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Journal articles on the topic 'Language political'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Sokolov, D., N. Makhonina, and O. Sokolova. "POLITICAL LANGUAGE – PROFESSIONAL LANGUAGE?" International Humanitarian University Herald. Philology 39, no. 2 (2019): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2409-1154.2019.39.2.23.

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Edelman, Murray. "Political Language and Political Reality." PS 18, no. 1 (1985): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/418800.

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3

Edelman, Murray. "Political Language and Political Reality." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021247.

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The most incisive twentieth century students of language converge from different premises on the conclusion that language is the key creator of the social worlds people experience, and they agree as well that language cannot usefully be understood as a tool for describing an objective reality. For the later Wittgenstein there are no essences, only language games. Chomsky analyzes the sense in which grammar is generative. For Derrida all language is performative, a form of action that undermines its own presuppositions. Foucault sees language as antedating and constructing subjectivity. The “li

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4

Skidmore, Max J. "Political language and political ideology." History of European Ideas 19, no. 4-6 (1994): 715–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90055-8.

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5

Toffle, Mary Ellen, and Cristina Arizzi. "Gender-based power language and American political debates." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 9 (2017): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjhss.v2i9.1093.

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6

Mocanu, Mihaela. "The Identity of the Political Language, Compared to other Types of Language." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 45 (January 2015): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.45.35.

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The existence of a political language implies recognising a stability of the linguistic code, outside the concrete situations of communication. Anyone who listens to the speech of a politician ascertains that he uses particular wording and phrases, manifests fondness for specific topics, makes appeal to a specific rhetoric, employs an adequate intonation, all aimed at facilitating the achievement of his objectives. The audience recognises immediately this type of language, which means that the political language has a distinctive identity, at the level of the content and of the expression as w

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7

Ajsic, Adnan. "Political loanwords." Journal of Language and Politics 13, no. 1 (2014): 21–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.1.02ajs.

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Similar to many modern languages Bosnian continues to borrow lexical material from English. Although this is by no means a new trend, the linguo-political situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina has dramatically changed in the past twenty years and with it the dynamics and patterns of lexical borrowing. Based on a special synchronic corpus compiled from opinion pieces and editorials from the contemporary Bosnian press, this study analyzes the collocational patterns of the most frequently occurring English loanwords and compares them to their original collocational patterns extracted from a comparable

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8

Hurst, Mary Jane, and John Wilson. "Politically Speaking: The Pragmatic Analysis of Political Language." Language 68, no. 1 (1992): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416409.

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9

Gruber, Helmut. "Politically speaking. The pragmatic analysis of political language." Journal of Pragmatics 19, no. 4 (1993): 371–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(93)90094-6.

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10

Tereshchuk, A. A. "LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY OF SPANISH POLITICAL PARTY “VOX”." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 5 (2020): 828–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-5-828-836.

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The article analyzes the language ideology of Spanish far-right political party “Vox”. The documents containing the party program have been studied, and interviews and newspaper articles issued by 52 representatives of “Vox” in the Congress of Deputies and 3 representatives in the European Parliament in the period from December 2018 to November 2019 have been analyzed. The article concludes that “Vox” bases its language ideology on the supposition that the Spanish language in multilingual autonomous communities is endangered by the development of minority languages. According to “Vox”, Spanish

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11

Giri, Ram Ashish. "Languages and language politics." Language Problems and Language Planning 35, no. 3 (2011): 197–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.35.3.01gir.

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One of the most linguistically and culturally diversified countries in the world, Nepal is in the midst of linguistic and cultural chaos. Linguistic and cultural diversity itself is at its centre. One explanation for the sad situation is that the ruling elites, who have held power since Nepal’s inception in the eighteenth century, have conducted an invisible politics of privileging languages and of deliberately ignoring issues related to minority and ethnic languages to promote the languages of their choice. While this invisible politics of ‘unplanning’ of languages has been responsible for th

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12

Sharifian, Farzad. "Figurative language in international political discourse." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (2009): 416–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.04sha.

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Figurative language is used in all domains of communication, including political discourse. And since figurative language is largely socio-culturally constructed it presents a significant locus for misinterpretation or even manipulation when it collides with the realm of international politics. This paper presents an analysis of several cases of the use of figurative language in Iranian political discourse. For example, it shows how transposing a Persian metaphor onto an English metaphor has led to a conceptual shift. Given the potential risks involved in misconstruing political discourse inte

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13

Habashi, Janette. "Language of political socialization: language of resistance." Children's Geographies 6, no. 3 (2008): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14733280802183999.

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14

Gal, S. "Language and Political Economy." Annual Review of Anthropology 18, no. 1 (1989): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.18.100189.002021.

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15

Gal, Susan. "Language and political economy." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6, no. 3 (2016): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau6.3.021.

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16

Karlander, David. "When political institutions use sociolinguistic concepts." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2020, no. 263 (2020): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2020-2076.

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AbstractIn this essay, David Karlander examines what happens when concepts developed by scholars of language circulate and become embedded in policies and law. In exploring how the distinction between a “language” and a “dialect” became encoded in the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML), Karlander examines the consequences when applied to the status and state support of minority languages in Sweden. What counts as a language, he demonstrates, is not simply an “academic” matter. When sociolinguistics enters the public arena, it has the potential to affect the political a

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17

Kumorová, Zdenka. "Aggressiveness and Expressiveness as a Language Strategy in Political Discourse." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 5, no. 4 (2019): 253–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2019.5.4.237.

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18

Zolyan, S. T. "LANGUAGE OF POLITICS OR LANGUAGE IN POLITICAL FUNCTION?" Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 90, no. 3 (2018): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2018-90-3-31-49.

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19

Elshtain, Jean Bethke. "The Relationship between Political Language and Political Reality." PS 18, no. 1 (1985): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/418801.

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20

Elshtain, Jean Bethke. "The Relationship Between Political Language and Political Reality." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021259.

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Albert Camus' ironic judge-penitent, Jean-Baptiste Clemence, remarks to his compatriot in the seedy bar, Mexico City, in a shadowy district of Amsterdam, the mist rising off the canals, the fog rolling in, cheap gin the only source of warmth, “Somebody has to have the last word. Otherwise, every reason can be answered with another one and there would never be an end to it. Power, on the other hand, settles everything. It took time, but we finally realized that. For instance, you must have noticed that our old Europe at last philosophizes in the right way. We no longer say as in simple times: ‘

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21

Nosirova, Saodat Abdullaevna. "Social-political Discourse and Social-Political Terminology of the Modern Chinese Language: Content, Analysis of Translation Problems." Journal of Advanced Research in Dynamical and Control Systems 11, no. 10-SPECIAL ISSUE (2019): 1017–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5373/jardcs/v11sp10/20192899.

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22

Myronova, Natalia. "Language Personality of a Political Leader: a General Approach." PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, no. 39 (2021): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2021.39.13.

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The article considers the phenomenon of the linguistic personality of a political leader. Attention is paid to the prospects of a comprehensive approach to the study of linguistic personality of a politician in political discourse, which, as a kind of persuasive discourse, is widespread, and which significantly affects the social consciousness, which exerts linguistic influence on the addressee through manipulative power to make cognitive alterations to the world view. The special author’s contribution to development of the investigated question consists in an attempt to, first of all, classif

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23

Fazi, André. "How language becomes a political issue: Social change, collective movements and political competition in Corsica." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2020, no. 261 (2020): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2019-2063.

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AbstractThe Mediterranean island of Corsica became French in 1768–1769, and Corsican is one of the most widely used regional languages in France. In Corsica, the language issue is politically prominent, with a very strong opposition between the nationalist regional government, which claims a co-official status for the Corsican language, and the French national government, which advocates the supremacy of the national language. However, the French linguistic integration process has been an astonishing success since the end of the nineteenth century, and the first mass mobilisations in favour of

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24

Bele, Nishikant, Prabin Kumar Panigrahi, and Shashi Kant Srivastava. "Political Sentiment Mining." International Journal of Business Intelligence Research 8, no. 1 (2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijbir.2017010104.

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Investigations on sentiment mining are mostly ensued in the English language. Due to the characteristics of the Indian languages tools and techniques used for sentiment mining in the English language cannot be applied directly to text in Hindi languages. The objective of this paper is to extract the political sentiment at the document-level from Hindi blogs. The authors could not find any literature about extracting sentiments at the document-level from Hindi blogs. They extracted opinion about one of India's very famous leaders who was a prominent face in the national election of 2014. They p

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25

Sudaryanto, Sudaryanto, Soeparno Soeparno, and Lilis Ferawati. "Politics of Language in Indonesia (1975-2015): Study of History and Language Policy." AKSIS: Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 3, no. 1 (2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/aksis.030113.

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Indonesia has a political concept of language that is always updated in a certain period of time. The concept was born from a scientific meeting entitled “Seminar Politik Bahasa Nasional” (1975), “Seminar Politik Bahasa” (1999) and finally, “Seminar Politik Bahasa” (2015). Each scientific meeting produces a concept of language politics that is complementary and updates the previous concept. Furthermore, the concept of language politics is closely related to the implementation of a language policy in Indonesia. The research method used is content analysis. The data sources used are books, docum

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26

Li, Tianqi, and Yi Zhang. "Language and Power: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Political Speech." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 5, no. 4 (2019): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2019.5.4.238.

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27

Ricoeur, Paul. "The Fragility of Political Language." Philosophy Today 31, no. 1 (1987): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday198731117.

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28

Cottam, Richard W., and Bernard Lewis. "The Political Language of Islam." Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (1989): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791654.

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29

Campbell, John C., and Bernard Lewis. "The Political Language of Islam." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 1 (1988): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043750.

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30

Waldman, Marilyn Robinson, and Bernard Lewis. "The Political Language of Islam." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (1991): 1586. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165397.

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31

Weinstein, Brian. "Language Planning and Political Development." Language Problems and Language Planning 12, no. 1 (1988): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.12.1.11bri.

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32

De Schutter, Helder. "Language policy and political philosophy." Language Problems and Language Planning 31, no. 1 (2007): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.31.1.02des.

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This paper provides an overview of the emerging debates over language policy and linguistic diversity within political philosophy. It outlines the larger context of this debate and identifies its protagonists and the main issues at stake in it. In addition, it presents an interpretive scheme for the analysis of the variety of approaches that have so far been developed within this field. This scheme relates these approaches back to two clashes of different language ideologies. The first clash is between instrumentalism and constitutivism. The second clash is between transparency and hybridity.

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33

Gruber, Helmut, and Florian Menz. "Introduction: Language and political change." Journal of Language and Politics 3, no. 2 (2004): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.3.2.02gru.

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34

Pelinka, Anton. "Language as a political category." Journal of Language and Politics 6, no. 1 (2007): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.6.1.09pel.

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The article is based on an understanding that everything in society — including language — is political, at least potentially. For that reason, language must be seen (and analyzed) as a political phenomenon. Language is one of the decisive ‘nation building’ factors among others — sometimes cross-cutting other potentially defining factors. In its identity-building capacity, language is inclusive and exclusive at the very same time. Language has to be seen as one of the most important social (and: therefore political) cleavages. As more and more societies are confronted with ‘multiculturalism’ e

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35

Friedrich, Paul. "Language, Ideology, and Political Economy." American Anthropologist 91, no. 2 (1989): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1989.91.2.02a00010.

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36

Solomos, John. "Political Language and Racial Discourse." European Journal of Intercultural studies 2, no. 1 (1991): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952391910020103.

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37

PATTEN, ALAN. "Political Theory and Language Policy." Political Theory 29, no. 5 (2001): 691–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591701029005005.

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38

Anastassov, Vassil. "Language in Modern Political Theory." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 5, no. 1 (2007): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v05i01/43468.

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39

Wills, Clair. "Language Politics, Narrative, Political Violence." Oxford Literary Review 13, no. 1 (1991): 20–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/olr.1991.003.

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40

Gruber, Helmut. "Political language and textual vagueness." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 3, no. 1 (1993): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.3.1.01gru.

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41

Matsumoto, David, and Hyisung C. Hwang. "The Language of Political Aggression." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 32, no. 3 (2012): 335–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x12460666.

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42

Matsumoto, David, Hyisung C. Hwang, and Mark G. Frank. "Emotional Language and Political Aggression." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 32, no. 4 (2013): 452–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x12474654.

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43

Corbett, Jenny. "Special Language and Political Correctness." British Journal of Special Education 21, no. 1 (2007): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8578.1994.tb00074.x.

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44

Agar, Michael. "Language scenes and political schemas." Journal of Pragmatics 14, no. 1 (1990): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(90)90062-i.

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45

Duile, Timo, and Sukri Tamma. "Political language and fake news." Indonesia and the Malay World 49, no. 143 (2021): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2021.1862496.

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46

Hayati, A. Majid, and Amir Mashhadi. "Language planning and language-in-education policy in Iran." Language Problems and Language Planning 34, no. 1 (2010): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.34.1.02hay.

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This paper explores the effects of different political ideologies on language, using as examples three historical stages and three political periods in the history of Iran, and the differing policies adopted in these eras concerning language and language education. Over the years, political ideologies have served as a barrier as well as a contributor to language use (whether first or foreign) and to language teaching. The paper then turns to explore local language policies and the status of the Persian language in the modern era, focusing particularly on foreign language teaching policies afte

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47

Anastassov, Vassil. "Poetic Function of Language in Political Time and Space: Language, Linguistics and Political Studies." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 6, no. 5 (2008): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v06i05/42431.

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48

Chigasheva, M. A. "Gender political correctness in German (on the material of political leaders public performances)." Philology at MGIMO 23, no. 3 (2020): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-72-79.

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The issue of gender equality is currently being studied on the basis of different languages and from various positions, most intensively from the point of view of language policy. In this case, we are talking about the choice of language tools in oral or written speech that allow to unambiguously reflect gender and the social role of the named person. The word-building capabilities of the German language, in particular suffixation and substantiation, represent a significant potential for creating gender-correct lexical units. The main objective of the study was to identify lexical means of exp

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49

Safran, William. "The contributions of Jean A. Laponce to political science." International Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (2018): 690–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118805358.

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Jean A. Laponce contributed significantly to the study of political science, particularly in the fields of French and comparative politics, pluralism, the meaning of right and left, and the politics of ethnicity and language. His most influential writings focused on the politics of multilingual societies. He examined the place of language from three perspectives: the territorial imperative—a bounded formal space providing safety and dominance for a single language; the problems of nonterritorially based linguistic minorities; and the rivalries and conflicts between languages in contact. Finall

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50

Jantima Angkapanichkit. "Political Campaign Language: Style in Thai Political Campaign Posters." JOURNAL OF KOREAN ASSOCIATION OF THAI STUDIES 23, no. 1 (2016): 301–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22473/kats.2016.23.1.009.

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