Journal articles on the topic 'Land settlement – Social aspects – Zimbabwe'

The study of social differentiation in the countryside is often dominated by the deployment of classical analytical frameworks. This article quantitatively explores social differentiation at the sub-national level (Chiredzi and Zvimba districts in Zimbabwe), through the use of the trimodal agrarian structure (TMAS) framework. It addresses the question of whether variables outlined in TMAS (land sizes, labor, and credit) stimulate social differentiation patterns across various settlement models, which emerged after Zimbabwe’s land reform program. If so, what groups or clusters emerge and what are the differentials at the local level? Through statistical factor and cluster analysis, this article reveals that the TMAS variables do explain social differentiation even at the sub-national level. Land sizes, access to capital, and ownership of cattle are key factors in explaining this differentiation. Beyond the variables presented by the TMAS, we argue that agroecological zones and crop type are also instrumental in shaping social differentiation. From the evidence presented, it is difficult to visualize inter-cluster mobility because of various reasons, which include state-based tenure.

Background/Objectives: The research presented in the article is devoted to the problems of rural areas development in the Russian Federation, as well as to land-use planning based on the cadastral data. The authors have analyzed the notion of rural areas, revealed several directions of sustainable development of rural areas based on the state programmes and strategies, adopted in the Russian Federation. Several particular problems (establishing the boundaries of settlements and inter-settlement territories) are presented through an example of concrete municipalities of the Saratov region. Methods: The study is based on the methods of scientific research: systemic, geoinformational and statistical method. Findings: Introduction of changes into regulatory legal acts will stimulate identification of boundaries of settlements, establishment of boundaries of the land plots, which are situated on inter-settlement territories, but have address reference points of settlements; and vice versa, the boundaries of some settlements comprise land plots, which are located on the territories of other categories. It is a difficult process of ordering of the state cadastral registration of boundaries of settlements. This process is basic and principally important for the execution of documents for strategic planning of a municipality development and, generally, for further effective development of rural territories. Applications/Improvements: Boundary delimitation of land plots, establishment of boundaries of settlements, determination of the legal status of lands will have an impact on the investment policy, which contributes to social and economic development of territories, to the development of agricultural businesses, thus attracting labour resources and raising the social standard of living of rural population. Consequently, it will lead to sustainable development of rural territories of the Russian Federation.

Land ownership and land mastery are two things that build rural structures in the community. In the peasant community, the Agrarian structure becomes the determinant of other aspects of life, such as agricultural production rate, income level as well as economic and other social factors. The importance of Agrarian structure in the peasant community makes researchers conduct a study aimed at analysing the typology of the Agrarian structure of transmigrant farmers in South Konawe Province of Southeast Sulawesi through a combination of ownership aspects and mastery aspects. This research used qualitative methods by taking one case, namely in the Transmigration Settlement Unit (UPT) Arongo in Southeast Sulawesi Province. The results showed that through the combination of aspects of land ownership and land mastery as a form of Agrarian structure, there are three typologies of Agrarian structure form in the UPT. Arongo, owning and mastering agricultural land, owning but not mastering land and not owning but mastering land. To achieve Agrarian transformation, the ideal typology of Agrarian structures for peasant communities is in the form of Agrarian structures in which people own land while mastering it so that land management is optimal.

Regularization of informal settlements involves the process of legalization of tenure and upgrading of public services and infrastructures through land development. However, some settlement manages to get the services from formal authorities but lags legal tenure security. Legalization of tenure security is important so as to reduce their threat of eviction from formal authorities and improvement of their living standard. Various land development tools involves upgrading of public services and development of infrastructures but legalization of tenure security is left behind. Land development and legalization of tenure security both are the important components for regularization of informal settlements and recognize as formal settlements. Land readjustment is the tool or technique commonly used for the land development in Nepal. Thus this paper aims to indentify the applicability of land readjustment in regularization of informal settlement. In Nepal, there are prominent numbers of informal settlements along the river banks and also in urban core areas. Chadani tole along the Bagmati River is taken as a case study and analysis of applicability of land readjustment under the social and legal condition for regularization is carried out. This research has adopted both desk research and case study methodology. Qualitative and quantitative data analysis is adopted in this study. The results of research reveal that public participation and long term occupancy are the social positive aspects for the application of LR in informal settlements. Lack of land registration, legal recognition and development regulations are the legal hurdles for the application of LR in informal settlements. Land registration of informal settlement has not been done in Nepal which is important aspect for application of LR. Thus land registration of Nepal should include the components of STDM for the pro poor land registration and recognition of social tenure to informal settlements. Applicability of LR is difficult due to the lack of sufficient area. So to address the issue and ascertain the rights of dwellers to live in the same area, high rise apartments can be adopted.

Abstract. Studentification is a neighbourhood changes caused by the students’ presence in the permanent settlement then influence the area; students accomodation supply and community’s social economic aspects. This research revealed the influence of studentification in Tembalang higher education area to the physical and social economic aspects. Qualitative research method was used to explain more about the studentification influence and the Tembalang development trend. Interview conducted to some key figures in the community such as Lurah, community leaders, and students to find out their perception regarding the neighbourhood transformation. Based on analysis, it showed that studentification emerged since the Pleburan campus moved to Tembalang campus which students accomodation demand increased significantly. Moreover, the studentification influences seen from the increasing of land price, land use conversion, and students’ life style that affected the community’s job-shifting. However, the development of Tembalang higher education area still on the track based on the guidance and spatial pattern structure recommendation of Semarang Spatial Plan 2011-2030.

This paper explores the complex story of a particular style of rock art in western Arnhem Land known as ‘Painted Hands’. Using new evidence from recent fieldwork, we present a definition for their style, distribution and place in the stylistic chronologies of this region. We argue these motifs played an important cultural role in Aboriginal society during the period of European settlement in the region. We explore the complex messages embedded in the design features of the Painted Hands, arguing that they are more than simply hand stencils or markers of individuality. We suggest that these figures represent stylized and intensely encoded motifs with the power to communicate a high level of personal, clan and ceremonial identity at a time when all aspects of Aboriginal cultural identity were under threat.

Title: Identification of Slum Settlement in Wuring Area, Sikka District, East Nusa Tenggara The Wuring area, located in Sikka regency East Nusa Tenggara province. This settlement is dominated by the Bajo tribe and considered as a slum area. The identification of slum areas was carried out in order to provide basic data and slums-related information for local governments, planners, designers and area developers in making decisions or considerations in handling the slum settlement program. Determine criteria for slum areas was conducted by considering various aspects or dimensions such as the suitability of the location allotment related with spatial planning, land status (ownership), location, level of population and building density and physical, social, economic and cultural conditions of the local community. The study aims to identify and assess the location of slum areas in the Wuring area and furthermore recommend how the handling of this slum areas. For this purpose, the deductive research method using the criterias based on the Slum Settlement Identification Handbook issued by the Directorate of Settlement Development, Directorate General of Human Settlements, Indonesian Ministry of Public Works. The result of the study is that in the Wuring area has high level of slums and illegal land status.

This article investigates the political participation of urban poor through the People's Network of Urban Poor (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota, JRMK) in Jakarta's 2017 gubernatorial election. It also traces the material aspects of this movement, particularly the issues emphasised by the movement: settlement rights, tenure rights, and livelihood rights. Settlement rights reflect a complex system of agrarian laws in Indonesia, and urban development plans in Jakarta, all of which have been shaped by the contestation of economic and political interests. Tenure and livelihood rights for the urban poor, are heavily steeped in history, with constant threat of forced eviction, As a result the three rights became increasingly tangible and movement became ever more urgent. This article argues that the materiality of social movements influences the urban poor movement political strategies. In this case, the movement created a "political contract" with the candidate who ultimately emerged victorious in the election; owing to the complexity of land and settlement issues, electoral politics offered the most promising strategy. However, movements with different types of 'materiality' could employ other approaches.

A weak concentration of landowner system is among the main properties of African people specially those in the South of Sahara. To have acces to land is a question which concerns above all the level of rationalisation than that of true distribution. This paper deals with the strategies of both landowner system and marriage settlement in the Yansi society. The Yansi people are living in the Kinzwene area specially in the constituency of Bagata in the province of Bandundu of Zaïre country. These people have opted for a marriage settlement based on matriarchy. With reference to Bohanman’s methodes of conception to write down this paper, we have proceeded by confrontation of these methods to the Yansi social reality. From this we can say: the land appropriation and the one of a woman (as spouse) are from a system of affectation to using things but not from the right to have it used according to the european comman law which is based on the former roman law. Only one adage rules the both landowner and marriage settlement strategies: “NSO MPE NGUL M’WAG” (if a cassava field is left, it is given to wild boars). This maxim brings a reply to the women moving, the fields and the properties regime inside the same linear system or in the archilinear one. According to Yansi people, landowner system is a question which concerns at the same time the economic, the social and cultural aspects. What is called “formal marriage” (Ukwel Kituül) is a kind of marriage settlement strategy both social and temporal. The Yansi landowner system and marriage settlement are to be seen as a way tot remain interdependent from generations to others.

AbstractThis paper discusses the project of an archaeology of capitalism through a case study situated in the southern Scottish Highlands. It is argued that archaeology as a discipline has a significant contribution to make to discussions of the emergence and development of the social relations of capitalism. This is because archaeology has as one of its main concerns mundane social practice or routine. Changes in everyday routine and the associated material environment made the ideological aspects of capitalism, focusing on the individual and private property, conceivable for some. These changes to the everyday environment were instigated by the landlords, inspired by enlightenment thought, in order to secure their ownership of certain estates as private property, which had been in dispute under the clan system. Response of the rural population to Improvement was varied and their continuing relationship with their landlord evolved with reference to certain key structuring dispositions. The essential issue for the farming population was land rights. The major conclusion of this paper as concerns archaeologies of capitalism is that we must distinguish between capitalism (an ideology of the individual made knowable in routine practice) and capitalist societies (those societies where capitalism is widespread but not necessarily universal). This allows consideration of varied experience of and interaction with capitalism in the past.

To what extent do we need structuralist cognitive settlement models such as the Central Cattle Pattern and the Zimbabwe Pattern for future research and understanding of Iron Age social life in southern Africa? How will alternative approaches enable us to progress beyond the present status of knowledge? While the three last decades of debate have underpinned key aspects of archaeological inquiry, notably questions of social change, gender dynamics, analytical scale and the use of ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological insights, the sometimes entrenched nature of the debate has in other respects hindered development of new approaches and restrained the range of themes and topics scholars engage with. In this article, we identify the issues of analytical scale and recursiveness as key to the development of future approaches and present an alternative framework through empirically grounded discussion of three central Iron Age themes: ceramics and the microscale, the spatiality of metal production and the temporality of stonewalled architecture.

The article discusses the problems of urban development of the contaminated territories of Saratov aimed at improving this territory. Particular attention is paid to the substantiation and necessity of using in sociological studies of a modern city such a concept as a socio-territorial community, which is interpreted as a form of social life, where a certain set of individuals has the same type of relationship to a specific territory. Glebutchev ravine was chosen as a contagious model polygon. Throughout almost the entire history of the city, the contaminated areas have been a zone of uncomfortable living attracting the poorest segments of the city’s residents. Urban development of these territories is associated with a number of social and environmental problems, for example, with the need for mass resettlement, demolition of illegal buildings, settlement of land disputes, etc. In the course of analyzing the materials of the author’s sociological survey of macrophotography, the bulk of the residents (65%) note the need of improving the ravine. At the same time, 30% of respondents want to improve living conditions by building a shopping and entertainment center, 45% want to see only pedestrian and transport accessibility and 35% believe that the creation of parks and recreation areas is necessary.

In resolving land acquisition disputes for the public interest, it is fitting for the state to pay attention to values outside of the rule of law itself, including the value of social justice and the value of benefits to guarantee the basic rights of affected communities. This study aims to find out what factors cause the settlement of land acquisition disputes in terms of juridical aspects not reflecting the value of justice and benefit for the parties and formulating land acquisition dispute resolution models in a legal socio perspective that can realize the value of social justice and benefits for party. an appropriate method is needed that can accommodate the value of social justice and the benefits in resolving the dispute, among others, promoting the Consensus Meeting and the Need for Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) as an alternative solution. In addition, the need to calculate non-physical losses in the assessment of compensation for people who have lost their livelihoods due to land acquisition projects Keywords: Land Acquisition, Land Dispute Settlement, Public Interest AbstrakDalam penyelesaian sengketa pengadaan tanah untuk kepentingan umum sudah sepatutnya negara memperhatikan nilai-nilai diluar daripada aturan hukum itu sendiri, diantaranya nilai keadilan sosial dan nilai kemanfaatan untuk menjamin hak-hak dasar masyarakat terdampak. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk untuk mengetahui faktor apa saja yang menyebabkan penyelesaian sengketa pengadaan tanah tersebut ditinjau dari aspek yuridis belum mencerminkan nilai keadilan dan kemanfaatan bagi para pihak sertaa merumuskan model penyelesaian sengketa pengadaan tanah dalam perspektif socio legal yang dapat mewujudkan nilai keadilan sosial dan kemanfaatan bagi para pihak. dibutuhkan suatu metode yang tepat yang dapat mengakomodasi nilai keadilan sosial dan kemanfaatan dalam penyelesaian sengketa tersebut diantaranya mengedepankan Musyawarah Mufakat dan Perlunya Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) sebagai solusi alternatif.. Selain itu, perlunya memperhitungkan kerugian non fisik dalam penilaian ganti rugi sehingga, terdapat solusi bagi masyarakat yang kehilangan mata pencaharianya akibat proyek pengadaan tanah Kata Kunci : Pengadaan Tanah, Penyelesaian Sengketa Tanah , Kepentingan Umum

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Visualization and geospatial analyses of rural areas at a sub-regional scale is important for examining rural areas and analyzing their spatial characteristics and their relationships between geographical conditions in detail. However, those types of researches have been scarce. The most important reason for this is a low correspondence between the territories of sub-regional statistical units in the population census, the agriculture census, and other numerical data of geographical conditions. One way to solve this problem is to use grid cell data, but the grid cell statistics of the agricultural census had not been made after 1980 agricultural census. After 35 years of blanks, the kind of statistics was finally created based on the 2015 agricultural census and published in 2018. This grid cell statistics of 2015 agricultural census covers only human aspects of agricultural management.</p><p>In this research, the author examined the availability of grid cell data of the agricultural census for visualization and geospatial analyses of rural areas. Firstly, the author composed grid cell data by allocating agricultural settlement data to grid cells based on grid cell data of land use information. Regional variations of agricultural land use and their changes were visualized better than the case based on agricultural settlement data. Then quantitative analyses on their regional distribution and relationships between geographical and social factors were conducted. Influences of elevation, slope and population density on land use were clarified. Secondly, the author used the 2015 grid cell data for mapping, spatial analyses and examining the relationship between geographical and social factors. It was confirmed that the distribution of human aspects of agricultural management was potentially related to urban expansion.</p><p>These findings show a significant potential of grid cell statistics for visualization and geospatial analyses of rural areas.</p>

The purpose of this study was to: 1) Analyze the dispute resolution on dual certificates in the National Land Agency Indramayu district, 2) Barriers and Solutions Upon completion of Certificate Associate at the National Land Agency Indramayu district.The approach used in this paper is empirical sociological juridical with the help of primary data or empirical data as the main data. Sociological research empirical law is a legal research methods that identify and conceptualize law as a social institution rill and functional in a real life system. The data collection was obtained by interview and literature. The data were analyzed qualitatively normative.The research results are: 1). Settlement of disputes over double certificates in the National Land Agency Indramayu district that summons to the parties to the dispute to mediation. If mediation is not successful then the case was continued with the proceedings. The process of settlement is with the trial. Aspects that influence the judge determines the choice of action in the resolution of a dispute ie double certificate in terms of proof, because the facts and events as the principal case will be known judge from the evidence submitted by the parties to the dispute 2). Obstacles in solving the double certificate in Indramayu district that is party to the dispute does not come in mediation, data submitted on the land question is not clear, each party wants to win the case and the importance of their own interests. Solutions that can be done is the mediator to give some advice to the parties so that more can cooperate in following the legal process, so that the process can be completed justice and it takes a long time.Keywords: Dispute; Double Certificate; BPN.

Abstract The Tabanan District Spatial Plan 2012-2032 states that Pandak Gede Village has a role as an environmental center that functions as the center of a residential area that serves the surrounding rural areas. The increase in population in Pandak Gede Village has caused changes in the number and distribution of settlement areas. The reduced area of ​​agricultural land can be an indication of the conversion of agricultural land to non-agricultural land. Given these indications, research is needed to find out how the conditions of land use change in Pandak Gede Village are seen from the social, economic, cultural aspects. Are there developments that are not in accordance with the Spatial Plan for Tabanan Regency 2012-2032, is there any indication of the conversion of agricultural land in Pandak Gede Village and how alternative strategies can be taken to minimize the mismatch of regional development against the Tabanan District Spatial Plan 2012-2032. The method used in this research is the mix method. The analysis included: socioeconomic analysis, socio-cultural analysis, regional development analysis, land use suitability analysis, and analysis of agricultural land use control strategies. The results showed an indication of the conversion of agricultural land by 18.71 hectares into residential and non-agricultural land. Alternative strategies that can be done are facilitative, reeducative, persuasive and power strategies to the government, to Pandak Gede Village, to community owners and buyers of land, to environmentalists, to further research and education.

The research was conducted to answer a questions: 1) how the relocation of the current strategy was carried out by the government 2) the problems that arise in the relocation which has yet to be resolved, 3) how the good concept of relocation so that these problems can be minimized. The research methodology used in this study combined quantitative and qualitative methods. Qualitative methods are used to explain the empirical facts that exist in each of these conditions in the relocation settlements. SWOT analysis is used to provide an overview of the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats in the relocation of victims of Merapi. Information, facts and issues that arise in the study will be described, explained and analyzed primarily for the impact of residential relocation on social and economic life of the community. Relocation concept of the economic aspects of community empowerment efforts should be made related to community economic recovery after a change in livelihood. In addition, the potential of community mapping needs to be done by the government to be optimized and developed. From the aspect of government settlements seek to transfer ownership of land in the new settlement which may be the property of the citizens so that citizens obtain legal certainty while occupying the new settlement. The social aspects of the development potential of relocating residents and making it as a tourist village, residents need to support that relocation is no longer a newcomer, they have the same rights and obligations with citizens of another.

On the one hand, the hyper-urbanization phenomenon gives numerous advancements in urban living quality, yet on the other hand, it also raises an equal amount of problems. Environmental issues come in the form of density issues, the existence of slums, floods, social inequality, and urban architectural identity. As a city with “City of a Thousand Rivers” as its brand, Banjarmasin now faces a shift in an urban architectural image from a river based city to a land-based city due to the rapid land-based infrastructure development. This resulted in the degradation of environmental and architectural quality of river-based village (kampong) settlement, the main component of Banjarmasin river front city, due to a strong paradigm shift. Kuin, a river side residential area/riverside tourist destination that is currently experiencing a degradation of environmental quality and place identity, is undergoing an urban renewal. Unfortunately, the policy approaches to urban planning that has been implemented are based on general formal guidelines; guidelines which do not take the informal nature of kampong river-side settlements, due to the lack of guidelines based on riverside place identity. This paper aims to explore the characteristics of riverside settlement using architectural image observation method, space syntax method for analyzing settlement configuration genotype, connectivity, interface and interlink territory integration, as well as questionnaire and interview methods to assess the perceptions of residents and municipal authorities. From the results of this research, five compositions forms have been identified: attachment to riverside settlement identity in the form of pilling, spanning, floating, embracing, and ascending with elements such as waterfront alleys, jukung (traditional boat), lanting (floating houses) as well as floating traditional markets that serves as the frame to the configuration. The identification process is done by using the approach of observing the spaceuse appropriation and the space-user perception on how to consider its sustainability aspect as a means to determine a level of adjustment. The result shows that self organized and self customized kampong residents and tourist are aware towards the river environment, the assets of local floating markets as well as the local social space. On the other hand, municipal authorities gave more attention to formal normative and regulative aspects. This analysis is used as the basis for recommendations for kampong riverside settlement design consolidation, which is done through guided participatory design workshops. The result of this study is constructed as a concept for urban riverfront composition architecture, amphibious space territory, and urban riverfront settlement identity and expected to be able to further advance the knowledge surrounding the subject of urbanism and territoriality.

Conflicts caused by differences in cultural backgrounds and competition over natural resources among social groups in the project areas of transmigrations in Indonesia are not uncommon occurrences. This paper seeks to explore two aspects pertaining to this issue: (1) social conflict potentials among transmigrant communities particularly those between local transmigrants and the inter island transmigrants; and (2) the formation of social capital as an instrumental power in achieving and sustaining harmonious social relationship in the area in question. The research on the two subjects was a qualitative field research. In-depth interview and observation were employed in gathering data. The research had led to the finding that the conflict potentials in the observed transmigrant area were related to land distribution among transmigrant households and access to economic resources. Nonetheless, the conflict potentials did not inhibit the formation of social capital that bound all the members of the society. The result of the observation showed that a social trust has been constructed among the transmigrant settlers based on the value of cooperation or working together formutual benefit both in the daily interactions in the settlement area and in the plantation management activities. The prevalent social trust has prevented open conflict from breaking out among different ethnic social groups and hencecreated harmonious social relations

Indonesian forestry challenges in attributional land-use conflicts of overlapping villages and state forests have affected community livelihoods and forest sustainability for decades. This empirical research uncovers the socio-economic attributes of villages in order to gain a better understanding of people−forest relationships in order to guide improved forest management and governance for long-term sustainability. Data were obtained from 69 villages located in the forest management unit of Lakitan Bukit Cogong in South Sumatra Province. Spatially-explicit quantitative measurements and qualitative approaches were employed to explore the interrelationships between human footprint, village development, and conflict resolution strategies over two decades. The results confirmed that utilization of forest areas as part of the village territory (such as for building settlements, public/social infrastructure facilities, plantations and agricultural fields) has long been administered without permits, destabilizing forest functions. Moreover, aspects such as human population size, proximity of villages to the national road and sub-district capital, and the transmigration settlement units have an impact on the Human Footprint Index and Village Development Index. Furthermore, our analyses identified three distinctive forms of conflict based on village type: (1) villages which are administratively included in the forest area; (2) villages for transmigration settlement; and (3) villages adjacent to company management concession areas. In these villages, the clarity of land/forest boundaries and property rights are predominant conflict issues. Several recommendations are proposed to support sustainable forest development; namely, controlling human activities in the forest, improving village management governance, and resolving associated conflicts.

Abstract. Jakarta is the capital city of Indonesia located in the west-northern coast of Java island, within a deltaic plain and passes by 13 natural and artificial rivers. This megapolitan has a population of about 10.2 million people inhabiting an area of about 660 km2, with relatively rapid urban development. It has been reported for many years that several places in Jakarta are subsiding at different rates. The main causative factors of land subsidence in Jakarta are most probably excessive groundwater extraction, load of constructions (i.e., settlement of high compressibility soil), and natural consolidation of alluvial soil. Land subsidence in Jakarta has been studied using leveling surveys, GPS surveys, InSAR and Geometric-Historic techniques. The results obtained from leveling surveys, GPS surveys and InSAR technique over the period between 1974 and 2010 show that land subsidence in Jakarta has spatial and temporal variations with typical rates of about 3–10 cm year−1. Rapid urban development, relatively young alluvium soil, and relatively weak mitigation and adapatation initiatives, are risk increasing factors of land subsidence in Jakarta. The subsidence impacts can be seen already in the field in forms of cracking and damage of housing, buildings and infrastructure; wider expansion of (riverine and coastal) flooding areas, malfunction of drainage system, changes in river canal and drain flow systems and increased inland sea water intrusion. These impacts can be categorized into infrastructural, environmental, economic and social impacts. The risk and impacts of land subsidence in Jakarta and their related aspects are discussed in this paper.

This paper highlights the significance of dates in the history of all settlements, and in particular an urban settlement, and the significance of introducing them into their chronological calendar. This is particulary significant for urban settlements and the dates of their gaining the status of a city, which is a very important historical and civilizational act by which the proper legal status of a settlement and its inhabitants would be acknowledged and verified. By this act, a settlement was singled out from a multitude of other populated places in its surroundings for its urban, social and cultural characteristics with regard to its status. This matter raises no questions by any means about the continuity of life in the wider area of an emerging or newly- declared urban settlement. However, the differences in status and socioeconomic aspects are clearly shown. A complex legal procedure for gaining, acknowledging and verifying the status of a city in the case of Sarajevo had to be observed. The motives for choosing the location for building a new complex were highlighted, the complex with suitable urban facilities and under the urban criteria that needed to be met in order to be able in any way to apply for the status of a city. A source on this matter, produced immediately after the foundation of the city and its legal verification, contains an answer to such questions. The careful selection of the location for the emerging city was made, namely the land for those facilities was chosen by the founder „ ... because he found it suitable for building a šeher (city) on it... “ This syntagm also answers the question of whether it is an entirely new or some earlier founded settlement. The Brodac Settlement, with a newly- formed city founded within its boundaries, appears in the sources in parallel with the name of the city of Sarajevo until the middle of the 16th century, which clearly confirms that it was a completely new settlement that had been founded within the boundaries of the Brodac village, and surely it had not been founded on a previously built rural or town settlement. Moreover, other settlements found in the vicinity of the city kept their names from the Middle Ages and throughout centuries to the present day they have been recognisable and distinguishable for those names as the parts of the Sarajevo city zone.

Based on RDTR of Palangkarya City in 2009, Kahayan riverside area is included in the green belt /conservation zone. But the facts, there are utilizations of water bodies as residential land, besides; housing problems are growing organically throughout the location of the study area. Based on these points,the purpose of this study is to analyze characteristics of the society based on socio-economic factors that people take into consideration to live there and to know its influence on the pattern of spread of Kahayan riverside settlements in Palangkaraya. The approach used in this research is quantitative descriptive and thematic approach. Coverage of discussion / substance in this study is about the socio-economic characteristics of the community as well as the physical characteristics of Kahayan riverside neighborhoods, and the factors that are considered by society to live, as well as its influence on the spread pattern of Kahayan riverside settlement area. As for the results, the overall socio-economic characteristics and environmental influence the characteristics of the settlement pattern in Kahayan riverside area significantly (over 80%). Where the results of the crosstab analysis, variables that have been identified in the economic characteristics such as (livelihood, income level) influence by 82%. While the specific characteristics of social (ethnic) by 76% and physical-environmental characteristics (topography) 88%. It is proved that the socio-economic aspects indirectly affect the patterns of people’s settlement. Socio-economic conditions of the riverside area community in the study area indicates that the livelihoods that "near by home" became the reason in preferenced settlement with a dominant percentage, equal to 32.5%. In the aspect of physical condition, the highest percentage of 47.26% with 813 dwellings located on a slope of 0-8% which is lower classification. NNA results obtained dispersed pattern or evenly spread with an index value ratio> 2.58 is equal to 34.3. All the results of analysis are formulated in the zoning plan formulation with resettlement concept and settlement patterns, where the development of settlement patterns are in accordance with socio-economic characteristics in the study area is a grid across the Langkai and Pahandut Seberang villages and pattern combination in the Pahandut village.

Estimations of population density, which consider regional variability, are an important key variable in archaeology as they have consequences not only for the environmental but also for the economical and social domains. In this paper, a ten-step procedure of a consistent group of methods is described which deals with the data required for estimations of population density at different scale levels (from excavation to large-scale distribution maps). For distribution maps, a method is presented by which densities of sites are displayed using optimal isolines. These demarcate so called ‘settlement areas’ at scales of between 1:25,000 and 1:2.5 million. Our knowledge of the density of households from key areas with the most complete archaeological records is upscaled for the regions within these isolines. The results of this procedure are estimations of population density for the early Neolithic (Bandkeramik, 51st century BC) and the Roman period (2nd century AD) for regions with some 10,000 km2.A simple statistical/graphical method is developed to analyse the relationship between settlement areas, soils, and precipitation. Taking into account the aspects of preservation of sites and the intensity of archaeological observations, an analysis of patterns of land use shows that in prehistory not all areas suitable for use were in fact incorporated into settlement areas. For prehistory, the idea of a most optimised use of land up to its carrying capacity (as it has been proposed for at least 50 years) can be falsified for specific areas. A large number of empty regions with good ecological conditions but lacking in settlement activity can be discussed as resulting from culture historical processes. As an example, the separation of areas inhabited by groups of different identities is discussed. The amount of used space (in terms of ‘settlement area’) however, increases from the early Neolithic to the 4th century BC from 5% to more than 40%. The increase between the Neolithic and the Iron Age is understood in terms of technological developments in farming systems. The percentage of areas with suitable conditions actually utilised between the Bandkeramik and Iron Age increases from 31.1% to 67.5% in the area covered by the Geschichtlicher Atlas der Rheinlande, and is much higher still in the Roman period (84.3%). State societies seem to use the land more efficiently compared to non-state systems. This is becoming even clearer on consideration of the intensity of human impact.Large-scale distribution maps dividing the Neolithic in five periods were analysed. In each of the periods large settlement areas seem to be characterised either by the development of specific cultural innovations or by exchange of a specific raw material. In the course of time, the size of settlement areas in a specific region fluctuates markedly. It is most plausible to assume that this is due to a remarkable mobility of seemingly sedentary populations. Individual families recombine to new socio-cultural units every few hundred years.The relationship between size of settlement areas and the number of households can be used to develop ideas relating to the flow of exchange goods. An example for the Bandkeramik considering the Rijckholt-Flint is presented. The combination of the number of households and the percentage of this raw material in the specific settlement areas visualises the amount needed and the amount transferred to other settlement areas in the neighbourhood. A future economical archaeology could use this information to develop ideas relating to the importance of the economic sector, ie, ‘procurement of flint’ in relation to the ‘production of foodstuffs’ according to the time required for each group of activities.In the last section, the relationship between settlement areas and human impact is discussed. For the periods of subsistence economy, it is argued that the size of the population and its farming system are the two most important factors. For example, in Bandkeramik settlement areas, approximately 2% of the forest covering the landscape was cut down; in Roman times, and depending on the intensity of farming, this reaches magnitudes of between 20% and 50%. Although some of the methods and arguments used in this paper may be exchanged for better ones in the future, it is already apparent that a consistent system of methods is essential to transfer results of analyses on a lower scale level as input on a higher level and vice versa.

<p><em>City has main attraction for livable. The public has the view that a town has a comprehensive facilities , good accessibility , a broad field of work and so on. This matter causes population growth developments in the city, because people migrating to the city livelihood for the sake of more worthy. The increasing population is not balanced with the service especially in the field of housing the city settlement that will appear squatter. So that the squatter need to be handled, in general the handling of having two pattern handling squatter approach , that is a pattern on-site and off-site. On site pattern is a problem handling squatter location without move to another region but with providing a place of decent housing. While off site pattern is handling by moving the squatter to the regions and with the status of land was legal. In fact both handling is to improve social life and economic society. One of squatter handling in Surakarta is build a low cost apartment. The limited land in Surakarta is one of the reason to build a low cost apartment in the Surakarta City for handling squatter. Based on issues, this research knowing comparisons of socio-economic change in the low cost apartment post-handling squatter. The method is applicable in weighting analysis methods in identifying the social economy at low cost apartment in Surakarta. This result oh the research re the comparisons of socioeconomic aspects of changes on residents after handling squatter in Surakarta can be seen that in Begalon I low cost apartment experienced a medium increase, while in Begalon II low cost apartment and Semanggi low cost apartment increased low. So that the change in the economic and social aspect of Begalon I low cost apartment with on site pattern has the higher than Begalon II low cost apartment and Semanggi low cost apartment with off site pattern.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>low cost apartment, socioeconomic aspects, squatter</em></p>

Farmers are the major participants in rural development process and their willingness to settle in urban areas directly affects the implementation of rural revitalization strategy. Based on Ostrom’s institutional analysis and development (IAD) framework, we analyzed farmers’ willingness to settle in urban areas and its influencing factors by binary Logistic regression and cluster analysis of survey data of 190 rural households in Sihe village of Gansu Province of China. The results show that: (1) In Sihe village, farmers’ willingness to settle in urban areas was low in general and influenced by their neighbors’ decisions or behaviors. Households willing and unwilling to migrate to urban areas both presented significant spatial agglomeration. (2) The factors influencing farmers’ willingness to settle in urban areas were analyzed from six aspects: individual characteristics, family characteristics, residence characteristics, cognitive characteristics, institutions, and constraints. The main influencing factors were found to be age, occupation, number of non-agricultural workers in the family, household cultivated land area, annual household income, house building materials, degree of satisfaction with social pension, homestead and contracted land subsidies, income constraints, and other constraints. (3) Individual heterogeneity and difference in economic basis determined the difference in farmers’ willingness to settle in urban areas. Institutions and constraints played different roles in the migration willingness of different groups of farmers (Note: More details on the sample as well as further interpretation and discussion of the surveys are available in the associated research article (“Village-Scale Livelihood Change and the Response of Rural Settlement Land Use: Sihe Village of Tongwei County in Mid-Gansu Loess Hilly Region as an Example” (Ma, L.B.; Liu, S.C.; Niu, Y.W.; Chen, M.M., 2018)).

<p><strong><em>Abstract:</em></strong><em> Vertical Housing still become the solution of fulfilling housing needs as dense and slum settlement spread, such as in Manggarai, South Jakarta. Vertical Housing which had been built in Jakarta which had to do a fast construction sometimes ignore the social and economic factors of occupants, as well as the impact of construction to environment. Therefore, the construction of Vertical Housing has to integrate the social, economic, and environmental factor. The problem of design is how to design a form of building such as space and building façade which able to facilitate activities and occupants’ need which is affected by site conditions and social life of occupants.</em> <em>This Vertical Housing aims to get spaces for activities and fulfilling the needs of occupants in the present and the future, and minimizing negative impacts of construction to environment. Design methode based on the concept of Sustainable Architecture because it considers the balancing of social, economic and environmental factors. The implementation of Sustainable Architecture is done by applying five </em><em>S</em><em>ustainable </em><em>A</em><em>rchitecture chosen aspects, such as sustainable site and land-use, sustainable energy, sustainable material, sustainable water, and sustainable community. These design aspects of Sustainable Architecture will result some concepts such as provision of shared social and economy spaces, green open spaces, the use of durable and eco-friendly materials, building façade responds to climate, and waste treatment system.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: Economic, Environment, Social, Sustainable Architecture, Vertical Housing</em></p>

The New England – Acadian Forest (NEAF) is an ecoregion spanning 24 million hectares of the northeastern United States and eastern Canada. The region is characterized as a transitional forest naturally composed of both boreal and temperate species. The term “borealization” is sometimes used to describe various processes driving the NEAF toward a more boreal character at the expense of its temperate forest species and ecological communities. That the NEAF has undergone significant landscape-scale change in the last four centuries since European settlement is well understood. The purpose of this manuscript is to review the literature on the forest composition and dynamics of this region to investigate whether past, current, and (or) predicted future processes of change are indeed driving the forest toward a more boreal character. We examine studies on the historical forest composition and impacts of past and current land-use practices, as well as indirect anthropogenic changes that are predicted to influence future forest compositions of the NEAF. We review over 100 peer-reviewed scientific journal articles and government reports related to this issue. We find ample evidence to suggest that, at the landscape scale, there has been widespread replacement of temperate tree species by boreal species since European settlement. Five primary drivers have facilitated borealization across the NEAF: logging and high-grading, natural reforestation of abandoned farmland, industrial clearcutting, anthropogenic fire, and boreal conifer plantations. Furthermore, the borealization of the NEAF has continued to occur in direct contrast to the predicted impacts of climate change. We encourage future scholarship to tackle these aspects of borealization in the NEAF, including its social, economic, and ecological implications.

The complexity of spatial use has an impact on poverty and the development of slum settlements towards a decrease in environmental quality. In this study, we aim to analyze (1) urbanization and spatial expansion as determinants of spatial dynamics in suburban areas, (2) the effect of spatial expansion, land use change, population increase, and spatial activity patterns on the development of slum settlements, and (3) the relationship between control of spatial planning, handling land reclamation, and improving the quality of infrastructure with improving the quality of the environment and the sustainability of handling slum settlements in the suburbs. We use a sequential explanatory design, which is a combination of quantitative and qualitative research, and data are obtained through observation, in-depth interviews, surveys, and documentation. The results showed that slum settlements in watersheds and coastal areas as well as inadequate support for infrastructure services resulted in excessive groundwater use, soil pollution, and surface water quality pollution resulting in less smooth river flow regulation, lowering of water levels, urban flooding, and disease transmission. Weak control over spatial use, utilization of water catchment areas, and the inadequate fulfillment of slum settlement infrastructure services cause a decrease in environmental quality. These results indicate that it is very important to deal with slum settlements in a sustainable manner, including spatial use and environmental, economic, and social aspects. This study recommends that the handling of slum settlements requires policy support from the government in an effort, to meet the city target without slums by 2030 in Makassar City, Indonesia.

Southern region of Vietnam is located in the crossroad of different cultures. Historical and ethnic process as well as cultural acculturation is diverse, multifaceted and complicated due to the presence of many ethnic groups in the area. Diversity in ethnic structure leads to cultural diversity which reflects all aspects of life such as economy and socio-culture of the peoples. Community construction and organization and social management in southern Vietnam go hand in hand with the process of land reclaimation, settlement establishment, and sovereignty claiming, expanding and practicing. Although the ethnic peoples migrated to the region at different times, they all equally contributed to the exploration and development of this highly potential region and to the constitution of “Van Minh Miet Vuon” – literally, the civilization of orchard regions. However, each ethnic group obviously has their own cultural traditions which, when combined together, create a mosaic culture of the whole region. Despite commonality in the process of community construction and organization and social management, distinctiveness of each group still exists. Contemporarily, when integration and development are considered both common aims and motivations, advantages of each cultural tradition should be explored while its limitations, at the same time, should be identified in order to overcome disadvantages for good. As a result, scientific conceptualization about the process of construction and development of the region obviously contributes to maintaining and reinforcing ethnic solidarity for the cause of national building and developing. This paper, based on research outcomes of previous studies and field data in southern region in recent years, presents the process of community construction and organization and social management, both historically and contemporarily. Also, the author aims at identifying advantages and challenges of traditional culture (in this case, traditional social structure) in the current integration process in the southern part of Vietnam.

According to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the sustainable development goal 11 is to “make cities and human settlement inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”. China has been making great effort in this respect. With the advancement in science and technology, the concepts of green development, environmental friendliness, and fair development are gradually moving from theories to practices, guiding the construction and development of sustainable cities in China. Over the past 40 years of reform and opening up, the overall process of China’s construction of sustainable cities and development can be divided into three stages: the initial practice stage (1986–2000), the stage focusing on transformation (2001–2012), and the stage emphasizing coordinated development and social fairness (2012 to present). During the process, China has proposed and carried out a series of pilot demonstrations of sustainable cities, eco-cities, garden cities, low-carbon cities, livable cities, resilient cities, sanitary cities, sponge cities, and circular economy cities. It has achieved remarkable results with valuable experience; meanwhile, it still faces many challenges considering the current practices. With the integration of planning for the national economy and social development, rural and urban development, land use, and other aspects, as well as the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, sustainable urban practices in China will receive more policy support and effective administrative support. As the largest developing country in the world, China’s practice in sustainable urban development undoubtedly has a broad demonstration effect and can contribute to global sustainable development.

The article considers the movement of ecological settlements since the end of the 18th century, namely from the stage of industrial and scientific-technological revolution - industrial revolution, which provoked the eviction of people from rural areas, thus causing intensive development and rapid urban growth in many countries. Poor living conditions and the acute environmental situation have given impetus to scientists in various fields of science, prompted to find ways to overcome this situation. The relevance of the article is due to the need for historical analysis, the invention of the brightest foreign examples of urban formations, namely energy-efficient ecological settlements, which will improve the environmental situation resulting from the industrial revolution, thereby causing severe damage and affecting the living conditions of our society. Recently, scientific interest in energy-efficient ecological settlements, both from a theoretical and empirical point of view, has greatly increased, so first of all, the article cited several terms that clearly describe what is meant by energy-efficient ecological settlements. based on the use of alternative energy sources, trying to change and oppose the main environmental, social, economic and political institutions. Historical data show that each urban planning entity has its own chronology and preconditions for organization. The article analyzes the main stages of the formation of the first settlements, which later evolved into energy efficient and completely independent of external resources of the settlement. The first settlements arose in the illegally occupied territories. Since seas and rivers were an extremely important geopolitical factor for ancient world civilizations and countries, they determined both the directions of migration and settlement, as well as conquests and colonization. The main prerequisites for the organization of settlements were geographical and climatic factors. The settlement required areas with fresh water, recreational areas, fertile land and a warm mild climate. It was found that ecological settlements are classified by type, structure, region and location. Here are some examples of energy-efficient ecological settlements that have been operating successfully since the early 1990s to the present day. The article contains general plans of these settlements, and briefly describes each example. In conclusion, the role of energy-efficient ecological settlements is very large, they regulate many environmental and economic aspects through passive construction, rational use of resources, waste management and application of urban planning principles and design standards.

Local administrators and private investors rely on various urban redevelopment strategies, the choice of which depends on the economic expectations of property owners and investors. Some of these options foresee replacing obsolete buildings with new constructions; others prefer the reuse of existing assets. This study examines the conditions that make these different strategies feasible, bringing to light the aspects that favor demolition and reconstruction processes over interventions based on the redevelopment of existing assets. The analysis focuses on the variables that determine the choice between these two options. The model that has been developed highlights, on one hand, the role of urban planning tools and urban densification and, on the other, the relationship between the land market and the value of existing assets. The model has been tested on five cities in northern Italy, which fall into three territorial categories—large metropolitan cities, medium-sized cities, and cities of limited rank—to test how different social and economic contexts affect the feasibility of the strategies we evaluated. The results of the study underscore the extent to which the demolition and reconstruction of existing assets is only viable in certain limited areas and under particular market and settlement conditions. While large metropolitan areas seem to have the option of radically replacing existing real estate assets, medium-sized cities and especially small cities are constrained in redeveloping existing urban assets and must forego demolition and reconstruction projects, which do not prove to be economically feasible.

Started as a fishing settlement area in Bontang Kuala Village, the City of Bontang has been growing very rapidly. However, despite this growth people's standard of living has been decreasing in terms of environmental quality, income as well as sheltering with the emergence of slum areas. These conditions greatly affect the physical, social, cultural and economic aspects of life. The management of slum areas in Bontang City becomes strategic because slums are integrated with the rest of the city including the downtown area and urban growth centers, as well as with the other areas in the vicinity, such as industrial, commercial, warehousing, and office areas. Therefore, it is necessary to identify the characteristics of the slum areas. The identification methods do not discriminate the distribution of slum areas. The criteria used include non-economic vitality, regional economic vitality, land ownership status, infrastructure and facility conditions, local government’s commitment, and handling priorities. Environmental assessment of the slums was done by assigning a weighting system to each of the above criteria. The determination of the weights of the criteria is relative and depends on the individual and group preferences in looking at the influence of each criterion. The improvement or treatment patterns appropriate to be applied in Bontang City should be in accordance with the site characteristics. Locations with high-scale slum category (HS) requires the curative pattern while those with moderate category (MS) should take reductive treatment, and slum areas with low-scale category (LS) will require preventive treatment.

Community settlements in a city have a very important role in providing services in the field of life. Increasing the population in a strategic land in urban areas will cause urban problems, especially population density, building irregularities and slums. This increase in population is due to economic, legal, social and cultural aspects, all centered in the city so that many rural communities flock to the city to improve their economy. Seberang Palinggam Sub-District, South Padang District, Padang City is one of a strategic location because it is close to the port, trade and service area. This strategic location caused many people who settled there. As a result, Seberang Palinggam Village is included in 23 slum areas in Padang City, based on Padang Mayor Decree No. 163 of 2014. This study aims to determine the right direction in the structuring of the slum environment with the Eco-Settlement approach that develops from the concept of sustainable development. The target being developed is to identify the characteristics of slums in villages across Palinggam using the Qualitative Descriptive Method, Analysis of the factors that led to the development of slums using Delphi. From this analysis, it is obtained an outline based on influential factors in the form of adding and improving the quality of sanitation infrastructure, clean water, drainage and healthy houses, increasing the carrying capacity of the environment and community resources, empowering the community's economy, and improving the quality of institutions and awareness of existing policies related to slum environment management.

The purpose of the paper is to construct the model reconstructing the settlement structure inside the border of the Terebovlya princedom. The different types of archaeological sites since 10th till 13th cent. have been analyzed. These 710 sites are the source for researching the region’s settlement structure and the reconstruction of the settlements is based on it. Soil coverings are analyzed and landscape types are reconstructed based on soil types. These tasks were realized by implementing the GIS «The Settlements of The Terebovlya Princedom». The analysis of mapped archaeological sites has revealed the several aspects in the terms of existence. In particular the process of construction of new fortified settlements was intensified at the end of the 10th cent. We can reliably associate this process with the inclusion of the region in the area of influence of the Old Rus state. Increase of the number of fortresses in the 11th cent. marks the establishment of the Terebovlya Princedom as an administrative unit of the Galician Land. The analysis of the sites existed during the 12th—13th cent. is testified to the tendency of the massive growth of fortified and especially, non-fortified rural settlements. This tendency is common to most regions of Old Rus state during that period. The number of new fortified settlements increased in 1.5 times, the number of new rural settlements — in 7.4 times. But what is particularly different is the lacuna in chronology of settlements dating by 10th—13th cent. Mostly, these sites do not contain layers of 11th century. This fact may be the archaeological proof of the conquests of Prince Volodymyr at the end of the 10th century in the region of Middle Dniester. Two stages of existence of the settlements reconstructed from archaeological sites are considered. At the early stage of functioning (11th cent.) there is a concentration of settlements in the northern part of the princedom, around the centers of social life traditionally, from the early periods (Krutyliv I, Bohit, Postolivka I). The chronology and the social role of these centers is the question which should be detailed. A two-stage cluster analysis, conducted for the ancient settlements revealed such degree of neighborhood: for the settlements of 11th cent. the average nearest neighbor index is about 6.9 km and for the settlements of 12th—13th cent. this number is about 2.7 km. The economic aspect of the settlement structure is shown through using of soils and landscapes by ancient society. The reconstructed landscapes based on the soil cover, shows us a dominance of deciduous (leaved) and meadow-steppe areas on this territory. And among the reconstructed deciduous landscapes, the percentage of ancient forests reached 65 % in the Middle Ages. At the first look the ancient settlements were located on the borders of landscapes, in ecotones, which indirectly, can confirm the mixed type of management (farming). The necessary baseline and supplementary data were prepared for the reconstruction of the paleo-economy during the process of modeling the settlements structure of the region and will form the basis for further research.

AbstrakPenelitian ini menganalisis masalah peranan Tim Terpadu Penyelesaian Sengketa Kabupaten Ogan Komering Ilir dalam menyelesaikan sengketa lingkungan non-litigasi, yakni dengan proses mediasi antara perusahaan perkebunan kelapa sawit dengan warga Desa Sidomulyo. Penelitian ini memiliki tujuan agar penyelesaian sengketa yang dilakukan tim terpadu di kemudian hari, dapat memberikan solusi yang terbaik bagi para pihak serta untuk mendukung penyelenggaraan perkebunan kelapa sawit yang berkelanjutan. Metode penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan sosio-legal yang bermaksud melakukan penjelasan atas permasalahan yang diteliti dalam hubungannya dengan aspek-aspek hukum dan sosial serta mencoba menjelajahi realitas empirik dalam penyelesaian sengketa. Dari hasil penelitian ini diketahui bahwa Tim Terpadu Penyelesaian Sengketa Kabupaten Ogan Komering Ilir telah melakukan tugasnya sesuai prosedur. Namun begitu ada beberapa hal yang memerlukan perbaikan dan penelitian ini memberikan solusi dalam pelaksanaannya. Pelaksanaan tugas tim terpadu yang memerlukan perbaikan, diantaranya adalah proses penyelesaian sengketa terlalu lama dan berlarut-larut. Kemudian, belum ada pengawasan terhadap kesepakatan penyelesaian sengketa yang dilakukan tim terpadu. Masalah selanjutnya adalah kekuatan mengikat dari suatu kesepakatan dalam sebuah penyelesaian sengketa non-litigasi. Selanjutnya tim terpadu menemui kendala yakni ketiadaan dokumen hak atas tanah yang sah milik warga desa. Terakhir, tim terpadu belum menggunakan mediasi dengan pendekatan kearifan lokal.AbstractThis research analyzes problem of the Integrated Team of Dispute Resolution of Ogan Komering Ilir District role in resolving non-litigation environmental dispute settlement, by a process of mediation between Oil Palm Plantation Company against Sidomulyo villagers. This research aims to resolve disputes that conducted by integrated team in the future, could provide the best solution for the parties and to support the implementation of sustainability palm oil plantations. This research method conducted with the socio-legal approach that intends to make the explanation of observed issues in relation with the legal and social aspects and try to explore empirical reality in dispute resolution. From the results of this research is known that Integrated Team of Dispute Resolution of Ogan Komering Ilir District has done its job in accordance with procedures. However there are several things that need of improvement and this research provides the solution implementation. Implementation of an integrated team tasks that need of improvement, including the dispute resolution process is too long and protracted. Then, there is no supervision of the dispute settlement agreement that conducted by integrated team. The next issue is the binding force of an agreement in a non-litigation dispute resolution. Furthermore, an integrated team met some obstacles that lack land rights documents that rightfully belonged to the villagers. Finally, the integrated team not using local wisdom approach in the mediation process.

The initial research carried out for the purpose of elaborating the Spatial Plan for Kosovo-Metohija Lignite Basin indicated the need to address numerous conflicts and opposing interests in the area concerned. This required the Plan to focus on harmonizing the economic, social and spatial aspects of developing a mining-energy-industrial system (hereinafter MEIS) and its surroundings, devising the new ways for the protection of local population interests and use of novel approaches in dealing with the environmental consequences of lignite exploitation and processing. The area wherein Kosovo-Metohija lignite deposits are found is replete with diverse conflicting interests, including insufficient and uneven development, extremely large overall and especially agrarian population density (among the highest in Europe), unemployment and a sizable portion of the grey economy, low level and quality of services of public interest, ethnic conflicts and polarization, etc. The environmental effects of MEIS activities in a situation of this kind were revealed by the early stages of research in all segments of economic, social and spatial development, along with a high degree of environmental degradation. The main conflict in the Plan area is the one between mining and agriculture, i.e. open pit lignite mining and high-fertility soil covering lignite deposits. The conflict is additionally aggravated by the remarkable density of agricultural population on this territory and high selling prices of the land. Therefore, a substantial part of the Plan?s propositions was related to the conditions of settlement and infrastructure relocation, population resettlement and measures to relieve the tensions and prevent the outbreak of potential conflicts in implementing the Plan. The Spatial Plan is conceived as a complex and comprehensive document defining the framework, basic principles, starting points and measures tackling the numerous development conflicts, spatial, social and ecological limitations, including the relevant analytical and data bases deriving from field research and surveys. Despite the fact that under the UN SC Resolution 1244, the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija has been under the jurisdiction of the United Nations since June 1999, we believe that the Draft of the Spatial Plan and the research work done for its purpose are still valid, since to this date there have been no attempts to start the formation of new open pits in Kosovo lignite basin.

Abstract This paper excavates and historically contextualizes the political theory of a largely neglected thinker within South African black intellectual history, Sam C. Nolutshungu. It seeks to rectify the current imbalance in South African intellectual history which largely neglects or effaces the contribution of black thinkers in the colonial or Apartheid period notwithstanding significant black contributions in theorizing racial submission, domination, reform and popular resistance in the context of state oppression. In this paper I argue that two such areas of inquiry are present in Nolutshungu’s overall position on political reform. The first is with regards to his intervention in the race- class debates which dominated political and intellectual discussions during the late Apartheid period. Here, Nolutshungu, argues that political domination could not be reformed with simple concessions as a result of its racially exclusionary nature. Thus Nolutshungu argued that race rather than class was the fundamental source of domination. The second is the theoretical evaluation of the social and political significance of the Black Consciousness Movement as an important symbol of resistance and racial solidarity. The link between these two aspects of his thought, I argue are not insignificant and should be carefully considered. Nolutshungu’s valuable analysis on the route to political reform is strengthened by his evaluation of the role of the Black Consciousness Movement, which for Nolutshungu was an instance of how resistance was mobilized along racial rather than class lines. Moreover, the Black Consciousness Movement not only prioritized the question of race as a primary factor in its mode of resistance but served to illustrate how and why meaningful change in South Africa was contingent on the abolition of racial oppression and the overturning of the institutions of Apartheid. Finally, I argue that there is a contextual urgency in undertaking projects that seek to establish the importance of black intellectual ideas and reclaiming these ideas in order to give content and meaning to contested contemporary debates on justice, legitimacy, liberty, equality and land rights in South Africa. While the discourse of the negotiated settlement and reconciliation sparks intense debate often resulting in greater forms of racial polarisation, historical rumination and reflection offers a powerful and enduring opportunity for collective inquiry.

A Geografia é a ciência que busca a compreensão dos fenômenos socioespaciais. Os elementos condicionantes do espaço são as relações sociedade/natureza que produzem arranjos materiais e imateriais. As discussões sobre assentamentos rurais e movimentos de luta pela terra constituem uma diversidade de interpretações, nessa trajetória, apresenta-se a busca por novos paradigmas, novas linguagens e novas propostas ao modelo tradicional da reforma agrária. Os assentamentos rurais na região Norte Mineira são espaços de agricultura familiar e territórios produtivos. As particularidades de cada assentamento se traduzem em áreas mais desenvolvidas, e outras menos desenvolvidas, essa análise reflete na diversidade regional, que sejam nos aspectos socioeconômicos e físicos geográficos. Nessa discussão, o presente estudo procura analisar a reforma agrária e a formação dos assentamentos rurais no munícipio de Francisco Sá-MG. O procedimento metodológico baseou-se em estudos bibliográficos para fundamentação da parte teórica, pesquisa direta através de trabalho de campo e entrevista. Portanto, os assentamentos rurais no município de Francisco Sá constituem-se em territórios, compostos por diferentes modalidades de acesso à terra e reprodução social diversa. Palavras-chave: Território. Reforma agrária. Assentamentos Rurais. GEOGRAPHY OF RURAL SETTLEMENTS AND AGRARIAN REFORM IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF FRANCISCO SÁ – NORTH OF MINAS GERAIS ABSTRACT The Geography is the science devoted to the understanding of socio-spatial phenomena. The space conditioning elements are the society/nature relationships that produce material and immaterial arrangements. The discussions regarding rural settlements and land struggle movements represent a diversity of interpretations, in this trajectory; the search for new paradigms, new languages ​​and new proposals is presented to the traditional model of agrarian reform. Rural settlements in the northern region of Minas Gerais are areas marked by family agriculture and productive territories. The particularities of each settlement translate into more developed areas, and others less developed, this analysis reflects in the regional diversity of socioeconomic and physical geographic aspects. In this perspective, the present study aims to analyze the agrarian reform and the formation of rural settlements in Francisco Sá, Minas Gerais, Brazil. The methodological procedure was based on bibliographical studies to substantiate the theoretical part, field research and interviews. Therefore, the rural settlements in the municipality of Francisco Sá are constituted in territories, composed by different modalities of land access and diverse social reproduction. Keywords: Territory. Agrarian reform. Rural Settlements. GEOGRAFÍA DE LOS ASENTAMIENTOS RURALES Y LA REFORMA AGRARIA EN EL MUNICIPIO DE FRANCISCO SÁ - NORTE DE MINAS RESUMEN La Geografía es la ciencia que busca la comprensión de los fenómenos socioespaciales. Los elementos condicionantes del espacio son las relaciones sociedad / naturaleza que producen arreglos materiales e inmateriales. Las discusiones sobre asentamientos rurales y movimientos de lucha representan una diversidad de interpretaciones, en esa trayectoria, se presentan la búsqueda de nuevos paradigmas, nuevos lenguajes y nuevas propuestas al modelo tradicional de la reforma agraria. Los asentamientos rurales en la región Norte Minera, son espacios de agricultura familiar y territorios productivos. Las particularidades de cada asentamiento traducen en áreas más desarrolladas, y otras menos desarrolladas, ese análisis refleja en la diversidad regional, que sean en los aspectos socioeconómicos y físicos geográficos. En esta discusión, el presente estudio busca analizar la reforma agraria y la formación de los asentamientos rurales en el municipio de Francisco Sá-MG. El procedimiento metodológico se basó en estudios bibliográficos para fundamentación de la parte teórica, investigación directa a través de trabajo de campo y entrevista. Por lo tanto, los asentamientos rurales en el municipio de Francisco Sá se constituyen en territorios, compuesto por diferentes modalidades de acceso a tierra y reproducción social diversa. Palabras clave: Territorio. Reforma agraria. Asentamientos Rurales.

The purpose of this study is to explore the transformation of city form and its structure in Solo which has developed from time to time. The method of this research was carried out by a-three-archive research strategy as follows: primary files; secondary files and physical files. The primary files referred to the old Javanese documentary (examples: parintah, undhang-undhang, pranatan, piyagem, kakancingan, serat, gugat, penget, babad). The secondary files referred to the document of local, national and international historians (examples: Ricklefs, Lombard, Vorstensteden, Muljana, Notosusanto, Kartodirdjo, Sajid) and Javanese architecture researchers (Ronald, Ikaputra, Adishakti). While the physical files referred to the field research that was conducted by interviews and collecting the artefacts. The main findings of study of morphology in the city of Solo were: the 'skeleton' element grew in three formations (central, cluster and organic); the 'meat' element grew in three formations also (horizontal, vertical, and interstitial); and the 'blood' element increased from the native people (Javanese, Madura, Banjar) to foreign people (Chinese, Arab, India, Dutch) and changed from agricultural to non-agricultural activities. The other findings were the city of Solo was constructed by a-three-concept of urban design as follows: the organic concept which was conducted by native people; the colony concept which was conducted by the Dutch; and the cosmology concept which was conducted by the Javanese Kingdom. In 1500s-1750s, initially the city of Solo was a settlement grew at the bank of Bengawan Solo. Afterwards, in 1750s-1850s it developed into a combined water- and land- based urban fabric Since 1850s, the city of Solo has left the river transportation and changed into the land transportation. Moreover, in 1900s the city of Solo built the new technology of transportation and urban utilities as follows: train, tram (streetcar), electricity and water city installations. In 2000s, the city of Solo acquired the city problems like the other cities in Indonesia. The city problems were divided into three aspects as follows: the built environment; the natural environment; and the social environment. The accumulation of those problems made the city grow in decline direction that needs to be fixed by a-sustainable-city design. Abstract in Bahasa Indonesia : Paper ini berusaha mengupas tentang perubahan struktur dan bentuk Kota Solo setelah mengalami perkembangan dari masa ke masa. Metode penelitian dilakukan dengan studi pendekatan kearsipan, baik arsip primer, arsip sekunder maupun arsip fisik. Untuk arsip primer bersumber pada naskah-naskah dokumenter Jawa, seperti parintah, undang-undang, pranatan, piyagem, kakancingan, serat, gugat, penget dan babad. Untuk arsip sekunder bersumber pada buku-buku dari para ahli sejarah (Ricklefs, Lombard, Vorstensteden, Muljana, Notosusanto, Kartodirdjo dll) dan hasil riset dari para ahli sejarah arsitektur Jawa (Ronald, Ikaputra, Adishakti dll). Untuk arsip fisik bersumber dari artefak, elemen alam dan tradisi masyarakat yang diperoleh dari survey lapangan. Temuan utama dari studi morfologi Kota Solo pada tahun 1500-2000 adalah, elemen 'tulang' telah tumbuh membentuk berbagai formasi, yaitu memusat, mengelompok dan organik. Elemen 'daging' telah tumbuh secara horisontal, vertikal dan interestisial. Sementara elemen 'darah' telah berkembang dari orang-orang pribumi (Jawa, Madura, Banjar) bertambah dengan orang-orang pendatang (Cina, Arab, India, Belanda), dengan mata pencaharian dari agricultural ke non-agricultural. Temuan penting lainnya adalah, Kota Solo tersusun oleh tiga konsep yang berlainan, yang saling tumpang tindih, yaitu konsep organik oleh masyarakat pribumi, konsep kolonial oleh masyarakat Belanda dan konsep kosmologi oleh masyarakat Keraton Jawa. Kota Solo pada tahun 1500-1750 masih berupa kota tepian sungai di Bengawan Solo, kemudian pada tahun 1750-1850 berkembang menjadi kota campuran antara kota perairan dan daratan. Sejak tahun 1850an, Kota Solo mulai meninggalkan lalu lintas sungai dan berganti ke lalu lintas daratan, sehingga menjadi kota daratan. Apalagi sejak tahun 1900an, setelah dibangun teknologi baru pada sarana transportasi dan utilitas kota, yaitu jalur rel kereta api, jalur trem, jaringan listrik dan jaringan air bersih, maka Kota Solo benar-benar telah berubah ke kota daratan, meninggalkan hiruk-pikuk kota tepian sungai yang pernah terjadi di Bengawan Solo. Pada tahun 2000an, Kota Solo mengalami permasalah kota yang umumnya juga terjadi di kota-kota besar di Indonesia, yaitu permasalahan pada lingkungan alaminya, lingkungan buatannya dan lingkungan humannya. Akumulasi permasalahan kota itu menjadikan Kota Solo pada masa-masa mendatang akan semakin memasuki masa ke arah decline, sehingga perlu dicarikan grand-design kota yang sustainable. Kata kunci: morfologi, irreversible, kota, bentuk, struktur.

This article offers some historiographical reflections on independent Zimbabwe. While much has been written on the post-colonial period, some works were strongly informed by scholarly paradigms of the 1960s and 1970s, especially regarding the colonial legacy and inherited political structures, the land issue and the contentious and enduring debate on neocolonialism, although there were some post-modern shifts in the 1990s. Using some of the topical scholarship on the country, I trace the paradigmatic developments and narratives of the trajectory of the country's political, economic and social record. While there is a deliberate focus on three broad aspects of 'nationalist' history and its counternarratives, the historiography of the land as well as accounts of the crisis, I suggest that these have arguably constituted topical issues in scholarship. Although there are important areas on Zimbabwe's academic landscape focusing on labour, gender, health, migration and environmental studies, among others warranting special attention, this article is restricted to insights on the areas identified. It is hoped that such bibliographical reflections can inform some interested students and scholars in sketching out some of the scholarship on Zimbabwe in the areas picked out.

A weak concentration of landowner system is among the main properties of African people specially those in the South of Sahara. To have acces to land is a question which concerns above all the level of rationalisation than that of true distribution. This paper deals with the strategies of both landowner system and marriage settlement in the Yansi society. The Yansi people are living in the Kinzwene area specially in the constituency of Bagata in the province of Bandundu of Zaïre country. These people have opted for a marriage settlement based on matriarchy. With reference to Bohanman's methodes of conception to write down this paper, we have proceeded by confrontation of these methods to the Yansi social reality. From this we can say: the land appropriation and the one af a woman (as spouse) are from a system of affectation to using things but not from the right to have it used according to the european common law which is based on the former roman law.Only one adage rules the both landowner and marriage settlement strategies: "NSO MPE NGUL M'WAG" (if a cassava field is left, it is given to wild boars). This maxim brings a reply to the women moving, the fields and the properties regime inside the same linear system or in the archilinear one.According to Yansi people, landowner system is a question which concerns at the same time the economic, the social and cultural aspects. What is called "formal marriage " (Ukwel Kituiil) is a kind of marriage settlement strategyboth social and temporal.Tlie Yansi landowner system and marriage settlement are to be seen as a way tot remain interdependent from generations to others.

Along with the dynamics in the social and political nearly all aspects of the land can be land disputes. This study will describe how The Stance Of Resolution In Mediation Between Conflicting Parties In The Settlement Of Land Dispute To Guarantee Legal Certainty In Term Of Supreme Court Regulation No. 1 Of 2008 On Mediation Procedure In Court and How The Process of Resolving Land Disputes through Mediation Stage. This study uses normative research to the study of literature. In an effort to further strengthen the use of mediation in the Indonesian legal system and minimize the emergence of legal issues that may arise from the use of mediation then supreme court regulation No. 1 Of 2008 in the articles set about mediation and the solved mediation in court and mediation out court

This paper gives an overview of the problems of forest management and proposed strategy to enhance sustainable forest management in Indonesia. The increase of the population number leads to need of land to support their activities, particularly for agriculture, pasture, settlement, etc. Since forest is the major land-use in Indonesia, deforestation is inevitable. Deforestation rate in Indonesia increased, from 0.3 percent in 1970s to 0.6 percent of total land in 1980's, causing socio-economic and ecological consequences. Based on the awareness of the multiple forest functions concerning the ecological, social and economical aspects, declined forest land area might lead to local and global catastrophes. Hence forest resources should be stabilized or even the area should be increased through declining deforestation, increasing reforestation areas on degraded land, etc. In addition the forest should be maintained based on the principles of sustainable forest management. Efforts in sustaining forest existence and forest management in Indonesia have been started since long time, but the success of these efforts is still to be increased by enhancing sustainable forest management.

Land conflict in Ternate have been in existence from the era of pre-independence to the present reform era. One example is the conflict over the development of Sultan Babullah Ternate Airport, which has victimized the peasant communities in the village of Tafure. This srudy used a strategy of qualitative method of research. It is intended to development of Sultan Babullah Ternate Airport, examine the formation and development of new social movements in Ternate and its relation to the issues of environmental and socio-economic impacts as well as the issues of ulayat (custom) land and the rights of custom communities, and determine to what extent the peasants’ movements could become a solution to win the peasants’ rights and at the same tme feasible as the forum to struggle for better life of peasants. This study found that the peasant communities initially launched protests to get the financial compensation for the land used for the airport and then in the next development they changed their movement identity from peasants to custom communities. It was also found that there were some factors that triggered the birth of the new social movement, for example lost farm land, lost housing land, disappearing acces to forest area, lost rights for custom land, lost houses or settlement, lost sources of livelihood or incomes, lost plantation land and cemetery, etc. The emergence of the peasants’ social movement in Ternate is motivated by equal feeling of poor life and strong desire for a change However, the management of organizational aspects have not yet fully run well such as filing, financing, and work division. In its development, the peasant’s movement has experienced some structural constraints, for example the weak position of peasants concerning the evidence of land ownership, while the cultural obstacle is the presence of internal conflicts or divisions in the movement.

This study investigated the impact of floods on the socio-economic status of livelihoods for the people of Afghanistan's Paktia province and the livelihoods of those who live there. The research team used both quantitative and qualitative approaches in their work. Discussions were held with key stakeholders at the provincial and community levels, as well as with randomly selected households, as part of the study. The information was gathered through the use of quantitative Household Questionnaires and qualitative Key Informant Interviews. People's socioeconomic livelihoods and critical aspects such as agriculture, health, education, housing, water and sanitation, and property were found to have been negatively impacted by floods according to the findings of the study. As a result, any negative impact on livelihood would result in lower household incomes and lower purchasing power for households. In Paktia, as in many other parts of Afghanistan, there has been extensive deforestation. In recent years, devastating floods have resulted as a result of this. The following are the most important recommendations made: Since communities have expressed a desire to relocate permanently to higher ground, the government and key stakeholders should engage them in the process of relocating permanently to higher ground. Their relocation should be accompanied by the provision of all necessary social amenities, such as schools, hospitals, infrastructure, water, and agricultural support, for a period of three (3) years to allow the households to settle in the new location. It should also be taken in the newly established settlement area. A deliberate policy should be implemented to compel communities, particularly in rural areas, to construct houses out of durable materials and away from flood-prone areas, which would be beneficial. Communities should be encouraged to expand the area under cultivation on upland land in order to improve food security and household income. Both non-

In 2013, the Capricornia Arts Mob (CAM), an Indigenous collective of artists situated in Rockhampton, central Queensland, Australia, successfully tendered for one of three public art projects that were grouped under the title Flood Markers (Roberts; Roberts and Mackay; Robinson and Mackay). Commissioned as part of the Queensland Government's Community Development and Engagement Initiative, Flood Markers aims to increase awareness of Rockhampton’s history, with particular focus on the Fitzroy River and the phenomena of flooding. Honouring Land Connections is CAM’s contribution to the project and consists of several “memory poles” that stand alongside the Fitzroy River in Toonooba Park. Rockhampton lies on Dharumbal Country with Toonooba being the Dharumbal name for the Fitzroy River and the inspiration for the work due to its cultural significance to the Aboriginal people of that region. The name Toonooba, as well as other images and icons including boomerangs, spears, nets, water lily, and frogs, amongst others, are carved, burnt, painted and embedded into the large ironbark poles. These stand with the river on one side and the colonial infrastructure of Rockhampton on the other (see fig. 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 Figure 2Figure 3Within this article, we discuss Honouring Land Connections as having two main functions which contribute to its significance as Indigenous cultural expression and identity affirmation. Firstly, the memory poles (as well as the process of sourcing materials and producing the final product) are a manifestation of Country and a representation of its stories and lived memories. Honouring Land Connections provides a means for Aboriginal people to revel in Country and maintain connections to a vital component of their being as Indigenous. Secondly, by revealing Indigenous stories, experiences, and memories, Honouring Land Connections emphasises Indigenous voices and perspectives within a place dominated by Eurocentric outlooks and knowledges. Toonooba provides the backdrop on which the complexities of cultural and identity formation within settler-colonial spaces are highlighted whilst revelling in continuous Indigenous presence.Flood Markers as ArtArtists throughout the world have used flood markers as a means of visual expression through which to explore and reveal local histories, events, environments, and socio-cultural understandings of the relationships between persons, places, and the phenomena of flooding. Geertz describes art as a social text embedded within wider socio-cultural systems; providing insight into cultural, social, political, economic, gendered, religious, ethnic, environmental, and biographical contexts. Flood markers are not merely metric tools used for measuring the height of a river, but rather serve as culture artefacts or indexes (Gell Art and Agency; Gell "Technology of Enchantment") that are products and producers of socio-culture contexts and the memories and experiences embedded within them. Through different methods, mediums, and images, artists have created experiential and intellectual spaces where those who encounter their work are encouraged to engage their surroundings in thought provoking and often-new ways.In some cases, flood markers have brought attention to the “character and natural history” of a particular place, where artists such as Louise Lavarack have sought to provoke consciousness of the movement of water across flood plains (Lavarack). In other works, flood markers have served as memorials to individuals such as Gilbert White whose daughter honoured his life and research through installing a glass spire at Boulder Creek, Colorado in 2011 (White). Tragedies such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005 have also been commemorated through flood markers. Artist Christopher Saucedo carved 1,836 waves into a freestanding granite block; each wave representing a life lost (University of New Orleans). The weight of the granite symbolises the endurance and resilience of those who faced, and will continue to face, similar forces of nature. The Pillar of Courage erected in 2011 in Ipswich, Queensland, similarly contains the words “resilience, community, strength, heroes, caring and unity” with each word printed on six separate sections of the pillar, representing the six major floods that have hit the region (Chudleigh).Whilst these flood markers provide valuable insights into local histories, specific to each environmental and socio-cultural context, works such as the Pillar of Courage fail to address Indigenous relationships to Country. By framing flooding as a “natural disaster” to be overcome, rather than an expression of Country to be listened to and understood, Euro and human-centric perspectives are prioritised over Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Indigenous knowledges however encourages a reorientation of Eurocentric responses and relationships to Country, and in doing so challenge compartmentalised views of “nature” where flooding is separated from land and Country (Ingold Perception; Seton and Bradley; Singer). Honouring Land Connections symbolises the voice and eternal presence of Toonooba and counters presentations of flooding that depict it as historian Heather Goodall (36) once saw “as unusual events of disorder in which the river leaves its proper place with catastrophic results.”Country To understand flooding from Indigenous perspectives it is first necessary to discuss Country and apprehend what it means for Indigenous peoples. Country refers to the physical, cosmological, geographical, relational, and emotional setting upon which Indigenous identities and connections to place and kin are embedded. Far from a passive geographic location upon which interactions take place, Country is an active and responsive agent that shapes and contextualises social interactions between and amongst all living beings. Bob Morgan writes of how “Country is more than issues of land and geography; it is about spirituality and identity, knowing who we are and who we are connected to; and it helps us understand how all living things are connected.” Country is also an epistemological frame that is filled with knowledge that may be known and familiarised whilst being knowledge itself (Langton "Sacred"; Rose Dingo; Yunupingu).Central to understanding Country is the fact that it refers to a living being’s spiritual homeland which is the ontological place where relationships are formed and maintained (Yunupingu). As Country nurtures and provides the necessities for survival and prosperity, Indigenous people (but also non-Indigenous populations) have moral obligations to care for Country as kin (Rose Nourishing Terrains). Country is epistemic, relational, and ontological and refers to both physical locations as well as modes of “being” (Heidegger), meaning it is carried from place to place as an embodiment within a person’s consciousness. Sally Morgan (263) describes how “our country is alive, and no matter where we go, our country never leaves us.” Country therefore is fluid and mobile for it is ontologically inseparable to one’s personhood, reflected through phrases such as “I am country” (B. Morgan 204).Country is in continuous dialogue with its surroundings and provides the setting upon which human and non-human beings; topographical features such as mountains and rivers; ancestral beings and spirits such as the Rainbow Snake; and ecological phenomena such as winds, tides, and floods, interact and mutually inform each other’s existence (Rose Nourishing Terrains). For Aboriginal people, understanding Country requires “deep listening” (Atkinson; Ungunmerr), a responsive awareness that moves beyond monological and human-centric understandings of the world and calls for deeper understandings of the mutual and co-dependant relationships that exist within it. The awareness of such mutuality has been discussed through terms such as “kincentrism” (Salmón), “meshworks” (Ingold Lines), “webs of connection” (Hokari), “nesting” (Malpas), and “native science” (Cajete). Such concepts are ways of theorising “place” as relational, physical, and mental locations made up of numerous smaller interactions, each of which contribute to the identity and meaning of place. Whilst each individual agent or object retains its own autonomy, such autonomy is dependent on its wider relation to others, meaning that place is a location where “objectivity, subjectivity and inter-subjectivity converge” (Malpas 35) and where the very essence of place is revealed.Flooding as DialogueWhen positioned within Indigenous frameworks, flooding is both an agent and expression of Toonooba and Country. For the phenomenon to occur however, numerous elements come into play such as the fall of rain; the layout of the surrounding terrain; human interference through built weirs and dams; and the actions and intervention of ancestral beings and spirits. Furthermore, flooding has a direct impact on Country and all life within it. This is highlighted by Dharumbal Elder Uncle Billy Mann (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann") who speaks of the importance of flooding in bringing water to inland lagoons which provide food sources for Dharumbal people, especially at times when the water in Toonooba is low. Such lagoons remain important places for fishing, hunting, recreational activities, and cultural practices but are reliant on the flow of water caused by the flowing, and at times flooding river, which Uncle Mann describes as the “lifeblood” of Dharumbal people and Country (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann"). Through her research in the Murray-Darling region of New South Wales, Weir writes of how flooding sustains life though cycles that contribute to ecological balance, providing nourishment and food sources for all beings (see also Cullen and Cullen 98). Water’s movement across land provokes the movement of animals such as mice and lizards, providing food for snakes. Frogs emerge from dry clay plains, finding newly made waterholes. Small aquatic organisms flourish and provide food sources for birds. Golden and silver perch spawn, and receding waters promote germination and growth. Aboriginal artist Ron Hurley depicts a similar cycle in a screen-print titled Waterlily–Darambal Totem. In this work Hurley shows floodwaters washing away old water lily roots that have been cooked in ant bed ovens as part of Dharumbal ceremonies (UQ Anthropology Museum). The cooking of the water lily exposes new seeds, which rains carry to nearby creeks and lagoons. The seeds take root and provide food sources for the following year. Cooking water lily during Dharumbal ceremonies contributes to securing and maintaining a sustainable food source as well as being part of Dharumbal cultural practice. Culture, ecological management, and everyday activity are mutually connected, along with being revealed and revelled in. Aboriginal Elder and ranger Uncle Fred Conway explains how Country teaches Aboriginal people to live in balance with their surroundings (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). As Country is in constant communication, numerous signifiers can be observed on land and waterscapes, indicating the most productive and sustainable time to pursue certain actions, source particular foods, or move to particular locations. The best time for fishing in central Queensland for example is when Wattles are in bloom, indicating a time when fish are “fatter and sweeter” (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). In this case, the Wattle is 1) autonomous, having its own life cycle; 2) mutually dependant, coming into being because of seasonal weather patterns; and 3) an agent of Country that teaches those with awareness how to respond and benefit from its lessons.Dialogue with Country As Country is sentient and responsive, it is vital that a person remains contextually aware of their actions on and towards their surroundings. Indigenous peoples seek familiarity with Country but also ensure that they themselves are known and familiarised by it (Rose Dingo). In a practice likened to “baptism”, Langton ("Earth") describes how Aboriginal Elders in Cape York pour water over the head of newcomers as a way of introducing them to Country, and ensuring that Country knows those who walk upon it. These introductions are done out of respect for Country and are a way of protecting outsiders from the potentially harmful powers of ancestral beings. Toussaint et al. similarly note how during mortuary rites, parents of the deceased take water from rivers and spit it back into the land, symbolising the spirit’s return to Country.Dharumbal man Robin Hatfield demonstrates the importance of not interfering with the dialogue of Country through recalling being told as a child not to disturb Barraru or green frogs. Memmott (78) writes that frogs share a relationship with the rain and flooding caused by Munda-gadda, the Rainbow Snake. Uncle Dougie Hatfield explains the significance of Munda-gadda to his Country stating how “our Aboriginal culture tells us that all the waterways, lagoons, creeks, rivers etc. and many landforms were created by and still are protected by the Moonda-Ngutta, what white people call the Rainbow Snake” (Memmott 79).In the case of Robin Hatfield, to interfere with Barraru’s “business” is to threaten its dialogue with Munda-gadda and in turn the dialogue of Country in form of rain. In addition to disrupting the relational balance between the frog and Munda-gadda, such actions potentially have far-reaching social and cosmological consequences. The rain’s disruption affects the flood plains, which has direct consequences for local flora and transportation and germination of water lily seeds; fauna, affecting the spawning of fish and their movement into lagoons; and ancestral beings such as Munda-gadda who continue to reside within Toonooba.Honouring Land Connections provided artists with a means to enter their own dialogue with Country and explore, discuss, engage, negotiate, and affirm aspects of their indigeneity. The artists wanted the artwork to remain organic to demonstrate honour and respect for Dharumbal connections with Country (Roberts). This meant that materials were sourced from the surrounding Country and the poles placed in a wave-like pattern resembling Munda-gadda. Alongside the designs and symbols painted and carved into the poles, fish skins, birds, nests, and frogs are embalmed within cavities that are cut into the wood, acting as windows that allow viewers to witness components of Country that are often overlooked (see fig. 4). Country therefore is an equal participant within the artwork’s creation and continuing memories and stories. More than a representation of Country, Honouring Land Connections is a literal manifestation of it.Figure 4Opening Dialogue with Non-Indigenous AustraliaHonouring Land Connections is an artistic and cultural expression that revels in Indigenous understandings of place. The installation however remains positioned within a contested “hybrid” setting that is informed by both Indigenous and settler-colonial outlooks (Bhabha). The installation for example is separated from the other two artworks of Flood Markers that explore Rockhampton’s colonial and industrial history. Whilst these are positioned within a landscaped area, Honouring Land Connections is placed where the grass is dying, seating is lacking, and is situated next to a dilapidated coast guard building. It is a location that is as quickly left behind as it is encountered. Its separation from the other two works is further emphasised through its depiction in the project brief as a representation of Rockhampton’s pre-colonial history. Presenting it in such a way has the effect of bookending Aboriginal culture in relation to European settlement, suggesting that its themes belong to a time past rather than an immediate present. Almost as if it is a revelation in and of itself. Within settler-colonial settings, place is heavily politicised and often contested. In what can be seen as an ongoing form of colonialism, Eurocentric epistemologies and understandings of place continue to dominate public thought, rhetoric, and action in ways that legitimise White positionality whilst questioning and/or subjugating other ways of knowing, being, and doing (K. Martin; Moreton-Robinson; Wolfe). This turns places such as Toonooba into agonistic locations of contrasting and competing interests (Bradfield). For many Aboriginal peoples, the memories and emotions attached to a particular place can render it as either comfortable and culturally safe, or as unsafe, unsuitable, unwelcoming, and exclusionary (Fredericks). Honouring Land Connections is one way of publicly asserting and recognising Toonooba as a culturally safe, welcoming, and deeply meaningful place for Indigenous peoples. Whilst the themes explored in Honouring Land Connections are not overtly political, its presence on colonised/invaded land unsettles Eurocentric falsities and colonial amnesia (B. Martin) of an uncontested place and history in which Indigenous voices and knowledges are silenced. The artwork is a physical reminder that encourages awareness—particularly for non-Indigenous populations—of Indigenous voices that are continuously demanding recognition of Aboriginal place within Country. Similar to the boomerangs carved into the poles representing flooding as a natural expression of Country that will return (see fig. 5), Indigenous peoples continue to demand that the wider non-Indigenous population acknowledge, respect, and morally responded to Aboriginal cultures and knowledges.Figure 5Conclusion Far from a historic account of the past, the artists of CAM have created an artwork that promotes awareness of an immediate and emerging Indigenous presence on Country. It creates a space that is welcoming to Indigenous people, allowing them to engage with and affirm aspects of their living histories and cultural identities. Through sharing stories and providing “windows” into Aboriginal culture, Country, and lived experiences (which like the frogs of Toonooba are so often overlooked), the memory poles invite and welcome an open dialogue with non-Indigenous Australians where all may consider their shared presence and mutual dependence on each other and their surroundings.The memory poles are mediatory agents that stand on Country, revealing and bearing witness to the survival, resistance, tenacity, and continuity of Aboriginal peoples within the Rockhampton region and along Toonooba. Honouring Land Connections is not simply a means of reclaiming the river as an Indigenous space, for reclamation signifies something regained after it has been lost. What the memory poles signify is something eternally present, i.e. Toonooba is and forever will be embedded in Aboriginal Country in which we all, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, human and non-human, share. The memory poles serve as lasting reminders of whose Country Rockhampton is on and describes the life ways of that Country, including times of flood. Through celebrating and revelling in the presence of Country, the artists of CAM are revealing the deep connection they have to Country to the wider non-Indigenous community.ReferencesAtkinson, Judy. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The Transgenerational Effects of Trauma in Indigenous Australia. Spinifex Press, 2002.Bhabha, Homi, K. The Location of Culture. Taylor and Francis, 2012.Bradfield, Abraham. "Decolonizing the Intercultural: A Call for Decolonizing Consciousness in Settler-Colonial Australia." Religions 10.8 (2019): 469.Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. 1st ed. Clear Light Publishers, 2000.Chudleigh, Jane. "Flood Memorial Called 'Pillar of Courage' Unveiled in Goodna to Mark the Anniversary of the Natural Disaster." The Courier Mail 2012. 16 Jan. 2020 <http://www.couriermail.com.au/questnews/flood-memorial-called-pillar-of-courage-unveiled-in-goodna-to-mark-the-anniversary-of-the-natural-disaster/news-story/575b1a8c44cdd6863da72d64f9e96f2d>.Cullen, Peter, and Vicky Cullen. This Land, Our Water: Water Challenges for the 21st Century. ATF P, 2011.Fitzroy Basin Association. "Carnarvon Gorge with Fred Conway." 8 Dec. 2010 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RbOP60JOfYo>.———. "The Fitzroy River with Billy Mann." 8 Dec. 2019 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=00ELbpIUa_Y>.Fredericks, Bronwyn. "Understanding and Living Respectfully within Indigenous Places." Indigenous Places: World Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium Journal 4 (2008): 43-49.Geertz, Clifford. "Art as a Cultural System." MLN 91.6 (1976): 1473-99.Gell, Alfred. 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"The Edge of the Sacred, the Edge of Death: Sensual Inscriptions." Inscribed Landscapes: Marking and Making Place, eds. Bruno David and M. Wilson. U of Hawaii P, 2002. 253-69.Lavarack, Louise. "Threshold." 17 Jan. 2019 <http://www.louiselavarack.com.au/>.Malpas, Jeff. Place and Experience: A Philosophical Topography. Cambridge UP, 1999.Martin, Brian. "Immaterial Land." Carnal Knowledge: Towards a 'New Materialism' through the Arts, eds. E. Barret and B. Bolt. Tauris, 2013. 185-04.Martin, Karen Lillian. Please Knock before You Enter: Aboriginal Regulation of Outsiders and the Implications for Researchers. Post Pressed, 2008.Memmott, Paul. "Research Report 10: Aboriginal Social History and Land Affiliation in the Rockhampton-Shoalwater Bay Region." Commonwealth Commission of Inquiry, Shoalwater Bay Capricornia Coast, Queensland: Research Reports, ed. John T. Woodward. A.G.P.S., 1994. 1-107.Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. The White Possessive: Property, Power, and Indigenous Sovereignty. U of Minnesota P, 2015.Morgan, Bob. "Country – a Journey to Cultural and Spiritual Healing." Heartsick for Country: Stories of Love, Spirit and Creation, eds. S. Morgan et al. Freemantle P, 2008: 201-20.Roberts, Alice. "Flood Markers Unveiled on Fitzroy." ABC News 5 Mar. 2014. 10 Mar. 2014 <https://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2014/03/05/3957151.htm>.Roberts, Alice, and Jacquie Mackay. "Flood Artworks Revealed on Fitzroy Riverbank." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 20104 <http://www.abc.net.au/local/stories/2013/10/29/3879048.htm?site=capricornia>.Robinson, Paul, and Jacquie Mackay. "Artwork Portray Flood Impact." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 2014 <http://www.abc.net.au/lnews/2013-10-29/artworks-portray-flood-impact/5051856>.Rose, Deborah Bird. Dingo Makes Us Human: Life and Land in an Aboriginal Australian Culture. Cambridge UP, 1992.———. Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Australian Heritage Commission, 1996.Salmón, Enrique. "Kincentric Ecology: Indigenous Perceptions of the Human-Nature Relationship." Ecological Applications 10.5 (2000): 1327-32.Seton, Kathryn A., and John J. Bradley. "'When You Have No Law You Are Nothing': Cane Toads, Social Consequences and Management Issues." The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5.3 (2004): 205-25.Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics. 3rd ed. Cambridge UP, 2011.Toussaint, Sandy, et al. "Water Ways in Aboriginal Australia: An Interconnected Analysis." Anthropological Forum 15.1 (2005): 61-74.Ungunmerr, Miriam-Rose. "To Be Listened To in Her Teaching: Dadirri: Inner Deep Listening and Quiet Still Awareness." EarthSong Journal: Perspectives in Ecology, Spirituality and Education 3.4 (2017): 14-15.University of New Orleans. "Fine Arts at the University of New Orleans: Christopher Saucedo." 31 Aug. 2013 <http://finearts.uno.edu/christophersaucedofaculty.html>.UQ Anthropology Museum. "UQ Anthropology Museum: Online Catalogue." 6 Dec. 2019 <https://catalogue.anthropologymuseum.uq.edu.au/item/26030>.Weir, Jessica. Murray River Country: An Ecological Dialogue with Traditional Owners. Aboriginal Studies Press, 2009.White, Mary Bayard. "Boulder Creek Flood Level Marker Projects." WEAD: Women Eco Artists Dialog. 15 Jan. 2020 <https://directory.weadartists.org/colorado-marking-floods>.Wolfe, Patrick. "Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native." Journal of Genocide Research 8.4 (2006): 387-409.Yunupingu, Galarrwuy. Our Land Is Our Life: Land Rights – Past, Present and Future. University of Queensland Press, 1997.

Dear readers,We offer you a new English issue of Envigogika which thematically focuses on case studies of regional sustainable development where social actors play specific roles in communication processes – it documents both the promotion of positive changes at regional level and/or also provide evidence to illuminate seemingly unresolvable conflicts. The concept of social learning from an educational point of view frames this thematic edition – as with any other learning process, stakeholder dialogue has a transformative aspect, the opportunity to confront and possibly change opinions and act on the basis of agreed emergent standpoints. In particular, this collection of case studies specifically tries to illuminate role of science and education in regional development, and attempts to introduce methods of analysis of diverse social relationships as well as practical ways of facilitation of communication processes.In this issue of Envigogika two types of case studies are presented – regional development and regional conflicts. Progress in both is highly dependent on the involvement of actors who shape discussions and consequently frame the issue. Analysis of social aspects is hence highly desirable and first steps undertaken here show some interesting results.The first area of interest (development issues) is a traditional focus of Actor Analysis (AA) and this method is widely used abroad in the envisioning stage and helps to facilitate negotiation processes. In the Czech context however, deliberation processes take place rather spontaneously and without a proper analytical stage, and reflections on negotiations in specific cases illustrates exactly this. A hypothesis about the need for continuous cultivation of democratic conditions in the Czech Republic, (with help of sound scientific analytical methods) specifically concerning deliberation processes, was posed as a result of a collaborative research process. This hypothesis was explored in different ways by our invited authors.To provide a brief overview of the issue:Simon Burandt, Fabienne Gralla and Beatrice John in their article Actor Analysis in Case Studies for (regional) Sustainable Development introduce the Actor Analysis analytical tool used to reflect regional (sustainable) development challenges throughout several articles in this issue. This method can be used with the aim not only of studying social capital, but also to have an impact on decision making and community choices. Its role in describing social players and their interactions, to assist in understanding regional development processes and potential conflicts, and to provide information for strategy development is demonstrated through a specific case (the Ore Mountains). The steps of an actor analysis described in the article can be read as guideline for implementing this analysis and an analytical perspective on this process is provided by this article.An outstanding Czech sustainability oriented local economy project is presented in an article by Jan Labohý, Yvonna Gaillyová and Radim Machů: A sustainability assessment of the Hostětín cider house project. The authors assess the sustainability of the project in relation to different kinds of capital using complex indicators that uncover different aspects of the production process and its local cultural characteristics; moreover, effects to the local economy are measured using the local multiplier effect indicator. From this assessment it is clear that the cider house project meets the primary goals of regional sustainable development in a long term perspective.Another – opposite, negative – case is described by Jan Skalík in the analyses the Debate about the Šumava National Park in the Czech Chamber of Deputies. The article demonstrates persisting conflict and its roots with help of the text analysis method applied to the transcripts of parliamentary debates about National Park Šumava (ŠNP) in the Chamber of Deputies between 1990 and 2013. The relationship between politicians and local people within decision-making process, which is depicted as a consequence of this conflict, is then discussed. Interesting conclusions concern the plurality of dialogue and roles of the actors within it; the influence of scientists on the solutions; and the inflammatory and emotional characteristics of recent debate.As a contrast, which serves as a counterargument to show the power of civic society, Vendula Zahumenská refers to a case in Hradec Králové where environmentalists and local developers have been in conflict concerning the development and commercial use of the Na Plachtě natural monument. This case study shows the role of public participation in environmental protection and describes the specific opportunities for influencing environmental decision-making.But there are cases in CR where declared economic interests are so strong that they eliminate dialogue with civic society – for example, as a result of brown coal mining and its associated industrial development, 106 towns and villages were obliterated in North Bohemia and its population was resettled to newly built prefabricated housing estates. A Case study analysing biographic interviews with the displaced people of Tuchomyšl is presented by Ivana Hermová. The author shows that the former Tuchomyšlers continue to identify strongly with the social space of the obliterated village, and discovers how they reflect on their forced eviction 35 years after the physical destruction of the village.That these conclusions concerning the involvement of social actors might be reflected (and used) in the practice of school education, is described by Alois Hynek, Břetislav Svozil, Jakub Trojan and Jan Trávníček. In a reflection on the Deblínsko landscape project these authors refer to the roles of stakeholders including a university, primary school and kindergarten, and also owners, users, decision-makers, shareholders and stakeholders within public administration. The project is driven by Masaryk University which applies sustainability/security concepts in practice while closely relating these activities with research and teaching. This experience shows that social learning processes can start early among children/pupils/students.A brief analytical overview of cases in this special issue, as well as an overview of information and experiences from a database of case studies from different regions of the Czech Republic and from abroad (compiled by authors beyond the scope of this issue), is provided in an article Potential for social learning in sustainable regional development: analysis of stakeholder interaction … by Jana Dlouhá and Martin Zahradník. The conditions for the success or failure of environmental or sustainable development strategies from a social point of view have been analysed here with a focus on the roles of actors in a dialogue about regional sustainability issues within cooperative or conflict situations and concern for the communication processes among actors, scientists included. As a result of this analysis, interesting hypotheses were formulated, related to the role of future visioning as a ground for discussion, communication frameworks which involve all concerned actors, and the (non)existence of facilitation practices. These findings highlight the importance of reflecting on development issues’ social aspects to help understand and promote democratic decision making processes at regional level.The case studies which follow the research section of the issue take the opportunity to provide a colourful depiction of local sustainable development conditions. The Description of old industrial regions in Europe and potential for their transformation is described by Joern Harfst and David Osebik who stress social learning as an important transformative factor. In particular the involvement of research partners may support joint learning effects and knowledge transfer between all actors. Establishment of trusting working relationships may be crucial to overcome certain reservations on all sides before innovative approaches can be pursued successfully.The Vulkanland case study case written by Michael Ober traces the first glimpses of a sustainable development vision for a border region with little hope for economic prosperity to the successful development of a new identity which has reinforced local peoples’ self-confidence. The initiators of the project first imagined a future built on different standards than the past and consequently managed to substantially transform this region within a period of 15 years. The ‘Steirisches Vulkanland’ region now includes 79 municipalities which together promote local, green, self-sustaining businesses and continue to be ambitious about their future visions including achieving energy independence.As part of the theme illustrated in this Special issue and mentioned also within the analysis of the cases is a text Discovery of a supposed extinct settlement species made at Königsmühle in the Ore Mountains (published previously in Envigogika 9/1 last year but worth republishing in English in the context of this thematic issue). Author Petr Mikšíček pays attention to footprints left in the landscape by bygone generations of inhabitants (and also to present-day footprints left by our generation) and struggles to retain this memory for future generations. Clashes with the interests of some of the actors (land owners in this case) are necessary to preserve the footprints that are on the brink of being wiped out.A brief introduction to the new publication Analysis and support for participatory decision-making processes aimed at regional sustainable development strategies through the use of actor analysis methodology which is available fully online here is presented in the Information section of the Issue.From this overview, some general conclusions can be derived:Conflict situations described in this issue emerged when traditional concepts were enforced by strong actors (without joint envisioning and planning with the others); these circumstances usually do not allow for balanced discussions about the future. However the important role of minor actors such as scientists was also revealed. Experiences with their involvement provided a chance to highlight the role of scientists in policy-making.Based on the findings of this and other related research, the role of scientists can be framed not only as providers of the (rather technical) expertise to reach the goals that were set within the environment or SD oriented decision-making, but also as entering policy negotiations providing an insight into the processes they undergo. If invited at an early stage of decision-making, they can have a considerable impact on its results (then their involvement can be described as an action research). This finding might be used in planning of similar practical and scientific projects.As we can see, several interesting ideas resulted from a comparative meta-analysis of the case studies and were outlined in this issue of Envigogika. In general, it is a social point of view that provides an insight into the nature of the examples presented from the Czech Republic and the good practices from abroad. A scientific method of description is used here to reflect policy mechanisms as well as to indicate a way forward for integrating decision making practice into very sensitive, local or regional sustainability contexts. We sincerely hope that this will precipitate a broad process of public dialogue among experts as well as other actors – beyond the realm of academic discussions only, but nevertheless with substantial academic input.We wish you an enjoyable read and a pleasant and relaxing summer!On behalf of the Envigogika editorial teamJana and Jiří DlouhýAcknowledgementResearch in several articles of this issue was supported by the following projects: Interdisciplinary network of cooperation for policy development in the field of sustainable development (Mezioborová síť spolupráce pro policy development v oblasti udržitelného rozvoje – MOSUR, 2011‑2014) CZ.1.07_2.4.00_17.0130 from the OPVK program of Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports; and TD020120 (TAČR), and 14/36005S (GAČR).

All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. 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