Academic literature on the topic 'Land tenure. Government policy, Zambia'

Climate change (CC) increases the frequency of flood and drought and is a significant threat to smallholder rice farming in Indonesia. Adapting to these changes is crucial to minimize the damages to the Indonesian food system. Accordingly, the Indonesian government has formulated National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) to mitigate the effect of climate change on priority sectors, including rice farming. To this end, the Indonesian government included climate change adaptation into the National Development Plan (2019–2024). Selecting the appropriate beneficiaries of this program is crucial to improve the efficacy of Indonesian climate policy. In the case of rice farming, farmers with a high probability to adapt are the appropriate beneficiaries of this program. Thus, this chapter aimed to identify the characteristics of Indonesian smallholder rice farmers with a high probability to adapt to climate change. To this end, this chapter used the findings of the study on 87,330 rice farmers in Indonesia. Education, gender, land tenure security, presence of irrigation infrastructure, application of chemical fertilizer, cropping system, access to extension services, and participation in farmer group are significant determinants of adaptation practices. The finding suggests that prioritizing farmers based on these characteristics are crucial to improve the efficacy of climate policy.

Most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Tanzania, liberalized their land policies in the early 1990s because of the pressure from neo-liberal institutions such as the World Bank and IMF. The 1999 Tanzanian Land Laws are hailed to be the most progressive legislations in the Sub-Saharan region in terms of decentralization of land administrative powers and protection of customary tenure. However, they are still hampered with both policy weakness and implementation challenges. The standards used in compensation are still weak and unclear and subject to arbitrariness. Consequently, foreign investors or the government in cases of public interest acquisitions can acquire land without fully compensating the landholders. For land holders to get fair compensation in Tanzania there is need for both legislative amendments and change in practice. This chapter explores the compensation of landholders in Tanzania.

Despite decades of colonization and development initiatives, the southern Yucatán peninsular region remains an economic frontier. The term ‘frontier’, however, hides a complex political economy of social, political, and economic structures in which land managers operate. Presently, multiple interest groups vie for influence, increasingly positioning themselves around sustainability concerns, and attempting to reconcile the competing goals of economic development and environmental preservation. The major political institutions and organizations promoting conservation and development in the region fit into five categories: federally decreed land management regimes, federal and state secretariats, local community-based groups and institutions, national non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and international accords. These institutions and organizations aim to influence land-use decisions in the dominant land access unit, the ejido. The relationships among ejidos, social movements, NGOs, government policy, and international activity in the region are examined here, highlighting how even within a frontier economy, conservation and development visions increasingly influence resource use. Before the Mexican revolution of 1910–17, 96 per cent of Mexico’s rural people were landless (Sinha 1984). These rural poor supported the revolution, in large part, to break up grand haciendas (estates) and to allow campesinos (peasants) access to agricultural land. Ejidos, one of four landtenure types federally mandated, were designed to provide campesinos access to land that could not be transferred easily and thereby taken from them. Based on interpretations of pre-Hispanic land tenure, Article 27 of the Constitution established ejido land to be communal, ruled by an ejido assembly (consisting of all members with land rights in the ejido, or ejidatarios), and used in ejido-defined usufruct. Prior to 1992, when the law was reformed, ejidatarios were prevented from selling their land, renting it, or using it as collateral, and from negotiating deals with private investors. Perhaps more important than these official guidelines, however, are the perceptions of ejidos by state officials. Established, in part, to protect ‘indigenous’ people and not open to privatization, the ejido was stigmatized as ill-suited for modernization (Oasa and Jennings 1982). A bimodal Mexican agrarian policy followed (de Janvry 1981; Tomich, Kilby, and Johnston 1995) in which the potential productive role of ejidatarios was largely ignored (Oasa and Jennings 1982; Sonnenfeld 1992; Tomich, Kilby, and Johnston 1995).

In Latin American cities informal settlements and insecure land tenure are the result of an exclusionary planning and urban management system which fails to provide legal and secure housing for lower-income groups. Against this backdrop, the State implemented land-title and urban regulatory policies, in order to improve the housing conditions of these neighbourhoods and integrate their residents into the legal regime. This paper proposes to address the conflicts implied in the processes of urbanization and regularization of the villas of the city of Buenos Aires during the first government of