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Journal articles on the topic 'Landscape archaeology'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 October 2024

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1

Harmanşah, Ömür, Peri Johnson, Müge Durusu-Tanrıöver, and Ben Marsh. "The Archaeology of Hittite Landscapes." Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 10, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 1–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.10.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT This article layers material, physical, and textual landscapes of the Hittite Empire in a compact borderland region. We argue that a real strength of landscape archaeology is in understanding and articulating medium-scale landscapes through archaeological survey methods and critical study of physical geography. Medium-scale landscapes are a milieu of daily human experience, movement, and visuality that spawn a densely textured countryside involving settlements, sacred places, quarries, roads, transhumance routes, and water infrastructures. Using the data and the experience from eight field seasons by the Yalburt Yaylası Archaeological Landscape Research Project team since 2010, we offer accounts of three specific landscapes: the Ilgın Plain, the Bulasan River valley near the Hittite fortress of Kale Tepesi, and the pastoral uplands of Yalburt Yaylası. For each, we demonstrate different sets of relationships and landscape dynamics during the Late Bronze Age, with specific emphasis on movement, settlement, taskscapes, land use, and human experience.

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2

Clark, C. M. "Trouble at t'mill: industrial archaeology in the 1980s." Antiquity 61, no. 232 (July 1987): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00051978.

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Despite the ‘archaeology’ in its name, industrial archaeology is a world of its own which barely figures in ANTIQUITY or the other general archaeology journals. A consistent trend in recent archaeology has been an interest in landscapes and the physical contexts of settlement, studies by survey rather than excavation of rich spot sites for their own sake. That landscape is usually rural, and its industry – mills, olive presses, or building-stone quarries – of a pastoral nature. Here, an approach is presented in that same spirit, as the archaeology of a more fully industrial landscape.

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3

Fleming, Andrew. "Debating landscape archaeology." Landscapes 9, no. 1 (January 2008): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/lan.2008.9.1.74.

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4

Bebermeier, Wiebke, Philipp Hoelzmann, Elke Kaiser, and Jan Krause. "Landscape and archaeology." Quaternary International 312 (October 2013): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2013.09.003.

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5

Moore, Tom, Vincent Guichard, and Jesús Álvarez Sanchís. "The place of archaeology in integrated cultural landscape management." Journal of European Landscapes 1 (May 8, 2020): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/jel.2020.1.47039.

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Across Europe, landscape is recognised as a frame through which societal values are defined and embedded. The European Landscape convention and wider research has drawn attention to the need for integrating a diverse range of stakeholders to ensure landscape sustainability. Archaeology is increasingly recognised as having an important place in integrated landscape management but often remains relatively peripheral. This paper examines the place of archaeology in specific European regions and the potential ways of integrating archaeological heritage in landscape management. Emerging from a project funded by the Joint Programme Initiative on Cultural Heritage (Resituating Europe’s FIrst Towns (REFIT): A case study in enhancing knowledge transfer and developing sustainable management of cultural landscapes), we explore the place of a set of common European heritage assets, Iron Age oppida, in the management of the landscape they are a part of and how they might be used better to engage and connect stakeholders. Using four case studies, we review the present integration of archaeology within landscape management and how this operates at a local level. From this we explore what challenges these case-studies present and outline ways in which the REFIT project has sought to develop strategies to respond to these in order to enhance and promote co-productive management of these landscapes.

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6

Fleming, Andrew. "Post-processual Landscape Archaeology: a Critique." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 16, no. 3 (September 20, 2006): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774306000163.

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Post-processual theorists have characterized landscape archaeology as practised in the second half of the twentieth century as over-empirical. They have asserted that the discipline is sterile, in that it deals inadequately with the people of the past, and is also too preoccupied with vision-privileging and Cartesian approaches. They have argued that it is therefore necessary to ‘go beyond the evidence’ and to develop more experiential approaches, ‘archaeologies of inhabitation’. This article argues that such a critique is misguided, notably in its rejection of long-accepted modes of fieldwork and argument and in its annexation of Cosgrove's rhetoric. ‘Post-processual’ landscape archaeology has involved the development of phenomenological approaches to past landscapes and the writing of hyper-interpretive texts (pioneered by Tilley and Edmonds respectively). It is argued that phenomenological fieldwork has produced highly questionable ‘results’. Some of the theoretical and practical consequences of adopting post-processual landscape archaeology are discussed; it is concluded that the new approaches are more problematic than their proponents have allowed. Although new thinking should always be welcomed, it would not be advisable to abandon the heuristic, argument-grounded strengths of conventional landscape archaeology.

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7

Fleming, Andrew. "Landscape Archaeology, Prehistory, and Rural Studies." Rural History 1, no. 1 (April 1990): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300003174.

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This essay considers whether it is possible for landscape archaeologists, particularly those concerned with prehistory or with periods not significantly text-aided, to go beyond the pursuit of methodological virtuosity and the production of local studies, and make useful contributions to discussions on mainstream social and economic issues in human history. A major problem for landscape archaeologists – and indeed for prehistorians – is that as soon as they stray beyond routine archaeological description and analysis, they face the scepticism of anthropologists, historians and human geographers. I argue that we can learn from scholars from these other disciplines but should not try to ape them. We need to define more clearly our own field of operation. It has become fashionable to consider past landscapes as texts; comparisons between the contexts of ‘messages’ conveyed by documents and by landscapes lead me to suggest that ignorance of the nature of oral tradition and its articulation within material culture is one of the prehistorian's greatest blind spots. In choosing the most useful scale for analysis, the prehistorian should develop the concept of the small community, rather than the ‘site’ or the region, and consider the modification of such a community's ‘mental map’ of the landscape as a critical indicator of social process.

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8

ATTEMA, Peter. "Landscape archaeology and Livy." BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 75 (January 1, 2000): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.75.0.563185.

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9

Morais, José Luiz De. "Topics on Landscape Archaeology." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 10 (December 22, 2000): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2000.109367.

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As relações entre Arqueologia e a Geografia, definidas como Arqueologia da Paisagem, são enfatizadas neste artigo. As investigações arqueológicas na bacia do rio Paranapanema, conhecidas como projeto Paranapanema, Estado de São Paulo, reforçam esta abordagem interdisciplinar como um modelo em Arqueologia de ambiente tropical. Um glossário de termos técnicos é discutido.

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10

Bradley, John, Terence Reeves-Smyth, and Fred Hamond. "Landscape Archaeology in Ireland." Journal of the County Louth Archaeological and Historical Society 21, no. 2 (1986): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27729627.

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11

Dalglish, Chris. "Archaeology and landscape ethics." World Archaeology 44, no. 3 (September 2012): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2012.723320.

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12

Finlayson, Bill, and Samantha Dennis. "Landscape, Archaeology and Heritage." Levant 34, no. 1 (January 2002): 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/lev.2002.34.1.219.

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13

Cooper, David E. "Archaeology, landscape and aesthetics." Cogent Arts & Humanities 2, no. 1 (September 14, 2015): 1077647. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2015.1077647.

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14

Zvelebil, M. "Landscape archaeology in Ireland." Journal of Archaeological Science 12, no. 1 (January 1985): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-4403(85)90017-2.

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15

van Andel, Tjeerd H., and Michael Aston. "Interpreting the Landscape-Landscape Archaeology in Local Studies." American Journal of Archaeology 91, no. 3 (July 1987): 489. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505377.

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16

Kvamme, Kenneth L. "Geophysical Surveys as Landscape Archaeology." American Antiquity 68, no. 3 (July 2003): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557103.

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Recent advances in technology and practice allow geophysical surveys in archaeology to produce maps of subsurface features over large areas and in potentially great detail. It is shown through a series of case studies from two regions in North America that archaeo-geophysical surveys can produce primary information suitable for the study of site content, structure and organization, for examining spatial patterns and relationships, and for directly confronting specific questions about a site and the past. Because large buried cultural landscapes can now be revealed, it is argued that an alternative perspective on regional or landscape archaeology may be possible because space can be viewed in terms of tens of hectares as opposed to the tens of square meters typical of archaeological excavations. Moreover, by placing focus on such buried features as dwellings, storage facilities, public structures, middens, fortifications, trails, or garden spaces that are not commonly revealed through most contemporary surface inspection methods, a richer view of archaeology, the past, and cultural landscapes can be achieved. Archaeo-geophysical surveys can also play an important role in Cultural Resource Management (CRM) contexts as feature discovery tools for focusing expensive excavations, thereby reducing the amount needed and lowering costs. Their utility is weighed against shovel test pits as a primitive and costly form of prospecting.

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17

Whitaker, Katy A. "‘SARSEN STONES IN WESSEX’: A SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES PROJECT CONTEXTUALISED AND RENEWED." Antiquaries Journal 100 (August 5, 2020): 432–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581520000256.

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This paper reviews the Society of Antiquaries’ Evolution of the Landscape project, which started in 1974, and the project’s Sarsen Stones in Wessex survey. The survey was an ambitious public archaeology undertaking, involving c 100 volunteers led by Fellows of the Society during the 1970s. Its aims, objectives and outcomes are described in this article. The survey’s unique dataset, produced for the counties of Wiltshire, Hampshire and Dorset, has now been digitised. Drawing on the dataset, the paper situates the Evolution of the Landscape project in the context of later twentieth-century British archaeology. It demonstrates the importance not only of individual Fellows, but also contemporary movements in academic and development-led archaeology, to the direction of the Society’s activities in this formative period for the discipline today, and shows how the Society’s research was engaged with some of archaeology’s most pressing cultural resource management issues.

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18

Adams, William Hampton. "Landscape archaeology, landscape history, and the American farmstead." Historical Archaeology 24, no. 4 (December 1990): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03373500.

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19

Criado Boado, Felipe. "Límites y posibilidades de la Arqueología del Paisaje." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla, no. 2 (1993): 9–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.1993.i2.01.

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20

Sinamai, Ashton. "Ivhu rinotsamwa: Landscape Memory and Cultural Landscapes in Zimbabwe and Tropical Africa." eTropic: electronic journal of studies in the Tropics 21, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/etropic.21.1.2022.3836.

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Perceptions of the various cultural landscapes of tropical Africa continue to be overdetermined by western philosophies. This is, of course, a legacy of colonialism and the neo-colonial global politics that dictate types of knowledge, and direct flows of knowledge. Knowledges of the communities of former colonised countries are seen as ancillary at best, and at worst, irrational. However, such ‘indigenous knowledge’ systems contain information that could transform how we think about cultural landscapes, cultural heritage, and the conception of 'intangible heritage’. In many non-western societies, the landscape shapes culture; rather than human culture shaping the landscape – which is the notion that continues to inform heritage. Such a human-centric experience of landscape and heritage displaces the ability to experience the sensorial landscape. This paper outlines how landscapes are perceived in tropical Africa, with an example from Zimbabwe, and how this perception can be used to enrich mainstream archaeology, anthropology, and cultural heritage studies. Landscapes have a memory of their own, which plays a part in creating the ‘ruins’ we research or visit. Such landscape memory determines the preservation of heritage as well as human memory. The paper thus advocates for the inclusion of ‘indigenous knowledge’ systems in the widening of the theoretical base of archaeology, anthropology, and heritage studies.

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21

Barker, Graeme. "Writing landscape archaeology and history." Topoi 7, no. 1 (1997): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/topoi.1997.2594.

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22

Johnson, Matthew H. "Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology." Annual Review of Anthropology 41, no. 1 (October 21, 2012): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-092611-145840.

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23

Austin, David. "Medieval archaeology and the landscape." Landscape History 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01433768.1985.10594389.

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24

Hunt, Chris O. "Snails: Archaeology and Landscape Change." Journal of Archaeological Science 37, no. 9 (September 2010): 2376. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2009.11.022.

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25

Zimmermann, A., K. P. Wendt, T. Frank, and J. Hilpert. "Landscape Archaeology in Central Europe." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 75 (2009): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00000281.

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Estimations of population density, which consider regional variability, are an important key variable in archaeology as they have consequences not only for the environmental but also for the economical and social domains. In this paper, a ten-step procedure of a consistent group of methods is described which deals with the data required for estimations of population density at different scale levels (from excavation to large-scale distribution maps). For distribution maps, a method is presented by which densities of sites are displayed using optimal isolines. These demarcate so called ‘settlement areas’ at scales of between 1:25,000 and 1:2.5 million. Our knowledge of the density of households from key areas with the most complete archaeological records is upscaled for the regions within these isolines. The results of this procedure are estimations of population density for the early Neolithic (Bandkeramik, 51st century BC) and the Roman period (2nd century AD) for regions with some 10,000 km2.A simple statistical/graphical method is developed to analyse the relationship between settlement areas, soils, and precipitation. Taking into account the aspects of preservation of sites and the intensity of archaeological observations, an analysis of patterns of land use shows that in prehistory not all areas suitable for use were in fact incorporated into settlement areas. For prehistory, the idea of a most optimised use of land up to its carrying capacity (as it has been proposed for at least 50 years) can be falsified for specific areas. A large number of empty regions with good ecological conditions but lacking in settlement activity can be discussed as resulting from culture historical processes. As an example, the separation of areas inhabited by groups of different identities is discussed. The amount of used space (in terms of ‘settlement area’) however, increases from the early Neolithic to the 4th century BC from 5% to more than 40%. The increase between the Neolithic and the Iron Age is understood in terms of technological developments in farming systems. The percentage of areas with suitable conditions actually utilised between the Bandkeramik and Iron Age increases from 31.1% to 67.5% in the area covered by the Geschichtlicher Atlas der Rheinlande, and is much higher still in the Roman period (84.3%). State societies seem to use the land more efficiently compared to non-state systems. This is becoming even clearer on consideration of the intensity of human impact.Large-scale distribution maps dividing the Neolithic in five periods were analysed. In each of the periods large settlement areas seem to be characterised either by the development of specific cultural innovations or by exchange of a specific raw material. In the course of time, the size of settlement areas in a specific region fluctuates markedly. It is most plausible to assume that this is due to a remarkable mobility of seemingly sedentary populations. Individual families recombine to new socio-cultural units every few hundred years.The relationship between size of settlement areas and the number of households can be used to develop ideas relating to the flow of exchange goods. An example for the Bandkeramik considering the Rijckholt-Flint is presented. The combination of the number of households and the percentage of this raw material in the specific settlement areas visualises the amount needed and the amount transferred to other settlement areas in the neighbourhood. A future economical archaeology could use this information to develop ideas relating to the importance of the economic sector, ie, ‘procurement of flint’ in relation to the ‘production of foodstuffs’ according to the time required for each group of activities.In the last section, the relationship between settlement areas and human impact is discussed. For the periods of subsistence economy, it is argued that the size of the population and its farming system are the two most important factors. For example, in Bandkeramik settlement areas, approximately 2% of the forest covering the landscape was cut down; in Roman times, and depending on the intensity of farming, this reaches magnitudes of between 20% and 50%. Although some of the methods and arguments used in this paper may be exchanged for better ones in the future, it is already apparent that a consistent system of methods is essential to transfer results of analyses on a lower scale level as input on a higher level and vice versa.

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26

Bezant, Jemma, and Kevin Grant. "The post-medieval rural landscape: towards a landscape archaeology?" Post-Medieval Archaeology 50, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00794236.2016.1169782.

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27

Politis, Gustavo G. "The Theoretical Landscape and the Methodological Development of Archaeology in Latin America." Latin American Antiquity 14, no. 2 (June 2003): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557591.

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AbstractLatin American archaeology has been influenced by the world theoretical context, from which it has developed original approaches. Currently, a culture-history conceptual foundation still predominates in the region, with some modern variants that have emphasized environmental aspects and approached specific problems. Processual archaeology, especially the North American varieties, remains minor in the region despite many Latin American archaeologists’ belief that their work falls within this camp. Post-processual trends are even less well represented, although a growing number of researchers focus in an eclectic fashion on subject matter that corresponds to the post-processual agenda (e.g., identity, multivocality, etc.). Researchers in certain areas within the region are producing original research linked to political economy and its relation to ideology, and others are focusing on symbolic and cognitive aspects (in some cases within a structuralist framework). In Latin America several interesting methodological developments are emerging, among which ethnoarchaeology and vertebrate taphonomy stand out. In recent years historical archaeology has been one of the disciplines that has grown the most and achieved the greatest popularity. Despite the still-limited nature of Latin American archaeology’s contributions in the field of theory and methodology, there is nonetheless sustained growth in this direction, fundamentally in the generation of models for the interpretation of regional processes. However, these contributions are not visible at the level of international debate and are generally ignored by archaeologists from the central countries. The multiple causes of this phenomenon are analyzed.

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28

Wein, Elizabeth, Rebecca Yamin, and Karen Bescherer Metheny. "Landscape Archaeology: Reading and Interpreting the American Historical Landscape." Journal of American Folklore 111, no. 439 (1998): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541334.

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29

Riley, Mark, David C. Harvey, Tony Brown, and Sara Mills. "Narrating landscape: The potential of oral history for landscape archaeology." Public Archaeology 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pua.2005.4.1.15.

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30

Fisher, Christopher T., and Tina L. Thurston. "Special section Dynamic landscapes and socio-political process: the topography of anthropogenic environments in global perspective." Antiquity 73, no. 281 (September 1999): 630–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00065212.

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Sander Van Der Leeuw, in his recent plenary address at the 1998 Society for American Archaeology Meetings, suggested that archaeology as a discipline has moved its emphasis from site to settlement pattern, and now to the landscape. Though a landscape focus is not new, especially for the social sciences (Coones 1994; Cosgrove 1984; Glacken 1967; Jackson 1994}, the landscape approach in archaeology (Wagstaff 1987) is still in its infancy.

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31

Ashmore, Wendy. "MESOAMERICAN LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGIES." Ancient Mesoamerica 20, no. 2 (2009): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536109990058.

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AbstractLandscapes figure centrally in conceptions and writings about ancient Mesoamerica. This selective review considers four interrelated kinds of landscapes investigated archaeologically in Mesoamerica: ecology and land use, social history, ritual expression, and cosmologic meaning. The literature on each topic is large, and from its inception, Ancient Mesoamerica has contributed significantly. Discussion here focuses on how we got to where we are in Mesoamerican landscape archaeology, important current developments, and directions for the decades ahead.

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32

Tomášková, Silvia. "Landscape for a good feminist. An archaeological review." Archaeological Dialogues 18, no. 1 (April 21, 2011): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203811000158.

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In 1998 this journal (Archaeological dialogues 5(2)) published an editorial titled ‘What is wrong with gender archaeology?’. Responding to this rhetorical question, the editor affirmed that indeed nothing was wrong with it; to the contrary, gender archaeology was as healthy as could be, ‘one of the most thriving fields within the discipline’ (Archaeological dialogues 1998, 88). Nonetheless, the writer then proceeded to describe a pervasive, ongoing issue with the article review process. Any submission that addressed gender would elicit warm praise from a reviewer chosen for familiarity with or expertise in gender studies. At the same time, the article would meet with harsh criticism from a second reviewer, selected for area, time period or topical specialization. The result was a continuing dilemma of how best to choose a third reviewer (a dilemma likely familiar to anyone who has submitted an article on any less-conventional topic to many disciplinary journals, not only in archaeology). This polarized reception of gender archaeology, and an unwillingness to engage in a dialogue around it, were persistent and deeply troubling. Comparing claims of novelty in gender archaeology with similar statements made decades earlier by New Archaeology, the editor suggested that processual archaeology gained support only after it had proven its worth in specific case studies, only ‘when substantial work demonstrated that this was indeed rather different and promising’ (Archaeological dialogues 1998, 89). Such an expectation would appear most sensible for any empirically engaged discipline.

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33

Ferrari, Kevin. "Studying Evolving Landscapes: Geomorphology as a Research Tool for Landscape Archaeology." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 2016 (March 23, 2017): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac2016_115_132.

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34

Gibson, Erin. "The Archaeology of Movement in a Mediterranean Landscape." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 20, no. 1 (June 30, 2007): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.2007.v20i1.61.

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This study forms an introduction to the archaeology of movement and interaction—a social approach to Mediterranean landscapes that prioritises the landscape beyond sites. The archaeology of movement and interaction applies systematic survey methods to the material culture of roads and paths. While this research fits within the context of off-site and siteless survey, its focus lies in understanding the social relationships and daily activity of people in the past. In this study, I outline the theoretical background and methodological approach used to survey roads and paths in an attempt to encourage Mediterranean regional survey projects to assess, consider and/or adopt these techniques. The underlying premise is that the material culture of roads and paths embodies the experiences and social relationships in which they were constructed, used and maintained. I draw upon a case study from the high mountains of Cyprus to illustrate the archaeology of movement and interaction and to stimulate further discussion of this topic of research

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35

Politis, Gustavo G. "The Theoretical Landscape and the Methodological Development of Archaeology in Latin America." American Antiquity 68, no. 2 (April 2003): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557079.

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Latin American archaeology has been influenced by the world theoretical context, from which it has developed original approaches. Currently, a culture-history conceptual foundation still predominates in the region, with some modern variants that have emphasized environmental aspects and approached specific problems. Processual archaeology, especially the North American varieties, remains minor in the region despite many Latin American archaeologists' belief that their work falls within this camp. Post-processual trends are even less well represented, although a growing number of researchers focus in an eclectic fashion on subject matter that corresponds to the post-processual agenda (e.g., identity, multivocality, etc.). Researchers in certain areas within the region are producing original research linked to political economy and its relation to ideology, and others are focusing on symbolic and cognitive aspects (in some cases within a structuralist framework). In Latin America several interesting methodological developments are emerging, among which ethnoarchaeology and vertebrate taphonomy stand out. In recent years historical archaeology has been one of the disciplines that has grown the most and achieved the greatest popularity. Despite the still-limited nature of Latin American archaeology's contributions in the field of theory and methodology, there is nonetheless sustained growth in this direction, fundamentally in the generation of models for the interpretation of regional processes. However, these contributions are not visible at the level of international debate and are generally ignored by archaeologists from the central countries. The multiple causes of this phenomenon are analyzed.

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36

Witter, D. C. "Regional variation of the archaeology in western New South Wales." Rangeland Journal 26, no. 2 (2004): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rj04009.

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There is considerable variation in the Aboriginal archaeology of western New South Wales. This is demonstrated by differences in the stone artefacts found on the open campsites that are common and distributed over all landscapes throughout western NSW. Other site types may occur in particular regions and show differences from one region to another. Eight archaeological regions are proposed. These are at the same scale as the Interim Biogeographic Regionalisation for Australia, and many of the boundaries are the same. The archaeological regions represent the accumulation of archaeological materials on the landscape and Aboriginal knowledge about how to cope in various situations. There is little relationship between the archaeological regional boundaries and the published tribal boundaries. The condition and preservation of the archaeology is closely related to the nature of landscape change since European arrival.

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37

Meulemeester, Johnny De. "Islamic archaeology in the Iberian peninsula and Morocco." Antiquity 79, no. 306 (December 2005): 837–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00114978.

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The author reviews the development of Islamic archaeology in Spain, Portugal and Morocco through its publications and fieldwork, identifying research themes such as ceramic studies, fortified settlement and landscape archaeology, irrigation and urban archaeology. Features excavated in Spain or Portugal can best be understood through ethno-archaeological studies of the Moroccan landscape and its living traditions.

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38

Mlekuž, Dimitrij. "AIRBORNE LASER SCANNING AND LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY." Opuscula Archaeologica 39/40 (2018): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/oa.39.7.

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39

Chapman, Henry. "The Landscape Archaeology of Bog Bodies." Journal of Wetland Archaeology 15, no. 1 (January 2015): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14732971.2015.1112592.

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40

Fowles, Severin. "The Southwest School of Landscape Archaeology." Annual Review of Anthropology 39, no. 1 (October 21, 2010): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.105107.

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41

Gramsch, Alexander. "Landscape Archaeology: Of Making and Seeing." Journal of European Archaeology 4, no. 1 (March 1996): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/096576696800688060.

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Kluiving, Sjoerd J., Frank Lehmkuhl, and Brigitta Schütt. "Landscape archaeology at the LAC2010 conference." Quaternary International 251 (February 2012): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2011.10.011.

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Taylor, Barry. "Subsistence, Environment and Mesolithic Landscape Archaeology." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 28, no. 3 (February 7, 2018): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774318000021.

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Since the 1970s, research into Mesolithic landscapes has been heavily influenced by economic models of human activity where patterns of settlement and mobility result from the relationship between subsistence practices and the environment. However, in reconstructing these patterns we have tended to generalize both the modes of subsistence and the temporal and spatial variability of the environment, and ignored the role that cultural practices played in the way subsistence tasks were organized. While more recent research has emphasized the importance that cultural practices played in the way landscapes were perceived and understood, these have tended to underplay the role of subsistence and have continued to consider the environment in a very generalized manner. This paper argues that we can only develop detailed accounts of Mesolithic landscapes by looking at the specific forms of subsistence practice and the complex relationships they created with the environment. It will also show that the inhabitation of Mesolithic landscapes was structured around cultural attitudes to particular places and to the environment, and that this can be seen archaeologically through practices of deposition and recursive patterns of occupation at certain sites.

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Hillelson, David. "The archaeology of the Sussex landscape." Antiquity 79, no. 305 (September 2005): 707–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0011467x.

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Bell, Martin. "Fields of view in landscape archaeology." Antiquity 70, no. 267 (March 1996): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00083113.

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ONO, Kenkiti. "Landscape Studies based on the Archaeology." Journal of the Japanese Institute of Landscape Architecture 58, no. 3 (1994): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5632/jila.58.324.

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Taylor, Timothy F. "Archaeology and the Norwegian Cultural Landscape." Current Anthropology 28, no. 2 (April 1987): 230–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203523.

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Walker, John H. "Recent Landscape Archaeology in South America." Journal of Archaeological Research 20, no. 4 (May 1, 2012): 309–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10814-012-9057-6.

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Tuffin, Richard, Martin Gibbs, David Roberts, Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, David Roe, Jody Steele, Susan Hood, and Barry Godfrey. "Landscapes of Production and Punishment: Convict labour in the Australian context." Journal of Social Archaeology 18, no. 1 (February 2018): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605317748387.

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This paper presents an interdisciplinary project that uses archaeological and historical sources to explore the formation of a penal landscape in the Australian colonial context. The project focuses on the convict-period legacy of the Tasman Peninsula (Tasmania, Australia), in particular the former penal station of Port Arthur (1830–1877). The research utilises three exceptional data series to examine the impact of convict labour on landscape and the convict body: the archaeological record of the Tasman Peninsula, the life course data of the convicts and the administrative record generated by decades of convict labour management. Through these, the research seeks to demonstrate how changing ideologies affected the processes and outcomes of convict labour and its products, as well as how the landscapes we see today were formed and developed in response to a complex interplay of multi-scalar penological and economic influences. Areas of inquiry: Australian convict archaeology and history. The archaeology and history of Australian convict labour management. The archaeology and history of the Tasman Peninsula.

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Hrobat Virloget, Katja. "Between archaeology and anthropology." Ars & Humanitas 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2023): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.17.2.21-40.

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The article discusses the possibilities of interdisciplinary collaboration between archaeology and cultural anthropology/ethnology. What seemed some decades ago unthinkable, due to the elusiveness or inaccuracy of oral tradition perceived from the archaeological side, has recently provided new perspectives for understanding space, the key concept that links both humanistic disciplines. The article shows some basic theoretical concepts, enabling interdisciplinary collaboration between the two disciplines. The key elements which connect the two disciplines are space, the oral tradition attached to it and collective memory. The traditional perception of space can offer a better understanding of some archaeological materials. The oral tradition embedded in the landscape can give us some understanding of the continuity of symbolic values of places, such as liminal spaces or elements of mythical landscapes.

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