Academic literature on the topic 'Lane County (Kan.)'

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Land tenure is considered an important issue of development agenda and this has led to land allocation and titling in developing countries across continents. As a result, a massive transfer of land rights. Land tenure has been considered as one of the key factors that define patterns and changes in land use system. Due to challenges in collective ownership, Kenya has embraced this idea shifted away to individual land tenure system. This paper examines how land tenure change has influenced land use patterns in Katheka-kai Location, Machakos County for 21 years (1988- 2009), Kenya.</p><p> The study area was until 1995 a ranching scheme but transformed to individual farms, providing a niche in studying land use change. Six classes identified as forests, cultivated land, savannah grassland, water bodies, built-up land, rocky areas, and bare land was used for change detection. Thematic change detection for Landsat TM and Landsat ETM+ was established using ENVI EX. This was done by selecting two images of the same scene, with same number of classes and same names at different times.</p><p> During the period of 1988&amp;ndash;2009, the major land use/cover was savannah grassland, bare land, rocky areas, and forest. Cultivated land, built-up areas, and water bodies had the least land cover. The land use/cover change has been dynamic with about 68.6% land changing from one land use to another between 1988 and 2009 (Figure 1 and 2).</p><p> The 24.4% increase recorded in savanna grassland was at the expense of rocky areas, forest cover, bare land and water bodies that lost 18.7, 2.9, 2.1 and 0.7% respectively (Table 1). Despite the loss, forest cover still recorded 2.7% increase between 1988 and 2009 mostly from rocky areas (1.6%) and bare land (1.2%). Apart from becoming savanna grassland, most of the bare land was converted to rocky areas (7.6%), cultivated land (1.8%) and forests (1.2%) and this explains the 7.4% decrease in area under bare land. Cultivated land witnessed a 1.8% increase between 1988 and 2009 and was due to conversion of bare land (1.8%) and forest cover (0.6%) into cultivated land. Increase in percentage area under built-up areas (0.5%) was as result of conversion of bare land (0.2%), rocky areas (0.2%) and savanna grassland (0.1%). Water bodies changed to become savanna grassland (0.7%) and rocky areas (0.4%) and this led to 0.5% decline in land under water bodies.</p><p> Savanna grassland, bare land and rocky areas are the dominating land uses/justified by the fact that the area is a rangeland initially hosting a range of wildlife animals. Increased population leads to high demand for food and housing and this explains the increase cultivation land and built-up areas. A study carried out by Gathaara et. al. (2010) in the same area reported that most of the farmers resulted in agricultural activities to meet increasing food demand as well as for economic gains. Similarly, Mundia and Muranyan (2009) reported that changing land tenure policy resulted in expansion of agricultural land. Furthermore, after subdivision and issuance of title deeds to individual members, the owner gets the rights to make land use decisions based on benefits.</p></p>

<p class="2M-body">Korean casino market is currently in a new turning point and plans to expand more casinos in addition to the 17 casinos and talks about development of the tourism industry through massive investment of foreign capital. Casino market is such a sensitive issue in our country and except for Kang-won Land, all casinos are exclusively for foreigners. However, foreign capital has announced plans to invest substantial capital in terms of allowing locals to enter casino as well. Under these circumstances, Kang-won Land Casino is strongly claiming that allowing locals to casino is illegal under the law, but certain regions confront that amending the law on the investment is necessary for economic growth to attract more casinos. In this study, we grasp the current situation and its development of casino in Korea and set a direction for the future development of casino</p>

Abstract Foreign language didactics is committed to teach the variety of language that is actually used in everyday life. In this article, we study possibilities of working with authentic German dialogues in teaching contexts of German as a Foreign Language. By focusing on regional and national varieties of German in Germany, Austria and Switzerland, we examine current textbooks that claim to follow a pluricentric approach and show how they deal with the fact that spoken German is not a homogenous variety. The analysis of the teaching material reveals the problems, that working with artificial dialogues entail under a pluricentric perspective, including phonetics, prosody, lexis, grammatical and interactional structures. Thus, we plead for the use of authentic dialogues in order to create awareness for a pluricentric view on language among students of German as a Foreign Language. Especially for learners, who plan to spend time in a German-speaking country, the work with authentic dialogues from a certain geographical region can have a highly motivating effect as they learn to understand native speakers in their everyday talk. To this end, we present a database that provides audio material in the different national varieties of spoken German, which can be used for didactic purposes in the foreign language classroom. Samenvatting De vreemdetalendidactiek streeft ernaar om die taalvariëteit aan te leren die in het alledaagse leven wordt gebruikt. In dit artikel gaan we na welke mogelijkheden er zijn om met authentieke Duitse dialogen te werken in een onderwijscontext van het Duits als Vreemde Taal. Met een focus op de regionale en nationale variëteiten van het Duits in Duitsland, Oostenrijk en Zwitserland onderzoeken we recente tekstboeken die een pluricentrische benadering beweren te volgen en we laten zien hoe ze omgaan met het feit dat gesproken Duits geen homogene variëteit is. De analyse van het onderwijsmateriaal brengt enkele problemen aan het licht die het werken met artificiële dialogen vanuit een polycentrisch perspectief met zich meebrengt, waaronder fonetiek, prosodie, woordenschat, grammaticale en interactieve structuren. We pleiten dus voor het gebruik van authentieke dialogen om studenten Duits als Vreemde Taal bewust te maken van een pluricentrische kijk op taal. In het bijzonder voor leerders die van plan zijn om enige tijd in een Duitstalig land door te brengen, kan het werken met authentieke dialogen uit een welbepaalde geografische regio bijzonder motiverend zijn omdat ze zo de alledaagse taal van native speakers leren begrijpen. We stellen ook een database voor waar audiomateriaal in verschillende nationale varieteiten van gesproken Duits te vinden is, dat voor didactische doeleinden kan worden gebruikt in de vreemde talenklas.

Urban Design and Planning, being a significant field of architect’s professional activity, science and education, in the Lithuanian classificators of science (1998) and education (2001) is replaced by Land Management which is concerned with another field closely related to engineering management of rural territories. The paper discusses diferences in the conception of these disciplines, and need of correcting the classificators is suggested with intention to create reasonable development conditions for the science and education of urban design and planning corresponding to those existing in the other EU countries. Some of the conceptions and incorrectly used concepts of the Law on Territory Planning requiring changes are indicated. It is stated that during 11–19 years an inadequate approach to a complex and socially urgent matter, related with culture, science and art, has brought the urban development of the country to a situation having evident attributes of chaos. Most damage is done to the architecture of towns, where the role of urban design activity, defining the conceptions of built-up morphostructure, urban complexes and the architecture of public spaces, is essential. Sustainable compositional development of a town defining its individual image and aesthetic attraction also depends on the qualification of a participating architect urbanist and his role in a team of planners. A model of positioning urban design and planning in the systematic conception of architect’s professional activity, science and education as well as possibilities of supplementing the classificators are proposed. Santrauka Lietuvoje priimtuose mokslo (1998 m.) ir studijų (2001 m.) klasifikatoriuose reikšmingos architekto profesinės veiklos, mokslo ir studijų kryptys – urbanistinis projektavimas ir planavimas (Town and Country Planning) – pakeistos į kraštotvarką (Land Management) – kitos srities dalyką, artimą inžinerinio kaimo teritorijų tvarkymo vadybai. Straipsnyje nagrinėjami šių disciplinų sampratos skirtumai ir iškeliama klasifikatorių tikslinimo reikmė, siekiant atkurti urbanistikos mokslui ir studijoms priimtinas plėtojimo sąlygas, adekvačias egzistuojančioms kitose ES šalyse. Nurodomos su tuo susijusios kai kurios keistinos Teritorijų planavimo įstatymo nuostatos, pateikiamas urbanistikos vietos architekto profesinės veiklos, mokslo bei studijų sisteminėje sampratoje modelis ir klasifikatorių papildymo galimybės.

The Žuvintas Lake, located in southern Lithuania in the basin of the Dovine River is one of the biggest lakes and the oldest natural reserves of the country. However, the changes in the hydrology of the Dovine River basin, caused by large‐scale melioration and water management works carried out in the 20th century, have resulted in significant alteration of hydrological regime and decrease in biodiversity of the Žuvintas Lake and surrounding wetlands. In order to prevent the ongoing deterioration of the Lake and wetlands solutions have to be found. Therefore, various scenarios have been analysed to evaluate the impact of water management alternatives. For these scenarios the physically‐based distributed parameter model SIMGRO was used. The results have shown that natural water regime in the Žuvintas Lake is hardly reversible. However, the replacement of sluice‐gates implemented at the outlet of the Žuvintas Lake by overflow weir as well as the blocking of drainage ditches and the removal of scrubs and trees in the wetlands surrounding the Lake can be highly successful measures to improve hydrological conditions. Santrauka Dovinės upės (dešinysis Šešupės upės intakas) baseine yra seniausias Lietuvoje Žuvinto biosferos rezervatas ir kitos europinės svarbos saugomos teritorijos. Tose vietose hidrologinis režimas tiesiogiai reguliuojamas šešiose vietose pastatytais reguliavimo šliuzais. Šiuo metu poreikio reguliuoti nėra, todėl darbe analizuojamos natūralaus vandens režimo atkūrimo galimybės Žuvinto ežere ir aplinkinėse pelkėse. Tam buvo taikytas matematinio modeliavimo metodas naudojant pasiskirsčiusių parametrų SIMGRO modelį. Ankstesni tyrimai parodė, kad atkurti natūralų hidrologinį režimą vien panaikinus reguliavimo šliuzą žemiau Žuvinto ežero, negalima. Tai sunaikintų ežerą ir neigiamai paveiktų požeminio vandens režimą Žuvinto ir Amalvos pelkių komplekse. Siekiant bent dalinio vandens režimo natūralizavimo reguliavimo šliuzą siūloma rekonstruoti į slenkstinę nuopylą įrengiant žuvitakį. Žuvinto ir Amalvos pelkių masyve požeminio vandens režimui pagerinti rekomenduojama pašalinti ten augančią sumedėjusią augaliją ir apypelkio teritorijose patvenkti melioracijos griovius. Pateikiamas tokių priemonių galimas poveikis Žuvinto ežero ir aplinkinių pelkių hidrologiniam režimui. Peзюме Водный режим бассейнa реки Довине в южной части Литвы в прошлом столетии был подвержен важным изменениям. Там находится старый заповедник Литвы – озеро Жувинтас c близлежащими болотaми. В статье представлен сценарий по восстановлению водного режима в озере Жувинтас и окружающих болотах. Для исследования была применена математическая модель SIMGRO. Результаты показали, что полное восстановление гидрологического режима в озере невозможно. Для улучшения водного режима предложен ряд мер.

The present article involves a qualitative study of the framing of dementia in ‘Alzheimer’s and Dementia’, the Journal of the Alzheimer’s Association, published in 2016. The aim of this study is to elucidate how dementia is framed qualitatively in the corpus consisting of scientific articles involving dementia published in ‘Alzheimer’s and Dementia’. The results of the qualitative analysis indicate that dementia is represented in ‘Alzheimer’s and Dementia’ in 2016 as the frames associated with gender, age, costs, caregiver and care-recipients, disability and death, health policy, spatial orientation, medical condition, and ethnic groups. These findings are further discussed in the article. References Andrews, J. (2011). We need to talk about dementia. Journal of Research in Nursing, 16(5),397–399. Aronowitz, R. (2008). Framing Disease: An Underappreciated Mechanism for the SocialPatterning Health. Social Science & Medicine, 67, 1–9. Bayles, K. A. (1982). Language function in senile dementia. Brain and language, 16(2),265–280. Bednarek, M. A. (2005). Construing the world: conceptual metaphors and event construals innews stories. Metaphorik.de, 9, 1–27. Brookmeyer, R., Kawas, C. H., Abdallah, N., Paganini-Hill, A., Kim, R. C., & M.M. Corrada(2016). Impact of interventions to reduce Alzheimer’s disease pathology on the prevalence ofdementia in the oldest-old. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(3), 225–232. Burgers, C., Konijn, E., & G. Steen. (2016). Figurative Framing: Shaping Public DiscourseThrough Metaphor, Hyperbole, and Irony. Communication Theory, 26(4)410–430. Carolan, J. (2016). Using a Framing Analysis to Elucidate Learning from a Pedagogy ofStudent-Constructed Representations in Science. In Using Multimodal Representations toSupport Learning in the Science Classroom. Switzerland: Springer. Chen, J. C., Espeland, M. A., Brunner, R. L., Lovato, L. C., Wallace, R. B., Leng, X., Phillips,L.S., Robinson, J.G., Kotchen, J.M., Johnson, K.C., Manson, J. E., Stefanick, M.L., Sato, G.E.,& W.J. Mysiw (2016). Sleep duration, cognitive decline, and dementia risk in older women.Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(1), 21–33. Cornejo, R., Brewer, R., Edasis, C., & A.M. Piper (2016). Vulnerability, Sharing, and Privacy:Analyzing Art Therapy for Older Adults with Dementia. In Proceedings of the 19th ACMConference on Computer-Supported Cooperative Work & Social Computing (pp. 1572–1583).ACM. Davis, D. H. (2004). Dementia: sociological and philosophical constructions. Social Science &Medicine, 58(2), 369–378. Delva, F., Touraine, C., Joly, P., Edjolo, A., Amieva, H., Berr, C., Helmer, C., Rouaud, O.,Peres, K., & J. F. Dartigues (2016). ADL disability and death in dementia in a Frenchpopulation-based cohort: New insights with an illness-death model. Alzheimer’s & Dementia,12 (8), 909–916. Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal ofCommunication, 43(4), 51–58. Entman, R. M. (2004). Projections of power: Framing news, public opinion, and US foreignpolicy. University of Chicago Press. Entman, R. M. (2007). Framing bias: Media in the distribution of power. Journal ofcommunication, 57(1), 163–173. Gao, S., Ogunniyi, A., Hall, K. S., Baiyewu, O., Unverzagt, F. W., Lane, K. A., Murrell, J. R.,Gureje, O., Hake, A. M., & H. C. Hendrie (2016). Dementia incidence declined in AfricanAmericans but not in Yoruba. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(3), 244–251. Gauthier, S., Albert, M., Fox, N., Goedert, M., Kivipelto, M., Mestre-Ferrandiz, J., &L. T. Middleton (2016). Why has therapy development for dementia failed in the last twodecades?. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(1), 60–64. Gilmour, J. A., & Brannelly, T. (2010). Representations of people with dementia–subaltern,person, citizen. Nursing inquiry, 17(3), 240–247. Green, C. & Zhang, S. (2016). 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The euro crisis in metaphors and frames.Focus on the press in the Low Countries. European Journal of Communication, 29(5),608–617. Kapranov, O. (2016). The Framing of Serbia’s EU Accession by the British Foreign Office onTwitter. Tekst i Dyskurs. Text und Diskurs, 9, 67–80. Kaufman, S. R. (1994). Old age, disease, and the discourse on risk: Geriatric assessment in UShealth care. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 8(4), 430–447. Kunutsor, S., & Laukkanen, J. (2016). Gamma glutamyltranserase and risk of future dementiain middle-aged to older Finnish men: A new prospective cohort study. Alzheimer’s &Dementia, 12, 931–941. Lawless, M., & Augoustinos, M. (2017). Brain health advice in the news: managing notions ofindividual responsibility in media discourse on cognitive decline and dementia. QualitativeResearch in Psychology, 14(1), 62–80. Llorens, F., Schmitz, M., Karch, A., Cramm, M., Lange, P., Gherib, K., Varges, D., Schmidt,C., Zerr, I., & K. Stoeck (2016). Comparative analysis of cerebrospinal fluid biomarkers in thedifferential diagnosis of neurodegenerative dementia. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(5),577–589. Mayeda, E. R., Glymour, M. M., Quesenberry, C. P., & R.A. Whitmer (2016). Inequalities indementia incidence between six racial and ethnic groups over 14 years. Alzheimer’s &Dementia, 12(3), 216–224. Paradis, C. (2010). Good, better and superb antonyms: a conceptual construal approach. Theannual texts by foreign guest professors, 3, 385–402. Parker, J. (2001). Interrogating person-centred dementia care in social work and social carepractice. Journal of Social Work, 1(3), 329–345. Peel, E. (2014). ‘The living death of Alzheimer’s’ versus ‘Take a walk to keep dementia atbay’: representations of dementia in print media and carer discourse. Sociology of health &illness, 36(6), 885–901. Ramirez, J., McNeely, A. A., Scott, C. J., Masellis, M., & S. E. Black (2016). White matterhyperintensity burden in elderly cohort studies: The Sunnybrook Dementia Study, Alzheimer’sThe Framing of Dementia in Scientific Articles Published in Alzheimer’ Disease Neuroimaging Initiative, and Three-City Study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(2),203–210. Rattinger, G., Fauth, E., Behrens, S., Sanders, C., Schwartz, S., Norton, M. C., Corcoran, C.,Mullins, C. D., Lyketsos, C., & J. T. Tschanz (2016). Closer caregiver and care-recipientrelationships predict lower informal costs of dementia care: The Cache County DementiaProgression Study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12, 917–924. Shash, D., Kurth, T., Bertrand, M., Dufouil, C., Barberger-Gateau, P., Berr, C., Ritchie, K.,Dartigues, J.-F., Begaud, B., Alperovitch, A., & C. Tzourio (2016). Benzodiazepine,psychotropic medication, and dementia: A population-based cohort study. Alzheimer’s &Dementia, 12(5), 604–613. Swacha, K. Y. (2017). Older Adults as Rhetorical Agents: A Rhetorical Critique of Metaphorsfor Aging in Public Health Discourse. Rhetoric Review, 36(1), 60–72. Teipel, S., Babiloni, C., Hoey, J., Kaye, J., Kirste, T., & O.K. Burmeister (2016). Informationand communication technology solutions for outdoor navigation in dementia. Alzheimer’s &Dementia, 12(6), 695–707. Touri, M. & Koteyko, N. (2015). Using corpus linguistic software in the extraction of newsframes: towards a dynamic process of frame analysis in journalistic texts. InternationalJournal of Social Research Methodology, 18(6), 601–616. Van Gorp, B., & Vercruysse, T. (2012). Frames and counter-frames giving meaning todementia: A framing analysis of media content. Social Science & Medicine, 74(8), 1274–1281. Verlinden, V. J., van der Geest, J. N., de Bruijn, R. F., Hofman, A., Koudstaal, P. J., &M. A. Ikram (2016). Trajectories of decline in cognition and daily functioning in preclinicaldementia. Alzheimer’s & Dementia, 12(2), 144–153. Wray, A. (2017). The language of dementia science and the science of dementia language:Linguistic interpretations of an interdisciplinary research field. Journal of Language andSocial Psychology, 36(1), 80–95. Wu, Y. T., Fratiglioni, L., Matthews, F. E., Lobo, A., Breteler, M. M., Skoog, I., & C. Brayne(2016). Dementia in western Europe: epidemiological evidence and implications for policymaking. The Lancet Neurology, 15(1), 116–124. Yuan, J., Zhang, Z., Wen, H., Hong, X., Hong, Z., Qu, Q., Li, H., & J.L. Cummings (2016).Incidence of dementia and subtypes: A cohort study in four regions in China. Alzheimer’s &Dementia, 12(3), 262–271. Zwijsen, S. A., van der Ploeg, E., & C.M. Hertogh (2016). Understanding the world ofdementia. How do people with dementia experience the world?. Internationalpsychogeriatrics/IPA, 1–11.

Santrauka. Straipsnyje lyginamos tarpukario ir pokomunistinės agrarinių reformų pradinės sąlygos, eiga ir rezultatai, šį diachroninį palyginimą praplečiant ir kontroliuojant sinchroniniais palyginimais su analogiškais procesais kitose Rytų ir Vidurio Europos šalyse tarpukario ir pokomunistiniais laikais. Svarbiausius abiejų reformų panašumus lėmė 1949–51 m. kolektyvizacija, visus Lietuvos žemdirbius pastačiusi į padėtį, kurioje iki 1922 m. reformos buvo dvarų darbininkai kumečiai, kurie dalį atlyginimo gaudavo natūra – ordinarija. Jos dalis buvo dvaro inventoriumi bei gyvuliais dirbamas dvaro žemės sklypas, analogiškas kolūkiečių asmeninių pagalbinių ūkių sklypams. Skirtingai nuo Rusijos, Lietuvos kolūkiečiai nebuvo kolūkių baudžiauninkai, o tik kumečiai. Kaip ir dvarų iki 1922 m. reformos darbininkams, sovietiniams kumečiams buvo taikomas represinis darbo jėgos kontrolės režimas, suteikęs kolektyvinių ūkių vadovams faktinę „raudonųjų baronų“ galią. Pagrindiniai tarpukario reformų Rytų Europos šalyse tikslai buvo anksčiau privilegijuotų tautinių mažumų galios apribojimas ir bolševizmo įtakos slopinimas. Tik Baltijos šalyse ji neturėjo neigiamų ekonominių pasekmių, ką Lietuvoje užtikrino kartu su dvarų parceliacija vykęs kaimų skirstymasis į vienkiemius. Palyginti su tarpukario reforma, pokomunistinė agrarinė reforma buvo mažiau nuosekli, nes jos eigą lėmė interesų konfliktas tarp naujos sovietinių kumečių kartos, suinteresuotų įprastų darbo vietų išsaugojimu, ir išėjusių į miestus buvusių žemės savininkų palikuonių. Kadangi Lietuva buvo viena tų pokomunistinių šalių, kuriose stipresnė buvo antroji stovykla, čia buvo įgyvendinta radikali restitucinė žemės reforma ir šeiminį ūkį restauruojanti de-kolektyvizacija. Dėl sovietmečiu įvykusios vienkiemių likvidacijos ir demografinių pokyčių, ji negrąžino Lietuvos kaimo ir žemės ūkio į 1940 m., bet sukūrė būklę, labiau primenančią Lietuvos kaimo situaciją iki 1922 m. reformos: gausus mažažemių („trihektarininkų“) sluoksnis, gatviniai kaimai (buvusios kolūkinės gyvenvietės), fragmentuota žemės valdų struktūra, iš žemės ūkio bendrovių (ŽŪB) išaugę arba naujai besikuriantys latifundiniai ūkiai, primenantys ikireforminius dvarus. Pačių ŽŪB, įsikūrusių kolūkių gamybiniuose centruose, pokomunistinė raida analogiška 1922 m. reformos apkarpytų dvarų, kurių nuosavybėje liko jų centrai, likimui: dauguma bankrutavo ir buvo išvaržyti, tačiau dalis virto konkurencingomis kapitalistinėms žemės ūkio įmonėmis. Savo ekonominiais rezultatais tarpukario reforma pranoksta pokomunistinę, nes po jos ir bendra žemės ūkio gamybos apimtis, ir jos produktyvumas tik augo, tuo tarpu kai pirmuoju pokomunistinės transformacijos dešimtmečiu abu rodikliai smuko. Ekskomunistinės kairės propaguota nuosaiki agrarinė reforma nebūtų leidusi išvengti gamybos apimties smukimo, nes tą apimtį užtikrino vėlyvuoju sovietmečiu žemės ūkiui sudarytos „ekonominio šiltnamio“ sąlygos (dosnios subsidijos) ir neribota paklausa. Tačiau nuosaikesnė ar palaipsnė reforma veikiausiai būtų leidusi jau pirmajame dešimtmetyje padidinti žemės ūkio gamybos produktyvumą. Lietuvai tapus ES nare ir jos žemės ūkiui vėl patekus į „ekonominį šiltnamį“, žemės ūkio veikla nebegali būti vertinama vien ekonominiais masteliais. Matuojant pokomunistinės agrarinės reformos padarinius Lietuvoje gamtosaugos vertybėmis, jie yra labai pozityvūs.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: 1922 m. žemės reforma Lietuvoje, pokomunistinė agrarinė reforma Lietuvoje, represinė darbo jėgos kontrolė, tarptautinis tarpukario ir pokomunistinių agrarinių reformų palyginimas.Key words: Land reform in Lithuania in 1922, post-communist agrarian reform ir Lithuania, repressive control of labour, international comparison of the interwar and post-communist agrarian reforms.ABSTRACTA COMPARATIVE HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF AGRARIAN REFORMS IN THE FIRST AND THE SECOND REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIAThe paper compares the initial conditions, the course and the outcomes of the interwar (1922) and the post-communist (since 1989) agrarian reforms in Lithuania, controlling and enlarging these diachronic comparisons with synchronic comparisons of the analoguos processes in other Eastern and Central European countries at the same times. Most important similarities between both reforms were created by the collectivization in 1948–1951, which for all Lithuaniam tillers shaped the condition in which before the 1922 reform the wage workers (kumečiai) at the large estates were living and working. They received in money only part of their salaries. Another part was paid in kind, including a land plot which was cultivated using the inventory and draught animals provided by landlord. This is quite similar to the small plots allocation for personal use to collective farms workers, and how they were cultivated. However, differently from the workers of collective farms in Russia, who untill late 1960s had no passports, Lithuanian collective farmers were not made serfs, because the passportization of Lithuanian countryside population was implemented by Soviet auhorities as part of their efforts to suppress resistance movement. Similarly to agrarian wage workers before 1922, collective farm workers were subject to the repressive labour force control regime, providing for managers of collective farms the de facto power of „red barons“. Main aims of the interwar agrarian reforms were the restriction of power of the formerly privileged minorities and suppression of Communism. However, only in the Baltic States the reforms had no negative economic outcomes. In Lithuania, such outcomes were preempted by the dispersion of villages into individual settlement farms, which proceeded along with the parcellization of large estates. Comparing with interwar reform, post-communist agrarian reform was less consistent, because its course was under heavy impact of the interest conflict between the new generation of the collective farms workers, interested to keep their working places, and those descendants of the former land owners, who left villages for cities. As far as Lithuania was one of those post-communist countries, where second group was stronger, in this country a radical restitutive land reform was implemented along with the de-collectivization which has restored family farming. However, because of the interjacent liquidation of the individual settlements (re-concentration of rural population in the villages) and demographic changes in the Communist time, it did restore in the Lithuanian countryside and agriculture the status quo of 1940. Rather, it has created the state that is more reminiscent of situation in the Lithuanian countryside before the agrarian reform of 1922: broad social stratum of small plots (3 ha) owners; villages; a fragmented land ownership structure; and large farms reminiscent of landed estates before 1922 reform. While some of them are new ventures (e.g. huge swine-breeding farms, operated by foreignly owned agrobusiness), many emerged out of agricultural partnerships, which were the fragments of the former collective farms. They were established by former collective workers to operate technological complexes of former collective farms which were too large for using by family farms. The evolution of these remainders of collective farms is similar to the evolution of the former landlord farms after their landholdings were reduced by agrarian reform of 1922. The reform left in ownership of the landlords the buildings and other estate with part of land (up to 80–150 ha). Most of these residual estates went bankrupt and were sold in parts at auctions, while some of the survived becoming competitive agricultural enterprises. Similarly, most efficient partnerships survived, expanded and became competitive large-scale corporate capitalist agricultural enterprises. The economic outcomes of the interwar reform are superior to those of post-communist reform: after the first reform, both the general agricultural output and the productivity increased, while both indicators decreased during the first decade of the post-communist agrarian reform. Ex-communist Left in Lithuania promoted moderate agrarian reform, involving transformation of collective farms into the private corporate capitalist agricultural companies. The author argues that such reform would not be able to prevent the reduction in output, because the output as of in 1989 was possible only under economic hothouse conditions of the late Soviet time for agriculture (lavish subsidies, unlimited demand, „price scissors“ favouring agriculture). However, most probably, a more gradual reform would help to increase the agricultural productivity already during its first decade. After Lithuania was accepted to EU and its agriculture is in the „economic hothouse“ again, the agricultural activites cannot be assessed only by economic criteria alone. If the outcomes of the post-communist agrarian reform are assessed by values of ecology, they are very positive indeed.

Was Grundtvig’s New Discovery in 1832 A Tragic Event?By Bent ChristensenThe title of this lecture for the Degree of Divinity has been given its provocative wording by the Faculty of Theology at the University of Copenhagen. In his thesis for the Degree of Divinity, published in 1987 and reviewed in Grundtvig Studies in 1988, Bent Christensen has described and evaluated Grundtvig’s attitude in the field of church policy over the years from 1824 to 1832, a critical period of time for himself, in such a way as to give the reader the impression that the writer regards the attitude taken by Grundtvig in the comprehensive Introduction to his ’’Norse Mythology”, 1832, towards the thoughtful people of his time, as a step backward compared to the attitude taken by Grundtvig in his great autobiographical poem, "New Year’s Morning", 1824, and in the preface to it. In this preface Grundtvig wrote that the goal which God "surely wants to be achieved" is "the revival of the heroic spirit of the North to Christian deeds in a direction suited to the needs and conditions of the time."In a book "The Land of the Living 1984", a series of lectures held in the 200th anniversary of Grundtvig’s birth, Professor Aage Henriksen proposed the view that the poem "New Year’s Morning” is the crowning achievement in Grundtvig’s writings. However, already in 1963 Dr. Kaj Thaning had advanced the idea that the Introduction to "Norse Mythology", 1832, was a decisive turningpoint in Grundtvig’s literary career since, from 1832 onwards, human life and the human world acquired an entirely different position and importance in his understanding of Christianity than was the case before that crucial year. Bent Christensen is inspired by both these writers, but adopts a critical attitude to Kaj Thaning.In part 1 of his lecture Bent Christensen describes the entire progress of his Grundtvig studies and the problem he has posed: What is it really that the Introduction has which was not already present in the inspiration behind the poem "New Year's Morning’? In the answer to this question he particularly emphasizes the sermons from 1823 to 1824, which are influenced by Irenaeus, and which are imbued with the thought that man was created in God’s image and has preserved this image of God also after the Fall. According to Bent Christensen they represent "a Grundtvig who is at least as good as the Grundtvig we got".Next he asks "if the ’Grundtvig of 1832* is in any way better than the ’Grundtvig of 1824’"? - Before he answers this question he presents a survey of the development from 1824 to 1832. He agrees with Thaning that "the deeds came to nothing". There was a general atmosphere of stagnation, but in the meantime the situation in the Church came to a head: members of a so-called "godly assembly" in Funen were positively persecuted. And at the University of Copenhagen the popular Professor H.N. Clausen propagated his "Protestant Christianity", diluted beyond recognition. In opposition to this, Grundtvig pointed to "the real Jesus Christ’s Church on Earth" and published his "The Rejoinder of the Church" against Professor Clausen’s latest book. "This was where the tragedy began. For instead of entering into an ecclesiastical discussion, Professor Clausen brought an action for libel against Grundtvig!" According to Bent Christensen the full extent of the tragedy was that the country had a state church which everybody had to be a member of, and which was bound to Lutheran Christianity, but in reality it also had a clergy whose leading circles represented a rationalism and idealism, which was completely at variance with Christianity. This was the situation which Grundtvig described as "the legal Hell", Bent Christensen says. He describes Grundtvig’s writings on church policy in this situation as a development consisting of 3 phases:1. The time from the discovery of the Apostles’ Creed in July 1825 and the Rejoinder in September 1825 until his resignation from office in May 1826. At this time Grundtvig thought that the anomaly could be redressed once it was clearly pointed out.2. The time from September 1826, shortly before the sentence was pronounced, until winter 1830/1831, when Grundtvig presented various proposals for church organization with a Christian state church, while those who did not want to join such a church could leave it in complete freedom of religion.3. The time from April 1831 when Grundtvig declared himself willing to be in charge of the organization of a free-congregation church, thus agreeing to the ’’amicable settlement” which, towards the end of February 1832, led to his permission to function as a free evensong preacher in Frederick’s Church.During the time up to this "amicable settlement”, Grundtvig had worked his way through the numerous drafts for the Introduction to his new ”Norse Mythology”, and in the process, according to Bent Christensen, ’’had managed to construct an entirely new model of church policy”, characterized by peaceful coexistence and competition between the real Christians and those Grundtvig called the "Naturalists”, "within the framework of what Grundtvig continues to term a ’’church”, but what is in reality a common, public religious service system". In the same year he drafted his proposal for "sogneb.ndsl.sning" i.e. abolition of the obligation to use the vicar in the parish where one is a resident, for all church ministrations.According to Kaj Thaning, Grundtvig had now finally "found himself, having learnt to distinguish rightly between what is "human” and what is "Christian”, so he could now call off the ecclesiastical controversy and instead throw himself into a cheerful effort to turn his new view of life to practical use”. ”In my opinion, I have invalidated this evaluation," Bent Christensen says. Grundtvig’s concept of Christianity was optimistic already in 1824, as was the factual distinction between the intrinsic value of life and the salient feature which is Christian salvation. The question now is what it was that Grundtvig managed to free himself from in the years 1831 to 1832. Bent Christensen’s thesis is that he 1) managed to free himself from the ecclesiastical controversy that he could not win, and 2) from the feeling of obligation to be in charge of an illegal organization of free-congregation churches which would isolate him from ordinary public and cultural life.In the context of church policy, Bent Christensen describes what happened with the Introduction to "Norse Mythology" as an emergency solution. - But is this the same, then, as "a tragic event”? - No, he answers. The tragedy was that Grundtvig’s dream from ’’New Year’s Morning” did not come true, but was on the contrary followed by the nightmare of the libel lawsuit and the church controversy. ”But there is another tragedy which we suffer from even today – namely the failure of influential circles to properly understand what it was Grundtvig found himself obliged to do in 1832, so that it has almost come to be regarded as the only right way to practise church organization! In that perspective what happened in 1832 may be seen as a tragic event, Bent Christensen claims in the conclusion of part 1 of his lecture.Part 2 of the lecture is a discussion of key passages in the two main texts, "New Year’s Morning” and the Introduction to ”Norse Mythology”. The intention is to show that the fundamental ideas in the Introduction (and in The Rejoinder of the Church) have been anticipated in the great poem from 1824: ’’Indeed, themythical-biographical descent of this poem through Danish history to the Land of the Living ... stands out as a great "a human being first!'"What the Introduction has ... to a fuller extent and in a clearer form than ’’New Year’s Morning" is the fully developed view of evolution and explanation and the scientific programme connected with it. Thus the Introduction provides a unique contribution to the understanding of what it means that the world exists, and that we exist in it as human beings!”In the concluding part 3 of his lecture, Bent Christensen poses the question "whether what happened in 1831/32 really and truly meant that Grundtvig gained himself, or whether it meant that he lost at least part of himself’. Like Aage Henriksen, Bent Christensen considers "New Year’s Morning" to be a culmination in Grundtvig’s writings, and incidentally the point from which Grundtvig’s comprehensive influence on the Danish people stems, and he sees the Introduction as a point, from where Grundtvig moves on by leaving something behind. Aage Henriksen blames Grundtvig that from being a personal poet he changed into a reformer. Bent Christensen asks instead "from the point of view of the church - whether it was after all the right programme with which Grundtvig attempted to save his dream that had been crushed by the outside world."The alternative he mentions is that Grundtvig could have left the Church with whoever wanted to follow him, and could have worked with unflagging solidarity on this basis for the public life of the people as well as for "universalhistorical scholarship". At least he did not have to make quite so much good fortune of necessity - with the tragic consequences for the Danish Lutheran Christian congregation’s self-conception that it has to this day.He concludes by emphasizing a passage towards the end of Grundtvig’s book, "Elemental Christian Teaching" (Den Christelige B.rnel.rdom), where Grundtvig imagines the situation that church and state were completely separated. In that case the Christians would have to establish their own educational institution for clergymen. But this would have to be a "Christian high school", i.e. a whole university. Bent Christensen finds there is good reason to turn one’s attention to this thought from 1861 - as well as to Grundtvig’s dream from 1824, when one seeks inspiration in Grundtvig.

While the first two chapters of Doucas's historical work present a meagre outline of world history - a sketch which becomes a little more detailed from 1261 on, when the narration reaches the history of the Turks and their conquests in Asia Minor - the third chapter deals with the well-known battle of Kosovo, which took place in 1389. From that point on, the Byzantine historian gives much important information on Serbia, as well as on the Ottoman advances in the Balkans, and thus embarks upon his central theme - the rise of the Turks and the decline of Byzantium. Doucas considers the battle of Kosovo a key event in the subjugation of the Balkan peoples by the Turks, and he shows that after the battle of Kosovo the Serbs were the first to suffer that fate. At the beginning, Doucas says that after the death of Orhan, the ruler (o archgos) of the Turks, his son and successor Murad conquered the Thracian towns, Adrianople and the whole Thessaly, so that he mastered almost all the lands of the Byzantines, and finally reached the Triballi (Triballous). He devastated many of their towns and villages sending the enslaved population beyond Chersonesus, until Lazar, son of King Stefan of Serbia (Serbias), who ruled (kraley?n) in Serbia at that time decided to oppose him with all the might he could muster. The Serbs were often called Triballi by Byzantine authors. For the fourteenth century writers Pachymeres, Gregoras, Metochites and Kantakouzenos the Serbs were Triballi. However, Pachymeres and Gregoras refer to the rulers of the Triballi as the rulers of Serbia. Fifteenth century writers, primarily Chalcondyles and Critobulos, use only that name. It seems, nevertheless, that Doucas makes a distinction between the Triballi and the Serbs. As it is known, the conquest of the Serbian lands by the Turks began after the battle on the river Marica in 1371. By 1387. the Turks had mastered Serres(1388) Bitola and Stip (1385), Sofia (1385), Nis (1386) and several other towns. Thus parts of Macedonia, Bulgaria and even of Serbia proper were reduced by the Turks by 1387. For Doucas, however, this is the territory inhabited by the Triballi. After the exposition of the events on Kosovo, Doucas inserts an account of the dispute of John Kantakouzenos and the regency on behalf of John V, which had taken place, as it is known, long before 1389. At the beginning of his description of the civil war, Doucas says that by dividing the empire Kantakouzenos made it possible for the Turks to devastate not only all the lands under Roman rule, but also the territories of the Triballi Moesians and Albanians and other western peoples. The author goes on to narrate that Kantakouzenos established friendly relations with the king Stefan Du{an, and reached an agreement with him concerning the fortresses towns and provinces of the unlucky Empire of the Romaioi, so that, instead of giving them over to the Roman lords, he surrendered them to barbarians, the Triballi and the Serbs (Triballoys te kai Serbous). When he speaks later how the Tatars treated the captives after the battle of Angora in 1402, Doucas points out that the Divine Law, honored from times immemorial not only among the Romaioi, but also among the Persians, the Triballi and the Scythians (as he calls Timur's Tatars), permitted only plunder, not the taking of captives or any executions outside the battlefield when the enemy belonged to the same faith. Finally, when he speaks of the conflict between Murad II and Juneid in Asia Minor, Doucas mentions a certain Kelpaxis, a man belonging to the people of the Triballi, who took over from Juneid the rule over Ephesus and Ionia. It seems, therefore, that Doucas, when he speaks of the land of the Triballi he has in mind a broad ethnical territory in the Balkans, which was obviously not settled by the Serbs only or even by the Slavs only. According to him Kelpaxis (Kelpaz?sis) also belonged to the Triballi, although the name can hardly be of Slavonic, i.e. Serbian origin. On the other hand, he is definitely aware of Serbia, a state which had left substantial traces in the works of Byzantine authors, particularly from the time when it usurped (according to the Byzantine view) the Empire. Writing a whole century after Dusan's coronation as emperor, Doucas is not willing, as we shall see later to recognize this usurpation. Although he ascribes to Serbia, in conformity with the Byzantine conception of tazis, a different rank, he considers Serbia and the Serbs, as they are generally called in his work (particularly when he describes the events after the Battle of Kosovo) an important factor in the struggle against the Turks. Therefore he makes a fairly accurate distinction between the Serbs and the other Triballi. In his case, the term may in fact serve as a geographical designation for the territory settled by many peoples, including the Serbs. When he uses specific titles and when he speaks of the degrees of authority conveyed by them in individual territories Doucas is anxious to prove himself a worthy scion of the Romaioi, who considered that they had the exclusive right to the primacy in the Christian hierarchy with the Roman emperor at its top. He makes distinctions of rank between individual rulers. The Emperor in Constantinople is for him the only emperor of the Romans (basileys t?n R?mai?n). King Sigismund of Hungary is also styled emperor, but as basileys t?n R?man?n, meaning Latin Christians. The last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI Dragas Palaleologus is not recognized as an emperor, and the author calls his rule a despotic rule (despoteia). He has a similar view of the Serbs. Thus he says, erroneously that Lazar was the son of King Stefan of Serbia (yios Stefanoy toy kral? Serbias) and that he ruled Serbia at that time (o tote t?n Serbian kraley?n). Elsewhere, Doucas explains his attitude and says that o t?n Serb?n archgos etolm?sen anadusasthai kratos kai kral?s onomazesthai. Toyto gar to barbaron onoma exell?nizomenon basileys erm?neyetai. Lazar exercises royal power (kraley?n) in Serbia, which is appropriate, for the author thinks erroneously that Lazar was the son and successor of King Stefan Du{an. It is significant that he derives the werb kraley? from the Serbian title 'kralj', i.e. from the title which never existed in the Byzantine Empire. Moreover, there is no mention of this werb in any other Byzantine text. When he narrates how Serbia fell under the Turkish rule in 1439, Doucas says that Despot Djuradj Brankovic seeing his ravaged despotate (despoteian), went to the King of Hungary hoping to get aid from him. There can be no doubt that the term despoteia here refers to the territory ruled by Despot Djuradj Brankovic. Doucas correctly styles the Serbian rulers after 1402 as despots. The space he devotes to Serbia in his work, as well as the manner in which he speaks of it, seems to indicate, however, that he regarded it, together with Hungary as a obstacle of the further Turkish conquests in the Balkans. Doucas's text indicates that Serbia, though incomparably weaker than in the time of Dusan's mighty empire, was in fact the only remaining more or less integral state in the Peninsula. The riches of Serbia and, consequently, of its despots, is stressed in a number of passages. Almost at the very beginning Doucas says that Bayezid seized 'a sufficient quantity of silver talents from the mines of Serbia' after the Battle of Kosovo. When Murad II conducted negotiations with Despot Djuradj for his marriage with the Despot's daughter Mara, Doucas writes, no one could guess how many 'gold and silver talents' he took. Doucas also says that the Despot began to build the Smederevo fortress with Murad's permission. The building of a fortress has never been an easy undertaking and if we bear in mind that Despot Djuradj built the part of the Smederevo fortress called 'Mali Grad' (Small fortress) in two years only, we realize that his economic power was really considerable. When Fadulah, the counselor of Murad II, sought to persuade his lord to occupy Serbia, he stressed the good position of the country, particularly of Smederevo, and the country's abundant sources of silver and gold, which would enable Murad not only to conquer Hungary, but also to advance as far as Italy. After Mehmed II captured Constantinople, the Serbs undertook to pay an annual tribute of 12.000 gold coins, more than the despots of Mistra, the lords of Chios Mitylene or the Emperor of Trebizond. Already in 1454 the Despot's men brought the tribute to Mehmed II and also ransomed their captives. Critobulos's superb description of Serbia is the best testimony that this was not only Doucas's impression: 'Its greatest advantage, in which it surpasses the other countries, is that it produces gold and silver? They are mined everywhere in that region, which has rich veins of both gold and silver, more abundant than those of India. The country of the Triballi was indeed fortunate in this respect from the very beginning and it was proud of its riches and its might. It was a kingdom with numerous flourishing towns and strong and impregnable fortresses. It was also rich in soldiers and armies as well as in good equipment. It had citizens of the noblest rank and it brought up many youths who had the strength of adult men. It was admired and famous, but it was also envied, so that is was not only loved of many, but also disliked by many people who sought to harm It'. It is no wonder that George Sphrantzes once complains that Christians failed to send aid to Constantinople and that he singles out for particular blame that 'miserable despot, who did not realize that once the head is removed, the limbs, too disappear'. It may be said, therefore, that Doucas regarded Serbia as one of the few remaining allies of at least some ability to stem the Turkish advances, and that this opinion was primarily based on its economic resources. Serbia was clearly distinguished as a state structure, as opposed to most of the remaining parts of the Peninsula, inhabited by peoples which Doucas does not seem to differentiate precisely. According to him, the authority over a particular territory issued from the ruler's title, the title of despot, which was first in importance after the imperial title, also determined the rank of Serbia in the Byzantine theory of hierarchy of states. Doucas's testimony also shows that this theory not only endured until the collapse of the Empire, but that it also persisted even in the consciousness of the people who survived its fall.

Unemployment amongst Swedish citizens is higher within the group which falls under the designation foreign-born. The aim of this thesis is to examine which municipal factors that can explain the differences in unemployment amongst foreign-born relative to native born.The empirical models are examined with both cross-sectional data for the year of 2010 and panel data for the years of 2002-2012. The examination is implemented through a linear regression analysis of the type Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Fixed Effect regressions. A theory section will be presented where the theory on Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate (NAIRU), theories on discrimination and country-specific human capital are illustrated. The result from the cross-sectional data shows that the amount of foreign-born, the level of foreign-born immigrated from Nordic countries have a significant negative effect on unemployment amongst foreign-born. The general unemployment shows a significant positive effect on the unemployment amongst foreign-born. The result from the panel data however shows that the acceptance rate in Swedish for immigrants (SFI) and the highest level for tertiary education also have a significant negative effect on unemployment amongst foreign born. According to the theory of country-specific human capital, an increase in languageskills and education will increase the individual’s human capital and productivity, hencedecrease unemployment amongst foreign-born. This theory also indicates that an increase in the level of foreign-born immigrated from Nordic countries has a lower “cultural distance”,hence easier to integrate into the Swedish labor market. Previous research indicates that an increase of the amount of foreign-born can decrease the unemployment amongst this group through an expansion of social network and employer contacts. According to the theory of NAIRU, the level of equilibrium unemployment is affected by changes in the composition ofthe workforce, hence should affect the unemployment amongst foreign-born in the corresponding direction. This indicates that the integration policy is of importance to bring down the level of NAIRU.
Arbetslöshet är ett omtalat fenomen inom den svenska samhällsdebatten. Arbetslösheten bland Sveriges invånare är högre bland den grupp människor som faller under beteckningen utrikes födda. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vilka kommunala faktorer som kan förklara skillnaden i arbetslöshet mellan utrikes- och inrikes födda. De empiriska modellerna testas både med tvärsnittsdata för år 2010 samt paneldata för år 2002-2012. Undersökningen genomförs med en linjär regressionsanalys av typen Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) samt Fixed Effect regressioner. Datamaterialet är av sekundär data från Statistiska centralbyrån(SCB). Ett teoriavsnitt kommer att presenteras där teorin om Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment (NAIRU) samt teorier om diskriminering och land-specifikt humankapital belyses. Resultatet av tvärsnittsdata visar att andelen utrikes födda, andelen invandrade från Norden har en signifikant negativ effekt på arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda samt att den allmänna arbetslösheten har en signifikant positiv effekt på arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda. Resultatet av paneldata visar att även andelen godkända i svenska för i invandrare samt högstaeftergymnasiala utbildningsnivå har en signifikant negativ effekt på arbetslöshet bland utrikesfödda. Enligt teorin om land-specifikt humankapital ökar språkkunskaper samt utbildning individens humankapital och således produktivitet vilket minskar arbetslösheten bland utrikesfödda. Denna teori belyser även att andelen invandrade från Norden har ett lägre ”kulturavstånd” och bör således ha lättare att integrera sig på den svenska marknaden. Detta medför att arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda reduceras. Tidigare forskning tyder på att ökad andel utrikes födda kan minska arbetslöshet bland denna grupp genom ökat socialt nätverkoch arbetsgivarkontakter. Enligt teorin om NAIRU, påverkas jämviktsarbetslösheten av förändringar i arbetskraftens sammansättningar vilket bör medföra en påverkan på arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda i motsvarande riktning. Detta indikerar att integrationspolitiken är av betydelse för att få ner nivån på NAIRU.

碩士
國立虎尾科技大學
工業工程與管理研究所
99
Land administration is the mother of general affair and the foundation of construction and the service’s quality is the first impression for civilian to judge effectiveness. Therefore, the most important topic in this study is how to improve the efficiency of Land administration office and civilian’s service quality.This study mainly focuses on Land administration in Yunlin County. This study is totally different from traditional evaluation as SERVQUAL is the framework in questionnaire which is 25 topics and 4 sections. Then, people is classified by Kano Model, which is through Important-Performance Analysis to find out the distribution status in important level and satisfaction index, and people’s needs and requirements can be realized easily. Hopefully, further understanding of the service quality can be found and by this technique and method, the key can be found.The study discovered 13 One-dimensional quality element and 6 must-be quality element. Giving an appropriate grade of important quality factor, and then combine with the standard grade of key quality element, the House of Quality (HOQ) is intergate of which Quality Function Deployment (QFD) is constructed. We can draw 4 conclusions from the research: (1) the implementation of active service, (2) attitude, (3) service case processing, (4) response capacity. These can provide the reference material for increasing satisfaction of service public at all levels land offices in Yunlin County.

The genesis of these poems links them to places as diverse as Horse Lake and Zigzag Creek, Oregon, sometimes in quest for monsters such as the mythic Ogopogo in Lake Okanagan in the same part of America. Klan Country may be less unspoilt and scenic than the above-mentioned Oregonian sites, but is part of a Trans American journey, and such places as Mala Ivanča, Serbia, Ahwaz, Iran or Mt. Fujimidai, Japan, although scattered over the globe, coexist in John Quinn’s “chronotopic poetic imaginary,” as it were. The poet has shared his poems with us, but he has also challenged us to explore remote places on our own, once the reading of these poems is done. He invites us to explore the wilderness and its wildlife, in addition to his poetic vision.

This concluding chapter studies the Hassanamisco Reservation. Edward Pratt, the executor of John Wompas's will, wasted no time attempting to cash in on his acquaintance with the land-rich Indian sailor. On November 3, 1679, safely landed in New England, Pratt registered his deed for eight miles square of Nipmuc land with the Middlesex County clerk. However, Pratt and the other Englishmen who held deeds to Wompas's land and benefited from his will battled with colony authorities and Wompas's Nipmuc kin for nearly a quarter of a century, interrupted by wars and several changes of government. Despite the self-serving efforts of Pratt and his associates, Hassanamesit remained in Indian possession well into the eighteenth century. A few acres of Hassanamesit—the Hassanamisco Reservation—are still held by Nipmucs in the twenty-first century, and the legal documentation of that possession leads directly back to the will of John Wompas.

This chapter provides an English translation of the stone inscription of Čoγ‎tu Tayiǰi. Čoγ‎tu Tayiǰi was a Mongolian prince over the Khalkha people in what today is the country of Mongolia. He lived in the waning years of the Yuan Dynasty (1260–1635) and died patronizing Sakyapa Buddhism in war against rising Gèlukpa hegemony under the Fifth Dalai Lama and his benefactor, Güüshi Khan of the Oirad Qoshod clan. The inscription, said to have been composed by him upon ascending to the summit of a lofty mountain in the Khangai range during a hunting expedition, is an elegy of the Buddhist world, expressing love and longing for a paternal aunt who recently had moved to a faraway land. The poem is said to have been taken down by a page named Erke who was with him at the time (in the late summer of 1621) and then inscribed in stone a few years later (in 1624) by another page, this one named Dayičing, and a knight named Güyeng.

In ‘Archives of the Planet: Elitist Representations of Colonial India’, Camille Deprez investigates films sponsored by French patron of the arts Albert Kahn and shot in the princely states of India in the late 1920s. She demonstrates that, at the peak of French colonialism, this idealist project of intercultural understanding and cooperation was supported by strong associations with carefully selected members of the Indian elite and that this led to a staged and biased representation of India. She also argues that the films eventually overestimated the power of the traditional socio-political order of India in relation to that of the British colonisers and of other rising forces of decolonisation in the country.

This chapter focuses on John Wompas's residence in London, which allowed him to make new friends and acquaintances. As he had done before, he drew on them for financial and emotional support and rewarded them with deeds to Native land. Wompas again found a welcome reception at the court of Charles II, including expressions of support for the rights of the Crown's Native subjects. However, the king's supportive words would not translate into deeds, an outcome that reveals much about the English empire's shallow commitment to Native peoples. Resourceful as ever, Wompas managed through his own actions to secure assistance for himself and protection for the lands of his Nipmuc kin.

The rise of the Yuan Dynasty under Kublai Khan, the fifth emperor of the Mongol Empire, in thirteenth century China shows a distinctive polity that exemplifies two overlapping forms of colonialism. The first form is settler colonialism, where large (or small) scale migration of people creates colonies in places with a pre-existing population. The second is exploitation colonialism, where small groups of people established trading posts and settlements that controlled economic, cultural, and political power. The Yuan Dynasty’s early policy during Kublai Khan’s reign shows the adoption of strong naval power, specifically for territorial expansion. The Yuan court was also in control of the port cities in the middle and southern coasts of the Chinese mainland, which had been fully developed since the Southern Song period (1127—1279 CE). Chinese bureaucrats and regional authorities in these ports were actively engaged in investing capital in overseas trade, especially if conducted by private traders. These trading systems and policies facilitated the expansion of trans-regional networks into Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean World in the form of exploitation colonialism. The archaeological vestiges of the maritime commercial and naval activities that resulted from Yuan colonialism will be considered in this chapter.

This chapter argues that the revolutionary changes brought to the South by Reconstruction and black empowerment generated a sustained and violent reaction from southern whites that, by 1900, was successful in restoring white dominance because of restrictive Supreme Court decisions, congressional inaction, and waning public support for civil rights among white northerners. Republicans remained committed to civil rights and deployed federal power to break the Ku Klux Klan in the 1870s, but white southern persistence and divided government in the late 1870s and 1880s compromised this effort. In the 1890s, white Democrats, in control of state and most local governments in the South and fearful of continued black resistance, enacted measures to disfranchise African Americans and impose segregation. Although African Americans continued to resist and enjoyed some successes in the North, by 1900, southern whites had created a repressive racial caste system.

Several assessments have been made which indicate that if adequate inputs are used, the extent of land resources is sufficient to support a world population in excess of 8 billion (Buringh and Van Heemst, 1977; Higgins ct al., 1982; de Vries et al., 1995; Dyson, 1996). There have also been many dire warnings that the methods that must be used to produce the necessary crops will lead to soil degradation and environmental pollution, as a result of which it will be impossible to sustain the present population, let alone a much greater one (Brown, 1988; Ehrlich and Ehrlich, 1990; Myers, 1991; Ehrlich et al., 1993; Brown and Kane, 1995). The most detailed of these various studies is that by FAO, “Potential Population Supporting Capacity of Lands in the Developing World” (Higgins et al., 1982). Although the authors reached the conclusion that the soils of the world were able to support a population in excess of 8 billion, it was also concluded that, in 1976, 19 countries were “at risk” because they will not be able to produce sufficient food for their population in the year 2000, even at “high levels” of inputs; 36 were at risk because they could not do so at intermediate levels; and no fewer than 65 could not do so at low levels, which is all that most of them could afford. The latest estimate of the number of countries at risk at low levels of input is 82. Thus, while the world may not be on the brink of the Malthusian precipice, there are several countries that are. Rwanda, which has the highest population density of any country in Africa, appears to have fallen over the brink. At low levels of inputs, and with population pressure driving fanners to exploit soils, soil degradation and a decline in productivity are inevitable. Thus, there are many who believe that whatever practicable methods are used, it will not be possible to produce the crops necessary to support the world population. Borgstrom (1969), for instance, stated that “the world . . . is on the verge of the biggest famine in history. . . . Such a famine will have massive proportions and affect hundreds of millions, perhaps billions. By 1984 it will dwarf and overshadow most of the issues and anxieties that now attract attention.” The fact that this did not happen, just as the prophets of doom from Malthus on have so far been proved wrong, has led many others to assume that there is unlikely to be a continuing problem of food production, although many continue to predict massive famines in the near future.

This chapter describes how women’s relationship to Japanese language has been defined, assessed, and exploited within the field of Japanese linguistics. After a brief history of language studies in Japan in the Introduction, the second section analyses the norms for women’s speech in conduct books (etiquette manuals) since the thirteenth century. The third section summarizes the arguments concerning women’s contribution to the development of kana script in the Heian period (794–1185). The fourth section examines the changing values assigned to two speech styles linguists have prominently attributed to women: jogakusei kotoba (‘schoolgirl speech’) of the late nineteenth century and nyōbō kotoba (‘court-women speech’) since the fourteenth century. The last section considers the shifting evaluations assigned to the works by two individual women, the Japanese translation of Little Lord Fauntleroy (1886) by Wakamatsu Shizuko and the codification of Ainu oral narrative by Chiri Yukie. Conclusions outline three major findings of the chapter.