legislation.
11
Chimhowu, Admos, and Philip Woodhouse. "Forbidden But Not Suppressed: a ‘Vernacular’ Land Market in Svosve Communal Lands, Zimbabwe." Africa 80, no. 1 (February 2010): 14–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972009001247.
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This article examines the status of land tenure in Zimbabwe following the ‘Fast Track’ land reforms of 2000–3. It finds that post-reform land tenure remains strongly dualist, with land sales and rental prohibited on the land (about two thirds of the total) classified as ‘A1’ resettlement or ‘communal areas’, while tradeable leases apply to much of the remainder, classified as ‘commercial land’. The article draws on fieldwork in Svosve Communal Area and on previous studies on land transactions in Zimbabwe to argue that land sales and rental transactions are an enduring feature of land use in Zimbabwe's ‘communal areas’. Moreover, the article argues that, despite government prohibition, there is evidence that such transactions are being fuelled by increasing demand for land arising from the collapse in the non-farm economy in Zimbabwe. The article argues that while the logic of informal (or ‘vernacular’) land sales and rental is widely recognized by land users in communal and resettlement areas, government prohibition, in favour of asserting land allocation rights of customary authorities, is driven by considerations of political control of the rural vote.
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Spierenburg, Marja. "Spirits and Land Reforms: Conflicts About Land in Dande, Northern Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 2 (2005): 197–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066054024703.
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AbstractDespite its present support for the invasion of (mainly white-owned) commercial farms and emphasis on 'fast-track resettlement', most interventions by the post-Independence government of Zimbabwe in agriculture aimed to confine African farmers to the Communal Areas. In Dande, northern Zimbabwe, a land reform programme was introduced in 1987 that sought to 'rationalise' local land use practices and render them more efficient. Such reforms were deemed necessary to reduce the pressure on commercial farms. This article describes how the reforms caused Mhondoro mediums in Dande to challenge the authority of the state over land, thereby referring to the role they and their spirits played in the struggle for Independence. Pressure on the mediums to revoke their criticism resulted in a complex process in which adherents challenged the reputation of mediums who were not steadfast in their resistance to the reforms.
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Mufune, P. "Land Reform Management in Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe." International Journal of Rural Management 6, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097300521100600101.
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Mazwi, Freedom, Rangarirai Muchetu, and Musavengana Chibwana. "Land, Agrarian Reform in Zimbabwe Viewed from a Transformative Social Policy Perspective." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 47, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/2168.
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Langton, DUBE MAKUWERERE. "Autocracy, Institutional Constraints and Land Expropriation: A Conceptual Analysis of Land Redistribution in Zimbabwe." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 2 (June 24, 2020): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i2.17040.
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Using the Zimbabwean case, this article explores the assertion that autocracies are better placed than democracies in land redistribution because of lower institutional constraints and concentration of power which makes policy implementation easier. This is rightly so, because such political systems have the notoriety of neutralizing or eliminating the veto gauntlet which is normally strengthened by institutional autonomy. Extant literature on land reform continues to grapple with overarching questions as to why countries redistribute land, relating to the type of conditions that incubate the need for reform and the political purpose that redistribution serve in this world. Equally important, is the need to interrogate the real beneficiaries of land reform. The study notes that in the post-Cold War globalized era of ‘fractured sovereignty’, redistribution from above remains attractive despite its protracted nature. However, against a post-colonial settler land discourse that memorializes race, privilege, dispossession, and restitution, the article evinces that land redistribution is tainted by elitism, clientelism, and partisanship which eventually distort its structural transformative power.
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Juana, J. S. "A quantitative analysis of Zimbabwe's land reform policy: An application of Zimbabwe SAM multipliers." Agrekon 45, no. 3 (September 2006): 294–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03031853.2006.9523749.
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Johannes, Wilm. "The Significance of the Agrarian reform in Nicaragua." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v5i3.814.
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The term "land reform" is in Nicaragua often-times presented as a feature only associated with the government of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) of the 1980s (see for example Rocha, 2010; “Land reform reformed,†1997; Zalkin, 1990), yet in this article I argue that some type of land redistribution has been the policy of all governments both before and after the 1980s, and that this process continues during the current FSLN government, but that the direction and the magnitude of the redistribution has changed significantly over time. One needs to understand this history and the considerations about Nicaraguans make about previous land redistribution patterns in order to make sense of what land ownership means in this country. While the land reform of the 1980s was the most direct redistribution, this article argues that land reform in favor of small-scale producers has been taken up again after 2007, even though it does not form part of official government policy. At the same time other factors seem to be if more importance in lowering economic differences.
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Choto, Isaac. "THE PROPAGANDA MODEL AND THE MEDIATION OF THE LAND QUESTION IN ZIMBABWE." Latin American Report 30, no. 2 (July 20, 2016): 53–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/1240.
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This article critiques the mediation of the Zimbabwean land reform programme in the period 2000–2010 by both the state-controlled and the privately-owned press. Its thrust is to establish the framing patterns that emerge and relate these to Herman and Chomsky’s Propaganda Model. The bold claim by Herman and Chomsky that the media, particularly in the West, pander to the whims of the powerful political and pro-capital elites is explored. Using a qualitative case study approach, data for this study were collected from four Zimbabwean Weeklies, namely The Sunday News and The Sunday Mail, which are stateowned, and The Independent and The Standard, which are privately-owned. News stories on the land reform programme drawn from these weeklies over the 10 year focus period are analysed with the view to ascertaining the tenability of the Propaganda Model. Using the tenets of the Propaganda Model and critical discourse analysis, the study exposes the polemical representations of the land issue by the press. The emerging polemics are attributed to the overbearing influence of ideology, ownership, corporate pro-capital interests and biased source selection. However, the tripartite alliance which the propaganda model claims as existing among government, capitalists and media owners comes unstuck in the Zimbabwean media-scape. There is evidently a fractious relationship between state media and private media in Zimbabwe. The political and economic contestation of power in the nation manifests in the press. It is quite clear from the findings of this study that there is still need for a model that comprehensively attempts to capture the role of the press and its place in Africa.
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Xu, Jiabo, and Xingping Wang. "Reversing Uncontrolled and Unprofitable Urban Expansion in Africa through Special Economic Zones: An Evaluation of Ethiopian and Zambian Cases." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (November 6, 2020): 9246. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12219246.
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Despite the growing attention on uncontrolled and unprofitable urban sprawling in many African countries, few pragmatic solutions have been raised or effectively implemented. While uncontrolled and unprofitable urban expansions happened primarily due to poor land use management and dysfunctional land market, the cost of land management enforcement and reform is high. This paper suggests that the recently re-emerging special economic zones (SEZs) in Africa could be a practical way of using government intervention to reduce uncontrolled urban expansion and optimize urban land use. By evaluating the spatial impacts of two SEZs on their host cities in Ethiopia and Zambia, this paper demonstrates that SEZs could notably change urban expansion in terms of its speed, direction, and spatial structure. By using SEZs as an experimental area for land policy reform, the government can also effectively unlock a profitable urban development model with the functional primary and secondary land market. However, the diverging results in Ethiopia and Zambia also show that the optimizing effect can be significant only when the government is participatory and can fulfil its public function, including delivering proper planning in advance, lunching land policy reform, and even executing compulsory land acquisition for public interests.
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Utomo, Setiyo. "PERJALANAN REFORMA AGRARIA BAGIAN DARI AMANAH KONSTITUSI NEGARA." Veritas et Justitia 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.v7i1.3935.
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The author examines and describes how agrarian reform is realized during different government periods. To do that, policy, and legal documents, directly or indirectly related to agrarian reform, is analysed. This research reveals that attempt at agrarian reform up to present is focussed developing policies aiming to restructure land ownership and utilization (land reform). Another finding is that the promulgation of Law No. 11 of 2020 (Law on Job Creation) tends to shift the focus more on granting easy access to land for development purposes. This change of policy priority will have dire consequence to access to land for the poor and most likely increase agrarian conflicts.
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González, Felipe. "Can Land Reform Avoid a Left Turn? Evidence from Chile after the Cuban Revolution." B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy 13, no. 1 (April 25, 2013): 31–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bejeap-2012-0044.
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Abstract Following the creation of the Alliance for Progress in 1961, several structural reforms were implemented in Latin America in response to the political effects of the Cuban Revolution. Among these, land reform was arguably the most important policy. Using a unique dataset of land expropriations, and a plausible exogenous variation in land concentration, this paper studies the causal effects this policy had on political support for the incumbent party in the central government. In a context where the incumbent was losing political support (and the power of the left wing was rising), municipalities affected by land reform voted by 3–5 percentage points higher for the incumbent than municipalities not affected by this process. Although it did not prevent the first democratically elected Marxist government, land reform decreased the political support for the left wing party. I discuss several theoretical mechanisms that can explain this empirical result.
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ALSTON, LEE J., GARY D. LIBECAP, and BERNARDO MUELLER. "A model of rural conflict: violence and land reform policy in Brazil." Environment and Development Economics 4, no. 2 (May 1999): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x99000121.
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This paper analyzes the underlying determinants of rural land conflicts in Brazil involving squatters, landowners, the federal government, the courts and INCRA, the land reform agency. A model is presented whereby squatters and landowners strategically choose to engage in violence. Landowners use violence as a means of increasing the likelihood of successful eviction of squatters, and squatters use violence to increase the probability that the farm will be expropriated in their favor as part of the government's land reform program. The model's predictions are tested using state level data for Brazil for 22 states from 1988 through 1995. It is shown that the government's land reform policy, which is based on expropriation and settlement projects, paradoxically may be encouraging both sides to engage in more violence, rather than reducing conflicts.
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Shonhe, Toendepi, Ian Scoones, and Felix Murimbarimba. "Medium-scale commercial agriculture in Zimbabwe: the experience of A2 resettlement farms." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 4 (December 2020): 601–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x20000385.
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ABSTRACTThe emergence of medium-scale farms is having important consequences for agricultural commercialisation across Africa. This article examines the role of medium-scale A2 farms allocated following Zimbabwe's land reform after 2000. While the existing literature focuses on changing farm size distributions, this article investigates processes of social differentiation across medium-scale farms, based on qualitative-quantitative studies in two contrasting sites (Mvurwi and Masvingo-Gutu). Diverse processes of accumulation are identified across commercial, aspiring and struggling farmers, and linked to contrasting patterns of agricultural production and sale, asset ownership, employment and finance. The ability to mobilise finance, influenced by the state of the macro-economy, as well as forms of political patronage, is identified as a crucial driver. Contrary to assertions that A2 farms are largely occupied by ‘cronies’ and that they are unproductive and under-utilised, a more differentiated picture emerges, with important implications for policy and the wider politics of Zimbabwe's countryside following land reform.
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Phiri, Calvin, Njabulo Bruce Khumalo, and Mehluli Masuku. "THE IMPACT OF THE 2000 LAND REFORM PROGRAMME ON THE CAPITAL BLOCK, POPULARLY KNOWN AS THE ‘NEW MALAWI’." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1580.
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The 2000 land reform programme implemented by the government of Zimbabwe came with an initiative of acquiring enormous hectares of white-owned farmland and distributing it on a massive scale to small-scale farmers. Indeed the greater part of the land was taken from the white commercial farmers and distributed to the majority black Zimbabweans, leaving only a small share of the farmland in the hands of the whites. The land reform programme, undoubtedly, benefited Zimbabweans. In Zimbabwe, especially in mining areas, there are classes of Zimbabweans, those who originate from Zimbabwe, as well as those who are of foreign origin, but are Zimbabweans by birth. Zimbabweans by birth who are of foreign origin occupied an allocated A2 farm, Capital Block, located near a cement mining area, Colleen Bawn. Most of them were of Malawian origin, and the area is now popularly known as ‘New Malawi’. This study sought to investigate how Zimbabweans of foreign origin benefited from the 2000 land reform programme. The article further sought to reveal the diverse farming systems as well as Indigenous Knowledge (IK), which were passed on from the forefathers who were born in Malawi, but migrated to Zimbabwe’s mining areas in search for employment in the then Rhodesia around 1960. A qualitative methodology was used in this research, in which oral history interviews were conducted with the people living in the area of the ‘New Malawi’. The study revealed that most of the land was being used for farming purposes. Beneficiaries of the programme had become self-dependent. The study further revealed that there was knowledge sharing among the beneficiaries of different foreign origins including Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Botswana and those of Zimbabwean origin. Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that the programme benefited a number of people of foreign origins who were now Zimbabweans by birth and Zimbabweans by both birth and origin were happy with these people benefiting, a situation which shows the extent to which Zimbabweans are tolerant of foreigners.
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Ramdani, Muhammad Febri. "Implementasi Kebijakan Agraria dan Ketimpangan Penguasaan Lahan (Kasus Lahan Eks HGU di Desa Cipeuteuy, Kecamatan Kabandungan, Kabupaten Sukabumi, Provinsi Jawa Barat)." Jurnal Sains Komunikasi dan Pengembangan Masyarakat [JSKPM] 4, no. 6 (December 24, 2020): 731. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jskpm.v4i6.728.
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ABSTRAKMUHAMAD FEBRI RAMDANI. Implementasi Kebijakan Agraria dan Ketimpangan Penguasaan Lahan (Kasus Lahan Eks HGU di Desa Cipeuteuy, Kecamatan Kabandungan, Kabupaten Sukabumi, Provinsi Jawa Barat). Dibimbing oleh MARTUA SIHALOHO.Redistribusi lahan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah sebuah upaya implementasi kebijakan agraria. Kebijakan agraria tersebut berupa asset reform (penataan aset) eks lahan perkebunan dengan skema legalisasi aset berwujud sertifikasi bidang lahan. Namun dalam pelaksanannya pemerintah mengklaim bahwa kebijakan tersebut merupakan agenda reforma agraria. Atas dasar klaim tersebut, penting untuk meninjau access reform (penataan akses) bekerja, karena pada hakikatnya reforma agraria merupakan asset reform (penataan aset) dan access reform (penataan akses) yang berjalan beriringan, dengan bertujuan untuk menata ketimpangan penguasaan lahan agar terwujudnya keadilan agraria (agrarian justice). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode kuantitatif yang didukung kualitatif dengan pendekatan sensus. Metode yang digunakan untuk menentukan responden ialah purposive sampling dengan teknik non probability sampling. Pengolahan data menggunakan uji statistik rank spearman untuk melihat hubungan variabel. Hasil penelitian yang diperoleh menunjukan bahwa tingkat asset reform berada pada kategori rendah. Hasil uji statistik menunjukan bahwa asset reform berhubungan dengan access reform dan asset reform berhubungan dengan ketimpangan penguasaan lahan.Kata kunci: access reform, asset reform, keadilan agraria, reforma agrariaABSTRACTMUHAMAD FEBRI RAMDANI. Implementation of Agrarian Policy and Land Tenure Inequality (Case of Ex-HGU Land in Cipeuteuy Village, Kabandungan District, Sukabumi Regency, West Java Province). Supervised by MARTUA SIHALOHO.Land redistribution has been done by government as an effort of agrarian policy implementation. The policy came in form of asset reform of ex-plantation land with asset legalization scheme (land-part certification). But the government claimed that this policy is one of the agrarian reform agenda. It is important to observe how this access reform works, because agrarian and access reform can’t be separated one another, with purpose to reduce the inequality of land tenure so that the agrarian justice can be reach. This research used quantitative method supported by qualitative data, using the census approachment. Purposive sampling with non probabilty sampling used to specify the respondent. The data processed by rank spearman statistic test to analyze the relation between variable. This research shows a low level of asset reform. The statistic test shows that the low asset reform have a strong relation to low access reform, and high inequality of land tenure.Key words: access reform, agrarian justice, agrarian reform, asset reform
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Musakwa, W., E. N. Makoni, M. Kangethe, and L. Segooa. "Developing a decision support system to identify strategically located land for land reform in South Africa." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XL-2 (November 11, 2014): 197–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xl-2-197-2014.
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Land reform is identified as a key tool in fostering development in South Africa. With two decades after the advent of democracy in South Africa, the land question remains a critical issue for policy makers. A number of frameworks have been put in place by the government to identify land which is strategically located for land reform. However, many of these frameworks are not well aligned and have hampered the government’s land reform initiative in promoting inclusive development. Strategically located land is herein defined as land parcels that are well positioned for the promotion of agriculture, human settlements, rural and tourism development. Accordingly, there is a need to develop a decision tool which facilitates the identification of strategically located land for development. This study proposes the use of geographic information systems (GIS), earth observation (EO) data and multi-criteria decision making (MCDM) to develop a spatial decision support system (SDSS) to identify strategically located land for land reform. The SDDS was therefore designed using GIS, EO data and MCDM to create an index for identification of strategically located land. Expert-led workshops were carried out to ascertain criteria for identifying strategically located land and the analytical hierarchy process (AHP) was utilised used to weight the criteria. The study demonstrates that GIS and EO are invaluable tools in facilitating evidence-based decisions for land reform. However, there is need for capacity building on GIS and EO in government departments responsible for land reform and development planning. The study suggests that there is an urgent need to develop sector specific criteria for the identification of strategically located land for inclusive development.
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Tolmacheva, Svetlana. "Activities of Local Government Institutions on the Stolypin Agrarian Reform Implementation in the Territory of Belarus (1906–1914)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.8.
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Introduction. The preparation and implementation of the Stolypin agrarian reform attracted the attention of researchers of the 20th – 21st centuries. However, the interaction of the entire system of already existing and new local government institutions in implementing the reform in Belarus has not become a subject of a special study. The purpose of the article is to prove the interaction of local government institutions within the implementation of the Stolypin agrarian reform in 1906–1914 in the territory of Belarus. Methodology. The sources of the article were legislative acts, as well as the information founded in the archival and published documents. The general scientific and specific historical methods were used there as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, the value approach. Results. In the early 20th century, a system of local government institutions on the implementation of the government agrarian policy was formed in the Empire. It included land (zemstvo) captains, their district (uyezd) congresses and provincial (guberniya) agencies (prisutstviya). The implementation of the Stolypin agrarian reform required the creation of new institutions – land management commissions. The absence of zemstvo and noble election in the territory of Belarus caused the peculiarities of the formation of the commission staff. Land captains and members of land management commissions carried out explanatory work among the population about the benefits of the transition to farms (khutors) and cuts of lands (otrubs). Based on the information collected by land captains, land management commissions drew up land management plans for the next year, distributed and carried out the work. District congresses and provincial agencies approved land certificates. Conclusion. The success of the reform depended on the coordinated work and cooperation of all elements of the local government system, the prevalence of household land use. The explanatory work carried out by land captains and members of land management commissions, the promotion of sale of banking lands, allotment of land units to ownership and the transition to new household forms received support of the population. All those facts ensured the success of the implementation of the Stolypin reform in the territory of Belarus.
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Chigonda, Tanyaradzwa. "More than Just Story Telling: A Review of Biodiversity Conservation and Utilisation from Precolonial to Postcolonial Zimbabwe." Scientifica 2018 (August 19, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/6214318.
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Access to natural resources has changed over the years in Zimbabwe. At least three broad periods of biodiversity conservation, utilisation, and access can be identified in the country, namely, the precolonial, colonial, and postindependence periods. This paper reviews the relationships between human livelihoods and biodiversity conservation in the rural areas of Zimbabwe during these periods and is informed by an extensive review of the relevant literature. A combination of historical narrative, thematic, and content analysis was used in analysing the various documents into meaningful information addressing the objective of the study. Traditional societies in precolonial Zimbabwe had access to abundant natural resources. However, access to these resources was not uncontrolled, but was limited by traditional beliefs, taboos, and customs enforced through community leadership structures. The advent of colonialism in the late 19th century dispossessed indigenous African communities of natural resources through command-type conservation legislation. At independence in 1980, the new majority government sought to redress the natural resource ownership imbalances created during colonialism, culminating in some significant measure of devolution in natural resource management to local communities in the late 1980s, though such devolution has been criticised for being incomplete. An accelerated land reform exercise since the year 2000 has adversely affected biodiversity conservation activities in the country, including the conservation-related livelihood benefits derived from protected areas. The review paper highlights the need for a more complete devolution of natural resource ownership and management down to the grassroots levels in the communal areas, if social and ecological sustainability is to be fully realised in these areas. On the other hand, the disruption of conservation activities in the country due to the ill-planned accelerated land reform exercise that has demarcated land for arable farming in some of the protected areas should be held in check as a matter of urgency.
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Coldham, Simon. "The Government of Zimbabwe's White Paper on Marriage and Inheritance, 1993." Journal of African Law 38, no. 1 (1994): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011487.
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Far from heralding a comprehensive and long-overdue reform of the law relating to marriage and inheritance in Zimbabwe, this White Paper is a modest document, only seven pages long, which largely restricts itself to considering the extent to which the law of intestate succession applicable to a person’s estate should depend on the type of marriage into which the deceased had entered. Even so, the issues raised are controversial and the government clearly wishes to stimulate public debate and to receive suggestions from all quarters before formulating its policy. It appears that the paper has succeeded in generating interest as well as some harsh criticism.
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Zhang, Mingyu, Qiuxiao Chen, Kewei Zhang, and Dongye Yang. "Will Rural Collective-Owned Commercial Construction Land Marketization Impact Local Governments’ Interest Distribution? Evidence from Mainland China." Land 10, no. 2 (February 19, 2021): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10020209.
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To promote the harmonious human-land relationships and increased urban-rural interaction, rural collective-owned commercial construction land (RCOCCL) marketization reform in some pilot areas was a new attempt by the Chinese Central Government in 2015. In this areas, a novel interest distribution system was established with the land right adjustment and the corresponding local governments were likely to benefit through taxation and land appreciation adjustment fund. This study proposed the hypothesis that the RCOCCL marketization reform would improve local government revenue, and explored the actual effect based on panel census data of county-level administrative units from 2010 to 2018. We applied the difference-in-difference (DID) method to analyze the causal effect of this reform on fiscal revenue with 29 pilot areas selected as the treatment group and 1602 county-level units as the control group. The empirical results of the optimized DID robustness test models and the Heckman two-step method showed that the RCOCCL marketization reform does not have a significant impact because of lower land circulation efficiency, the transfer of land transaction costs, and the policy implementation deviations. Thus, weakening the administrative intervention of local governments in the RCOCCL marketization is essential to the land market development in China.
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Nekbakhtshoev, Navruz. "Institutional Design, Local Elite Resistance, and Inequality in Access to Land: Evidence from Cotton-Growing Areas of Tajikistan." Central Asian Affairs 7, no. 4 (March 17, 2021): 307–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22142290-bja10012.
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Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan, like other postcommunist states, embarked on agricultural land reform. The government, assisted by international organizations, implemented laws and created campaigns to break up Soviet-style collective farms and encourage independent farms. After over a decade, 66 percent of farmers in the country, including in cotton-growing areas, continue to work collectively, and 71 percent of arable land is held in collectives. I argue that the decentralized nature of the land redistribution program enabled the managers of former collective farms, re-labeled as “collective peasant farms,” to gain power so that they could use informal practices to resist peasant shareholders’ efforts to actualize their land rights. Theoretically, my argument reconciles competing perspectives about the reasons for limited land redistribution in the context of postsocialist transition. The study’s policy implication is that the government of Tajikistan, and foreign donors, instead of decentralizing the implementation of land reform, should take an active role in physically redistributing land among shareholders.
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Aguirre, Daniel, and Irene Pietropaoli. "Institutional Reform in Myanmar: Preventing Corporate Land Rights Abuses." International Journal of Transitional Justice 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 148–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijab003.
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Abstract In 2011, after five decades of authoritarian rule, Myanmar accelerated its military-guided transition, culminating in partially democratic elections in 2015. While land reform was a central part of protest that led to governmental changes, unlawful land confiscation and forced evictions remain central obstacles to transition in Myanmar. The current government has failed to reform the legal framework, institutions, policy and practice violating Housing, Land and Property (HLP) rights. While civil society has called for participatory and accountable institutions, a perceived need to appease the military, to harness the economic power of ‘crony’ businesspeople and to attract foreign investment has left violations of HLP rights inadequately addressed. This article argues that transitional justice’s guarantees of non-reoccurrence are essential to the protection of HLP rights in Myanmar, and that the best method of preventing reoccurrence is through upholding the state duty to protect human rights by reforming laws and institutions.
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Ge, Xin Janet, and Xiaoxia Liu. "Urban Land Use Efficiency under Resource-Based Economic Transformation—A Case Study of Shanxi Province." Land 10, no. 8 (August 14, 2021): 850. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10080850.
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Shanxi, one of China’s provinces, has been approved by the State Council as the only state-level comprehensive reform zone for resource-based economic transformation in 2010. Consequently, the implementation of National Resource-based Cities Sustainable Development Planning (2013–2020) and The State Council on Central and Western Regions Undertaking of Industrial Transformation Guide were also introduced. As a result, many agricultural lands were urbanized. The question is whether the transformed land was used efficiently. Existing research is limited regarding the impact of the government-backed transformation of the resource-based economy, industrial restructuring, and urbanization on land use efficiency. This research investigates urban land use efficiency under the government-backed resource-based economy transformation using the Bootstrap-DEA and Bootstrap-Malmquist methods. The land use efficiency and land productivity indexes were produced. Based on the empirical study of 11 prefectural cities, the results suggest that the level of economic development and industrial upgrading are the main determinants of land use efficiency. The total land productivity index declined after the economic reform was initiated. The findings imply that the government must enhance monitoring and auditing during policy implementation and evaluate the policy effects after for further improvement. With the scarcity of land resources and urban expansion in many cities worldwide, this research also provides an approach to determining the main determinants of land use efficiency that could guide our understanding of the impact of the future built environment.
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Xu, Jintao, and Peter Berck. "China's environmental policy: an introduction." Environment and Development Economics 19, no. 1 (December 16, 2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x13000624.
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AbstractThis special issue covers several important aspects of China's environmental policy, ranging from evaluation of government programs (biogas and the Sloping Land Conversion Program) that aim directly to enhance the rural environment, to the reform of natural resource sectors (collective and state forest reforms) that set foundations for the sustainable use of natural resources, and to the impacts of urban environmental policies (including urban transportation management and industrial pollution control policy). We provide an overview of the topic and a brief introduction to each of the contributed papers.
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Mpofu, Busani. "Perpetual ‘Outcasts’? Squatters in peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2012): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502005.
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After independence in 1980 Zimbabwe’s cities experienced a proliferation in the number of squatter camps. This was because of the failure of the urban economy to offer adequate housing and jobs, leaving peri-urban space as the only sanctuary for the urban poor to live in and eke out a living informally. The promotion of rural ‘growth points’ by the national government to promote rural development to discourage migration to urban areas failed. Yet, a poor policy response by the state to this negative outcome of rapid urbanisation that aims to reverse this rural-urban migration has led to unending confrontations between its various arms and squatters who continue to be regarded as encroachers. Focussing on Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, and based on interviews, archival research, Council minutes and newspapers, this article critiques the state’s urban development policy vis-à-vis squatters and informality. It is argued that the persistence of a salient perception by government officials that all Africans belong to rural areas and have access to land they can fall back on in hard times serves as a vital lubricant to the state’s action of forcibly sending squatters to rural areas. This ignores the historical pattern of rapid urbanisation and the growth ofinformal economies supporting the livelihoods of thousands of people. I seek to add to the literature on low-cost housing shortages, urban squatters and peri-urbanism in Zimbabwe and on studies of informality in Third World cities in general.
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Rozaki, Abdur. "KONFLIK AGRARIA, PEREMPUAN DAN KEMISKINAN DI DESA." Musãwa Jurnal Studi Gender dan Islam 15, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/musawa.2016.151.39-57.
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This article examines the agrarian conflict which caused the misery of farming families, particularly women in developing a livelihood in the village. Agrarian conflicts, as a result of customary land conversion to state land (negaranisasi tanah adat), should be solvable through the agrarian reform policies which is supported by the political momentum of decentralization and the issuance of the Village Act which gives village more opportunities to regain control of land assets. However, the practice in East Lombok showed that local government tends to give land occupation permits to private investors rather than implement agrarian reform policy that gives more justice to develop a more independent and prosperous. rural economy.
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Nurlinda, Ida. "PEROLEHAN TANAH OBYEK REFORMA AGRARIA (TORA) YANG BERASAL DARI KAWASAN HUTAN: PERMASALAHAN DAN PENGATURANNYA." Veritas et Justitia 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2018): 252–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.2919.
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Agrarian reform is in essence a government policy attempting to restructure land ownership and control. President Jokowi’s government set the target of 9 million hectares of which 4.1 million hectares is classified formerly as forest land. It was and still is no easy task. But this agrarian reform, involving mostly change of ownership of forest land and redistribution, is considered necessary as part of effort to guarantee society’s welfare. This article purports to analyse the legal framework of forest land release and related problems. To do that a juridical dogmatic approach will be used and with secondary data as primary source of information. The main finding of this research is that real problems arises in the context of implementing the Environmental and Forest Ministerial Decree Number180/Menlhk/Setjen/kum.1/4/2017 which provides guidance in regard the procedure and requirements to be met for forest land release. In the case that in the process, land ownership dispute arose, stakeholders should seek guidance from Presidential RegulationNumber 88/2017 regarding Settlement of Land Management/Ownership in Forest Land.
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Flores, Thomas Edward. "Vertical Inequality, Land Reform, and Insurgency in Colombia." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2013-0058.
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AbstractHow can we understand the origins and resilience of Colombia’s long-running insurgency? A leading theory emphasizes the feasibility of insurgency, identifying drug trafficking as the main culprit. I propose an alternative theory of civil violence that emphasizes how bargaining over property rights in the face of deep vertical inequality deepens the subordinate group’s social identity, heightens its sense of grievance, and facilitates collective violence. An examination of the history of land reform struggles in Colombia echoes this pattern. Struggles over land reforms in the 1920s and 1930s created new patterns of collective action that helped sustain campesino groups in the “independent republics” of the 1950s and 1960s and the creation of the FARC in 1964. This analysis suggests that the Colombian state’s lack of credibility on issues of land reform demands a significant third-party enforcement of any peace agreement and confidence-building measures between the FARC and the Colombian government.
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Madimu, Tapiwa. "Food Imports, Hunger and State Making in Zimbabwe, 2000–2009." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 1 (August 15, 2019): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619868735.
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This article uses hunger as a lens to explore how the process of state making in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2009 negatively affected the country’s food security. Using Eriksen’s concept of state making, the study demonstrates how the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) ruling regime concentrated more on accumulation and power retention at a time when government was expected to address the serious food shortages that the country was facing. The development of a different kind of state that had repressive and accumulation tendencies was signified in 2000 by the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) which was intended to appease the regime’s various constituencies. Taken together with other populist measures, particularly price freezes, the policies destroyed the country’s capacity to produce and manufacture food and pushed citizens to rely almost entirely on food imports (mainly from South Africa). The paper thus contributes to the literature on the Zimbabwean crisis by offering a different dimension, not only on the process of state making and how it caused hunger, but also on the specifics of how ordinary citizens were literally starving except those who could afford to buy imported food (particularly maize meal) from South Africa.
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Taderera, Hope, Alois Madhekeni, Gideon Zhou, and Tafadzwa Chevo. "Sector Wide Approach in Health: Policy Response and Framework in Zimbabwe." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 1 (April 22, 2012): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i1.1570.
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The discourse is on the Sector Wide Approach (SWAp) in health, a policy reform intervention by the World Health Organization, and focuses on Zimbabwe’s response, and the subsequent health policy framework. A SWAp is a government led partnership with donor agencies and the civil society, in the formulation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the health policy. The rationale is to systematically build the capacity of health delivery systems and structures, for the realization health policy objectives through effective and efficient utilization of collaboratively mobilized resources for the realization of sustainable development in health. Zimbabwe has responded to SWAps by adopting the WHO Country Cooperation Strategy (2008-2013), being implemented through the National Health Strategy (2009-2013). A collaborative approach involving the state and civil society is being pursued. Within this arrangement, the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare is leading the strategic and operational function, at all levels of society, with the donor community, through the civil society playing a supportive role particularly in areas which include HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, water and sanitation, and maternal health. Coordination is done through the National Planning Forum, made up of the health ministry and the voluntary sector, and the Health Development Partners Coordination Group, made up of donor agencies in health, in line with the Zimbabwe United Nations Development Assistance Framework and the Interagency Humanitarian Coordination Mechanism. It was concluded that a framework has been put in place through which the SWAp is being pursued, towards systematic capacity building of Zimbabwe’s health sector.
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Xu, Yixin. "An Analysis of China’s Legal and Policy Framework for the Sustainability of Foreign Forest Carbon Projects." Climate Law 7, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2017): 150–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18786561-00702004.
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China’s policymakers regard forest carbon sequestration as one of the most cost-effective ways to combat climate change. Yet, scholars argue that foreign forest carbon projects in developing countries are environmentally and socially unsustainable. This paper explores China’s policy and legal framework for the sustainability of forest carbon projects that utilize international carbon-certification schemes. It finds that while China’s government has set ambitious climate goals for the forest sector, the applicable regulations are not comprehensively developed, and risks of unsustainability exist in practice. The government should undertake comprehensive institutional reform, including reform to establish implementation regulations for redd projects, adjust laws on forest and land to address climate risks, set up regulatory social-impact assessments, and create a greater demand for private forest sustainability assessments. 1
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Conrad, David A. "‘Before It Is Too Late’: Land Reform in South Vietnam, 1956–1968." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 1 (March 12, 2014): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02101002.
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Attempts by the U.S. government to enact land redistribution in the Republic of Vietnam began in the mid-1950s. At that time. land reform was a linchpin of U.S. foreign policy in Asia. Wolf Ladejinsky, author of the legislation that had virtually eliminated tenancy in occupied Japan, encountered political controversy in Washington and administrative challenges in Saigon in his attempt to bring about greater equality of land ownership in South Vietnam. This initial attempt to modify land tenure arrangements failed when redistribution stalled, far from complete, during 1961. Although new land reform legislation did not appear until 1970, the 1960s were by no means years of inaction on land reform. Years of behind-the-scenes efforts by American policymakers in Washington and Saigon culminated in the Land-to-the-Tiller Law, an ambitious but doomed attempt to complete the work that Ladejinsky had begun over a decade earlier. Documents from the Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library, many newly declassified, suggest that bureaucratic intrigue and political infighting within the Johnson administration and Congress both hindered and facilitated the emergence of a new land reform program in war-ravaged South Vietnam.
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Chipenda, Clement. "The youth after land reform in Zimbabwe: exploring the redistributive and social protection outcomes from a transformative social policy perspective." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 54, no. 3 (September 11, 2019): 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2019.1648308.
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TICHELAR, MICHAEL. "The Labour Party and Land Reform in the Inter-War Period." Rural History 13, no. 1 (April 2002): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793302000250.
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By the outbreak of the Second World War the ‘Land Question’ had lost its power to generate acute political controversy. Yet the issue of land reform did not disappear with the failure of the 1929–31 Labour Government to reintroduce Lloyd George's land taxes. Land reform after 1914 needs to be rescued from an over-identification with the decline of Radical Liberalism. This article will trace the way Labour Party policy developed after 1914. By 1939 it had adopted a set of policies based on the economic protection of agriculture, increased domestic production and marketing. At the same time it argued for the preservation of the countryside through land-use planning. After 1918 a long-term commitment to land nationalisation began to occupy a more important position in its land reform policies, particularly after 1931. In addition, new measures appeared on the party's political agenda for the first time, including the preservation of the countryside against urban intrusion, access to mountain and moorland, and the creation of national parks.
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Adamopoulos, Tasso, and Diego Restuccia. "Land Reform and Productivity: A Quantitative Analysis with Micro Data." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 12, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.20150222.
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We assess the effects of a major land policy change on farm size and agricultural productivity using a quantitative model and micro-level data. We study the 1988 land reform in the Philippines that imposed a ceiling on land holdings, redistributed above-ceiling lands to landless and smallholder households, and severely restricted the transferability of the redistributed farmlands. We study this reform in the context of an industry model of agriculture with a nondegenerate distribution of farm sizes featuring an occupation decision and a technology choice of farm operators. In this model, the land reform can reduce agricultural productivity not only by misallocating resources across farmers but also by distorting farmers’ occupation and technology decisions. The model, calibrated to prereform farm-level data in the Philippines, implies that on impact, the land reform reduces average farm size by 34 percent and agricultural productivity by 17 percent. The government assignment of land and the ban on its transfer are key for the magnitude of the results since a market allocation of the above-ceiling land produces about one-third of the size and productivity effects. These results emphasize the potential role of land market efficiency for misallocation and productivity in the agricultural sector. (JEL D24, O11, O13, Q12, Q15, Q18, Q24, Q28)
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Mackenzie, Fiona. "Land and territory: the interface between two systems of land tenure, Murang'a District, Kenya." Africa 59, no. 1 (January 1989): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160765.
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Introduction: ‘Land Reform’ and Rural SecurityThe objective of this paper is to examine the nature of the interface between two systems of land tenure in an area of smallholdings, Murang'a District, Central Province, Kenya. The first, the ng'undu system, evolved in the fertile, dissected plateau area east of the Nyandarua Range since the Kikuyu migrated there in the early seventeenth century (Muriuki, 1974: 62–82; Government of Kenya, 1929: 6); the second, a freehold system of individual land tenure, was introduced by the colonial state in the mid-1950s as a political instrument to counter the force of Mau Mau (Lamb, 1974; Leys, 1975). The latter system, it was intended, would replace the former, thereby laying the basis for an intensification of African agriculture which was also, under the Swynnerton Plan, to include production for the urban and export markets (Heyer, 1981; House and Killick, 1983). Commitment to this same principle continues to inform present agricultural policy (Government of Kenya, 1984a, Kenya Development Plan 1984–1988, p. 187; 1986,: 88).
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Derman, Bill, and Anne Ferguson. "Value of Water: Political Ecology and Water Reform in Southern Africa." Human Organization 62, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.62.3.4um4hl7m2mtjagc0.
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Our study draws attention to the multiple ways water is “valued” in international, national, and local discourses and how these different dialogues are used by actors to position themselves and their interests in Zimbabwe’s water reform process. It raises questions concerning the liberatory nature of Zimbabwe’s supposed populist political agenda in land and water reform. Water reform in Zimbabwe serves as a means of demonstrating the grounded, decentered, and engaged approach of political ecology. Focusing only on one pervasive discourse, such as neoliberal economic policy or the growing scarcity of water, and studying its effects on people and the environment, misses much of the complexity embodied in the reform. Our emphasis draws attention to the role of multiple actors, history, ambiguities, and contestations. We have found that the old systems for managing water are no longer functioning while the new systems are not in place. This means that the years of careful planning and implementation of water reform are now in jeopardy due to unforeseen events and processes.
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Han, Xinru, Ping Xue, and Ningning Zhang. "Impact of Grain Subsidy Reform on the Land Use of Smallholder Farms: Evidence from Huang-Huai-Hai Plain in China." Land 10, no. 9 (September 3, 2021): 929. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10090929.
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Smallholder farms have played an essential role in agricultural production and food security. In order to increase farm size, the Chinese government announced a reform of the grain subsidy program in 2015. Under the reform, 20% of the aggregate input subsidy, as well as the pilot subsidy to large-scale farmers and the incremental part of the agricultural support and protection subsidy budget, were used to support increasing farm size. This study evaluated the impact of China’s grain subsidy reform on the land use of smallholder farms to investigate whether the reform achieved its goal. Based on 2063 samples obtained from the 2013–2015 Survey for Agriculture and Village Economy data in Huang-Huai-Hai Plain, we conducted a difference-in-difference model to solve the problem of missing counterfactual states in policy evaluation. Farms from Henan and Shandong were assigned to the treatment group, and farms from Hebei were assigned to the control group. The results revealed that the average treatment effect on the treated of the impact of the grain subsidy reform on the wheat-sown area was −25% (0.10 ha). Furthermore, there was heterogeneity in regard to the subsidy reform effects in different sown-area groups. The reform had the most significant impact on the smallest farmers. We also found that China’s grain subsidy reform had a significant and positive effect on the amount of outflow land area, while the impact of subsidy reform on land tenure was insignificant. Our findings suggest that while encouraging large-scale farms, it is necessary to take into account farmers’ small-scale operations and gradually promote the transformation of small-scale operations to large-scale operations. The Chinese government should strengthen the supervision of land use to achieve the goal of ensuring food security.
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Sibanda, Mbulisi, Timothy Dube, Tariro Mubango, and Cletah Shoko. "The utility of earth observation technologies in understanding impacts of land reform in the eastern region of Zimbabwe." Journal of Land Use Science 11, no. 4 (January 21, 2016): 384–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1747423x.2015.1130756.
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Paata Koguashvili, Paata Koguashvili, and Gocha Tsopurashvili Gocha Tsopurashvili. "Regional Aspects of Land Management Policy and Self-governance Opportunities." Economics 104, no. 3-5 (June 22, 2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/104/3-5/20210179.
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One of the most important foundations of sustainable economic development is a prudent land management policy, which in turn is complex and addresses the nature of socio-demographic problems. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought to the forefront the importance of self-sufficient agricultural development and food security has become one of the modern challenges, with land as the spatial basis of the economy. The new legislative norms and rules enacted in the country from 2020 require active actions by both the central government and local self-governments. UN studies and recommendations emphasize the importance of complex, multisectoral cooperation and separate the responsibilities of all three levels (center, region, self-government), where elements of duplication must be eliminated and actions taken in full coordination. The axis of the main strategic vision is the central government, its cooperation and activation of the regional factor in terms of assigning coordinating, concentrating functions is extremely interesting, which is unconditionally expressed in terms of efficiency and flexibility of the case. Action in time and space is much more effective than the process of self-regulation. In determining the main directions of the land policy, it is important to outline hierarchically and functionally correctly the responsibilities and obligations of the law enforcers. Morover, the paper outlines the principles of cooperation and coordination, but at the same time emphasizes the importance of fulfilling the exclusive, statutory functions of self-government in terms of targeted and effective use of agricultural land in the country. Determining the market value of land, introducing differentiated taxes and creating a qualitative classification in modern conditions is one of the important challenges. To address these issues, an action software model is presented on the example of Bolnisi Municipality, based on sustainable development, economic Principles of optimization and rationalism, therefore accurately and objectively reflects the real situation. It is noteworthy that the mechanisms for determining the market value of land are created by a system and not an expert opinion brought to the air, the incorrect examples of which have accumulated quite a lot in the country. The approaches and action model proposed in the paper require the introduction of scientific thought and modern innovative systems in terms of quality assessment on the one hand, and on the other hand in terms of objective differentiated tax, because the precise definition of the real picture is the basis for a well-organized systemic-structural reform, which the field unconditionally needs even today. Keywords: Land management policy, market price, local government, agriculture, land balance, soil, optimization.