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Journal articles on the topic 'Languages in contact – Uganda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Meierkord, Christiane. "Attitudes Towards Exogenous and Endogenous Uses of English: Ugandan’s Judgements of English Structures in Varieties of English." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n1p1.

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Uganda is a former British protectorate, where English has contributed to the country’s linguistic ecology since 1894, when the British established a protectorate over the area of the Buganda kingdom. Over time, Ugandan English has developed as a nativised second language variety, spoken by Uganda’s indigenous population. At the same time, due to migrations, globalisation and the influence of international media and the Internet, its speakers have increasingly been in contact with varieties other than British English: American English, Indian English, Kenyan English, and Nigerian English may all influence Ugandan English. This paper looks at how Ugandan English can be conceptualised as a variety shaped by other varieties. It reports on the results of acceptability tests carried out with 184 informants in the North, the Central and the West of Uganda and discusses how speakers assess individual grammatical structures used in Ugandan English and in those varieties they are potentially in contact with.

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2

Luffin, Xavier. "The influence of Swahili on Kinubi." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29, no. 2 (September 30, 2014): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.29.2.04luf.

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Kinubi, as it is spoken today in Kenya and Uganda, is strongly influenced by Swahili, the two languages having been in contact with each other for more than one century. This influence does not occur in the lexicon alone, but also in the phonology and even the morphology and syntax of Kinubi. Though the analysis of the lexicon and the phonology appear to be rather easy, the possible influence of Swahili on Kinubi morphology and syntax may prove to be may be more problematic. However, this influence may be ‘measured’ through the comparison of Kinubi and Juba Arabic: many features shared by Kinubi and Swahili are not found in Juba Arabic, which tends to show that these expressions come from Swahili. This influence seems to be rather uniform, though Swahili does not occupy the same place in Uganda and Kenya. This fact may be explained by several factors, like the ‘Islamic’ culture of the Nubi, which makes Swahili a language of prestige, even in the community based in Uganda, as well as the permanence of the contact between Nubi communities across the border, including intermarriage and other social factors.

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3

Garrett, Paul B. "Contact languages as “endangered” languages." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 21, no. 1 (May 5, 2006): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.21.1.05gar.

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4

Pert, Viv. "Contact Point: Languages." Physiotherapy 79, no. 5 (May 1993): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0031-9406(10)62110-4.

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5

Pinkster, Harm. "LANGUAGES IN CONTACT." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (April 2004): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.134.

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6

Gonzales, Wilkinson Daniel Wong. "Languages in contact." Asian Englishes 18, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13488678.2016.1193348.

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7

Rottet, Kevin J. "Translation and contact languages." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 63, no. 4 (November 20, 2017): 523–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.63.4.04rot.

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In this study we use a translation corpus of English novels translated into two closely related Celtic languages, Welsh and Breton, as one way of shedding light on the extent to which languages can influence each other over time: Welsh has a long history of contact with English, and Breton with French. Ever since the work of Leonard Talmy (1991, 2000 etc.), linguists have recognized that languages fall into a small number of types with respect to how they prefer to talk about motion events. English is a good exemplar of the satellite-framed type, whereas French exemplifies the verb-framed type. Translation scholars have observed that translating between languages of two different types raises interesting questions (Slobin 2005; Cappelle 2012), and the topic is also of interest from the perspective of language contact: is it possible for a language of one type, in a situation of prolonged and intense bilingualism with a language of another type, to be influenced or perhaps even to change its own rhetorical preferences? The translation corpus provides a body of data which holds constant the starting point – the cue in each case was an English motion event in the source text. We do indeed find that Welsh and Breton have diverged in important ways in terms of their preferences for encoding motion events: Breton is revealed to have moved significantly in the direction of French with respect to these preferences.

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8

Williams, Lars Hedegaard. "Negotiating languages of suffering in northern Uganda." Qualitative Studies 6, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/qs.v6i1.124456.

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Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in northern Uganda, I argue that psychiatric notions of suffering brought into the region by humanitarian intervention programs interact with local concepts of suffering (based in spirit-idioms) in two ways: In some cases, the diagnostic notion of PTSD and its vernacular counterpart “trauma” psychologize the local cosmology, transforming local spirit concepts from social or moral categories, to psychological ones. In other cases, psychiatric discourses hinged around “trauma” become spiritualized or enchanted, where the concept of trauma becomes usurped by and part of local cosmology. In an attempt to understand these processes, I suggest understanding concepts of suffering through their use in social practice and based on pragmatist epistemology. If viewed as a pragmatist concepts, I argue, it becomes possible to understand the social life of concepts of suffering (such as “trauma”) when they become globalized and negotiated in new contexts and social practices.

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9

Mugumya, Levis, and Marianna Visser. "Reporting land conflict in Uganda." International Journal of Language and Culture 2, no. 1 (November 6, 2015): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.2.1.05mug.

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News reporting studies have largely been confined to the Western cultures and languages, yet news reporting in other languages has proliferated throughout the world (Thomson et al. 2008; Thomson & White 2008). This article explores news reporting in Runyankore-Rukiga, an agglutinating Ugandan Bantu language, focusing on land conflict. Assuming the influential discourse-linguistic framework of Appraisal theory and genre theory (Thomson et al. 2008), the article investigates the linguistic expressions of evaluative language in Runyankore-Rukiga across government-oriented and private newspapers. It also examines the properties that constitute Runyankore-Rukiga hard news reports. Although the genre analysis reveals that the structure of Runyankore-Rukiga hard news reports resembles the satellite structure of the English hard news reports as proposed by White (1997), some differences are identified. Not only does the news report unfold in a chronological order, it exhibits a distinct discursive feature that is characterized by anecdotes, metaphors, grim humor, or proverbs in the lead paragraph. This type of introduction does not necessarily capture the gist of the entire report but rather seeks out the reader’s attention. The article further explicates the nature of lexicogrammatical properties of evaluative language that news writers invoke to express attitudes in the news events. The appraisal exploration also examines instances of graduation in which different figures of speech and non-core lexis are invoked to amplify attitudinal values. The article thus extends Appraisal theory analysis to one of only a few African languages examined within this framework, and contributes to the understanding of news reporting in these languages and cultures.

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10

Grant, Anthony P., and Sarah G. Thomason. "Contact Languages: A Wider Perspective." Language 74, no. 3 (September 1998): 631. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417802.

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11

Dal Negro, Silvia. "Language contact and dying languages." Revue française de linguistique appliquée IX, no. 2 (2004): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfla.092.0047.

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12

Clements, J. Clancy, and Shelome Gooden. "Language change in contact languages." Language Change in Contact Languages 33, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.33.2.01cle.

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13

Casey, S. "Making Contact Through Signed Languages." Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education 15, no. 3 (July 30, 2008): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enn029.

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14

Ledegen, Gudrun, and Telma Pereira. "Languages in contact: sociolinguistic perspectives." Gragoatá 26, no. 54 (February 19, 2021): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.v26i54.48792.

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15

King, Kendall A., Vladimir Ivir, and Damir Kalogjera. "Languages in Contact and Contrast: Essays in Contact Linguistics." Language 69, no. 2 (June 1993): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416569.

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16

Agole, David, Connie D. Baggett, Mark A. Brennan, John C. Ewing, Edgar P. Yoder, Sinfree B. Makoni, Matthew D. Beckman, and William Faustine Epeju. "Determinants of Participation of Young Farmers with and without Disability in Agricultural Capacity-building Programs Designed for the Public in Uganda." Sustainable Agriculture Research 10, no. 2 (April 17, 2021): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/sar.v10n2p74.

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Participation of young farmers with disabilities in agricultural capacity-building programs in their communities is important as a poverty reduction strategy for people with disabilities in Uganda. This research study comparatively examined participation of young farmers with and without disabilities in capacity-building programs designed for the public in Northern and Eastern Uganda. The study employed a comparative, mixed methodology, cross-sectional research designs involving 774 young farmers composed of 388 with disabilities and 386 who had no disabilities. The sample selection strategies involved the use of a stratified, and random sampling techniques. This research utilized an interviewer-administered paper survey in collecting data. Descriptive statistics and regression analyses were used in analysing quantitative data. The findings indicate that young farmers with disability and being contacted face-to-face were less likely to participate in community capacity-building programs. In contrast, Northern Uganda, those contacted in a group setting, application of sign language interpretation, being female, and having supportive training staff increased the chances of their participation in community capacity-building programs.

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17

Macías, Reynaldo F. "Bilingualism, Language Contact, and Immigrant Languages." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 10 (March 1989): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500001185.

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This essay covers the literature on bilingualism over the last decade with emphasis on those publications issued between 1985 and 1989. Since this essay must be very selective, it concentrates on English language publications. There has been quite a growth in the descriptive literature of different multilingual areas of the world. This literature has been published in many of the major languages. The selection of publications in English somewhat distorts the distrigution of the literature by region and language, especially the growth of multilingualism-related publications in countries like the Soviet Union and East Germany. Access to some of these works, however, can best be obtained through Linguistics and Language Behavior Abstracts.

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18

Epps, Patience, John Huehnergard, and Na’ama Pat-El. "Introduction: Contact Among Genetically Related Languages." Journal of Language Contact 6, no. 2 (2013): 209–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00602001.

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19

Tria, Francesca, Vito D. P. Servedio, Salikoko S. Mufwene, and Vittorio Loreto. "Modeling the Emergence of Contact Languages." PLOS ONE 10, no. 4 (April 15, 2015): e0120771. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0120771.

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20

Nagy, Naomi. "Heritage languages: a language contact approach." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 41, no. 10 (April 11, 2020): 900–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2020.1749774.

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21

Daneš, František. "People, cultures, and languages in contact." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2000): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.10.2.05dan.

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After decades of isolation, the Czech community is now re-entering the Euro-Atlantic Community. People eagerly accept new things coming from the world, on the other hand, they need to square accounts with the stigmatized experience of the past. The particular moments of this condition remarkably reflect in language, speech and communicative processes. One particular process is the English impact on Czech.

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22

Seguin, Luisa. "Transparency and language contact." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 35, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 218–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00060.seg.

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Abstract When communicating speakers map meaning onto form. It would thus seem obvious for languages to show a one-to-one correspondence between meaning and form, but this is often not the case. This perfect mapping, i.e. transparency, is indeed continuously violated in natural languages, giving rise to zero-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-one opaque correspondences between meaning and form. However, transparency is a mutating feature, which can be influenced by language contact. In this scenario languages tend to evolve and lose some of their opaque features, becoming more transparent. This study investigates transparency in a very specific contact situation, namely that of a creole, Haitian Creole, and its sub- and superstrate languages, Fongbe and French, within the Functional Discourse Grammar framework. We predict Haitian Creole to be more transparent than French and Fongbe and investigate twenty opacity features, divided into four categories, namely Redundancy (one-to-many), Fusion (many-to-one), Discontinuity (one meaning is split in two or more forms,) and Form-based Form (forms with no semantic counterpart: zero-to-one). The results indeed prove our prediction to be borne out: Haitian Creole only presents five opacity features out of twenty, while French presents nineteen and Fongbe nine. Furthermore, the opacity features of Haitian Creole are also present in the other two languages.

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23

Lee, Nala H. "The Status of Endangered Contact Languages of the World." Annual Review of Linguistics 6, no. 1 (January 14, 2020): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011619-030427.

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This article provides an up-to-date perspective on the endangerment that contact languages around the world are facing, with a focus on pidgins, creoles, and mixed languages. While language contact is often associated with language shift and hence language endangerment, languages arising from contact also can and do face the risk of endangerment. Recent observations and studies show that contact languages may be at twice the risk of endangerment and loss compared with noncontact languages. The loss of these languages is highly consequential. The arguments that usually apply to why noncontact languages should be conserved also apply to many of these contact languages. This article highlights recent work on the documentation and preservation of contact languages and suggests that much more can be done to protect and conserve this unique category of languages.

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24

Williams, Jeffrey P., Ernst H. Jahr, and Ingvild Broch. "Language Contact in the Arctic: Northern Pidgins and Contact Languages." Language 75, no. 3 (September 1999): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417063.

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25

Nelde, Peter Hans. "Language Contact." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 15 (March 1995): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002622.

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Regardless of one's gastronomic persuasion, the point of the questions above have nothing to do with food; rather, they have to do with language. Even if a person speaks no German, French or Italian, words like wienerschnitzel, vinaigrette, and cappucino are very likely part of his or her vocabulary, the result of contact between speakers of English and those of other languages, leading to the introduction of foreign words into English. Although this little culinary example is not by itself significant, it does represent a phenomenon that is extremely widespread throughout the world, since contact between speakers of different languages is the rule rather than the exception. Thus, language contact and its consequences constitute a very rich area of linguistic inquiry.

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26

Fashoto, Stephen Gbenga, Gabriel Ogunleye, Patrick Okullu, Akeem Shonubi, and Petros Mashwama. "Development Of A Multilingual System To Improved Automated Teller Machine Functionalities In Uganda." JOIV : International Journal on Informatics Visualization 1, no. 4 (November 4, 2017): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.30630/joiv.1.4.52.

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This paper presented a new multilingual language for Automated Teller Machine (ATM) in Uganda which serves as an extension to the existing Languages. The existing ATMs have only English, Kiswahili and Luganda as the only available languages. Hence, findings revealed that there are still some prevalent languages e.g. Ateso language that are widely spoken among the people of Uganda which the present ATMs in the country have not captured. The objective of this paper was to propose the integration of the new language (Ateso language) to the existing languages. In this paper, a new language was adopted when it was realized that some people especially in the Buganda region could not manage to interact with the ATMs because they were illiterate. The developed multilingual system prototype was tested using some empirical data and was found to successfully imitate ATM transactions in the local Uganda languages. The results of the study supported the positive impacts on customers that reside in the rural areas since its improved interaction of more users on the ATMs. This paper demonstrated the use of Ateso language for different transactions on the ATM system. The implementation by the banking institutions can aid the ATM users to make more flexible decisions on the usage of the ATM machines.

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27

Downing, Laura, Annie Rialland, Jean-Marc Beltzung, Sophie Manus, Cédric Patin, and Kristina Riedel. "Papers from the workshop on Bantu relative clauses." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 53 (January 1, 2010): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.53.2010.388.

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All of the papers in the volume except one (Kaji) take up some aspect of relative clause construction in some Bantu language. Kaji’s paper aims to account for how Tooro (J12; western Uganda) lost phonological tone through a comparative study of the tone systems of other western Uganda Bantu languages. The other papers examine a range of ways of forming relative clauses, often including non-restrictive relatives and clefts, in a wide range of languages representing a variety of prosodic systems.

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28

Pakendorf, Brigitte, Hilde Gunnink, Bonny Sands, and Koen Bostoen. "Prehistoric Bantu-Khoisan language contact." Language Dynamics and Change 7, no. 1 (2017): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00701002.

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Click consonants are one of the hallmarks of “Khoisan” languages of southern Africa. They are also found in some Bantu languages, where they are usually assumed to have been copied from Khoisan languages. We review the southern African Bantu languages with clicks and discuss in what way they may have obtained these unusual consonants. We draw on both linguistic data and genetic results to gain insights into the sociocultural processes that may have played a role in the prehistoric contact. Our results show that the copying of clicks accompanied large-scale inmarriage of Khoisan women into Bantu-speaking communities and took place in situations where the Khoisan communities may have had relatively high prestige. In the Kavango-Zambezi transfrontier region, these events must have occurred at an early stage of the Bantu immigration, possibly because small groups of food producers entering a new territory were dependent on the autochthonous communities for local knowledge.

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29

Mithun, Marianne. "Grammar, Contact and Time." Journal of Language Contact 1, no. 1 (2007): 144–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000007792548378.

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AbstractA continuing issue in work on language contact has been determining the relative borrowability of various structural features. It is easy to imagine, for example, how a tendency to use particular word order patterns in one language might be replicated by bilinguals in another, but difficult to understand how abstract morphological structures could be transferred. When we look at linguistic areas, however, we often find grammatical features shared by genetically unrelated languages that seem unborrowable. Here we consider the importance of adding the dimension of time to investigations into the potential effects of contact. As a point of departure we examine a relatively straightforward example from western North America, a striking parallelism in verbal structure among large numbers of languages indigenous to California. The example illustrates the fact that parallel grammatical structures in neighboring languages need not have been borrowed in their current form. They might instead be the result of an earlier transfer of patterns of expression that set the stage for subsequent parallel developments.

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30

Allwood, Anja. "(Semi)peripheries in contact." STRIDON: Studies in Translation and Interpreting 1, no. 1 (July 7, 2021): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/stridon.1.1.57-77.

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This article widens the perspective of indirect translation (ITr) research by focusing on the range of mediating languages and with a corpus of all indirect translations into a specific language (Swedish) during 2000–2015. The following issues will be described and explained: which languages are used as mediating languages (MLs), what their respective proportions look like, and which possible reasons for using a language other than English as the ML can be identified. The corpus reveals that out of all novels translated into Swedish during the period under study, 1.3% (70 novels) were indirect translations, and out of these 70, more than two thirds have English as the ML. A search into the cases where English has not been used produced a list of suggested reasons regarding the choice of ML. The most often occurring explanation seems to be that no English translation existed, or that such a translation was already indirect.

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31

Ross, Anette. "Estonian Lotfitka Romani and its contact languages." Philologia Estonica Tallinnensis 1, no. 1 (2016): 154–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22601/pet.2016.01.09.

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32

Hagemeijer, Tjerk. "Synchronic and diachronic perspectives on contact languages." Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2008): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/jpl.136.

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33

PARKVALL, MIKAEL. "Access, prestige and losses in contact languages." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 16, no. 4 (May 31, 2013): 746–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728913000278.

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I am generally positive about Muysken's (M) approach, and the potential use of unifying various seemingly related phenomena is obvious. The approach could also serve as a tool in determining to what extent these phenomena actually are sides of the same coin (I am somewhat less convinced of this than most contact linguists).

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34

Watson, WGE. "A.M. Butts (ed.), Semitic Languages in Contact." Journal of Semitic Studies 63, no. 1 (2018): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgx051.

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35

Quint, Nicolas. "Synchronic and Diachronic Perspectives on Contact Languages." Journal of Language Contact 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000010792317947.

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36

Riionheimo, Helka. "Multiple roots of innovations in language contact." On multiple source constructions in language change 37, no. 3 (October 7, 2013): 645–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.37.3.07rii.

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This article approaches the origin of multilingual innovations in language contact by presenting data from an intensive contact situation between two closely related Finnic languages, Finnish and Estonian. This situation between languages that have complex interconnected morphological systems often leads to the emergence of structures that contain material from both languages. The origin of these structures is discussed in the light of two basic assumptions: that in the mind of the bilingual speaker, the elements of the two languages are connected to each other via phonological and semantic or functional similarities and that both languages of the bilingual speaker always remain active and available during speech processing. The simultaneous activation of synonymous, competing elements or patterns is hypothesised to be the cause for the inevitable presence of both language-internal and cross-linguistic forces at the initial stage of language change.

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37

Wurm, Stephen A. "Some contact languages and pidgin and creole languages in the Siberian region." Language Sciences 14, no. 3 (July 1992): 249–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0388-0001(92)90007-2.

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38

Bohnemeyer, Jürgen, Katharine T. Donelson, Randi E. Moore, Elena Benedicto, Alyson Eggleston, Carolyn K. O’Meara, Gabriela Pérez Báez, et al. "The Contact Diffusion of Linguistic Practices." Language Dynamics and Change 5, no. 2 (2015): 169–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00502002.

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We examine the extent to which practices of language use may be diffused through language contact and areally shared, using data on spatial reference frame use by speakers of eight indigenous languages from in and around the Mesoamerican linguistic area and three varieties of Spanish. Regression models show that the frequency of L2-Spanish use by speakers of the indigenous languages predicts the use of relative reference frames in the L1 even when literacy and education levels are accounted for. A significant difference in frame use between the Mesoamerican and non-Mesoamerican indigenous languages further supports the contact diffusion analysis.

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39

Law, Danny. "Inherited similarity and contact-induced change in Mayan Languages." Journal of Language Contact 6, no. 2 (2013): 271–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00602004.

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Similarity has been cited, generally anecdotally, as a significant factor shaping the outcomes of language contact. A detailed investigation of long-term contact among more than a dozen related Lowland Mayan languages has yielded specific examples of contact-induced language changes that, I argue, were facilitated by the systematic similarities shared by these languages because of genetic relatedness. Three factors that seem to have been particularly relevant in the Mayan case are 1) the high degree of overlap in linguistic structure, which would have allowed significant interlingual conflation, the collapsing of language boundaries at points of similarity between the languages, 2) the paradigmatic interchangeability of particular elements of related languages without the need for adaptation or accommodation, which facilitated the borrowing of various kinds of linguistic material, particularly bound morphemes, that in other contexts have been found to be highly resistant to borrowing, and 3) contact-induced drift, parallel secondary developments in more than one language that were triggered by contact-induced innovations but subsequently proceeded along similar paths of change after contact because of the preexisting structural similarities that the languages shared as a result of their common inheritance. I argue that these processes of change are much less likely, if not impossible, in situations of contact between unrelated languages, and suggest specific ways in which contact between genetically related languages can be qualitatively different from contact between unrelated languages.

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40

Bowern, Claire. "Relatedness as a Factor in Language Contact." Journal of Language Contact 6, no. 2 (2013): 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00602010.

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Contact-induced change among related languages has been considered problematic for language reconstruction. In this article, I consider several aspects of the theory of language change and ways in which contact might interact with language relatedness. I show that models of language change which extrapolate dialect-contact models to languages and subgroups are problematic, and fail to take into account the unevenness of degrees of difference between languages across families. That is, diffusability clines that apply to speech communities and dialects do not appear to be in evidence for languages and subgroups. I further show that many claims about relatedness as a factor in language contact are confounded by other factors that are distinct from language relatedness, such as geographical proximity. Claims about effects of language contact appear to reduce to the type of interaction that speakers participate in, rather than structural facts about their languages. I argue that our current toolkit for reconstruction is adequate to identify contact features. Finally, I provide a typology of cases where contact might be expected to be problematic for subgrouping.

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Namukwaya, Harriett. "Beyond Translating French into English: Experiences of a Non-Native Translator." TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 5, no. 1-2 (March 23, 2014): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t9r906.

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This paper documents a non-native translator’s experience in an academic setting, focusing on the challenges of translating different kinds of texts from French into English at the Institute of Languages, Makerere University. Makerere Institute of Languages (MIL) is composed of four clusters: Foreign Languages, African Languages, Communication Skills and Secretarial Studies, Service Courses and Soft Skills (Wagaba 97). The services offered include teaching language skills and culture to university students and the general public; communication skills to people who want to improve in English, French, German, Arabic, Swahili and local languages; and translation and interpretation in the languages mentioned above. These services are offered at this institute because there is no other well-recognised institution in Uganda that engages in translation or interpretation, yet there is always a big demand for them. The emphasis in this study is on teachers of French who also render translation services to a wide range of clients at the Institute of Languages. The main focus is on the experiences and opinions of non-native translators. The aim is to highlight the challenges a non-native translator encounters in the process of translating different categories of documents from French into English for purposes of validation of francophone students’ academic documents and their placement in Uganda universities, verification of academic qualification of teachers from francophone countries who come to Uganda in search of teaching jobs, and mutual understanding at international conferences held in Uganda whose delegates come from francophone countries. Selected texts will be critically examined to illustrate the specific challenges a non-native speaker encounters while translating from and into a language or languages which are not his/her first language or mother tongue. The paper deals with the following questions: What does the process of translating involve? What are the challenges encountered? Does every fluent French language teacher qualify to be a competent translator? What factors determine ‘competence’ in translation? What are the limitations faced in an academic setting? The discussion is based on the premise that competence in translation requires linguistic and intercultural competence, among other competencies. The outcome contributes to the understanding that translation in any setting is ultimately a human activity, which enables human beings to exchange information and enhance knowledge transfer regardless of cultural and linguistic differences.

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Zima, Petr. "Why Languages and Contacts?" Journal of Language Contact 1, no. 1 (2007): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000007792548297.

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AbstractContacts of human beings using the available codes in definable contact communication situations/models is analytically distinguished from interference of language systems; the former being the object of the anthropology of communication, the latter being in the focus of linguistics. An attempt at a typology is presented for both complexes, in this paper.Contacts of speakers are classified according to their intensity/quantity, their quality, and their stratification. Interference types of language systems are classified in terms of their intensity/quantity, and their quality. These general typologies are illustrated by data available from different contact and interference areas and/or language structures current in Europe or Sub-Saharan Africa.

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Childs, G. Tucker. "Expressiveness in Contact Situations." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1994): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.9.2.03chi.

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Typically not the focus of linguistic analysis, the expressive function nonetheless represents a core linguistic behavior. Throughout Africa, ideo-phones robustly manifest that function. When adult speakers learn and begin to use a second language, particularly in contact situations with limited L2 input, they often draw on structures and resources from L1. These facts suggest that when languages with ideophones serve as the substrate for a contact language, ideophones will be found in that new language, as is the case for, e.g., Krioulo (Guinea Bissau), Krio (Sierra Leone), and Liberian English. Yet, not all African contact languages possess ideophones. This paper characterizes the distribution of ideophones in pidgins, Creoles, and other contact varieties.

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Winford, Donald. "Some Issues in the Study of Language Contact." Journal of Language Contact 1, no. 1 (2007): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000007792548288.

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AbstractThis paper provides an overview of various approaches to contact-induced change, and assesses their contribution to a unified theory of the processes involved in such change, and the outcomes they produce. I argue that clarification of the terminology and classifications we apply to contact languages can lead to better understanding of the types of contact languages, and the kinds of process that produce them. I further suggest that van Coetsem's framework offers a more uniform terminology and classification, and that it clarifies the distinction between the two major transfer types involved in contact induced change – borrowing via recipient language agentivity, and imposition via source language agentivity. Failure to distinguish these two mechanisms accurately has negative implications for our understanding of the processes by which various contact languages are created. I apply this model to two broad categories of contact languages, bilingual mixed languages, and creoles, and I argue that the differences in transfer type identified by Van Coetsem correspond to differences in the language production processes underlying the two broad types of contact-induced change. Finally, I suggest that psycholinguistic models of language or speech production can contribute significantly to our understanding of the different processes involved in the creation of different types of contact languages.

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Maraffino, Rossella. "Progressive periphrases in language contact." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 74, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2021-1025.

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Abstract In this paper, I will deal with the diffusion pattern of the progressive periphrases (PROGPER) attested in the minority languages that are present in the areas of Swiss Grisons, Trentino-Alto Adige and Friulian Carnia. I will individualize on the one hand the vectors of diffusion between the standard languages and the minority varieties; on the other hand, I will explain the mechanism of adaptation or re-elaboration of the borrowed structure in the replica language. Finally, I will pinpoint which of this structure replication seems to be the result of an internal development witnessed in the Alpine area.

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Campbell, Lyle. "Language Contact and Linguistic Change in the Chaco." Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica 5, no. 2 (October 25, 2013): 259–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/rbla.v5i2.16268.

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The goals of this paper are to examine several aspects oflanguage contact involving languages of the Chaco region. More specifically,I discuss changes that are unexpected in situations of intensive contact; Iconsider possible explanations for resistance to lexical borrowing; I addressthe implications of language contact in these Chaco languages for claims aboutchange in language contact situations in general; I evaluate claims regardingmixed languages in the region; and I investigate diffused linguistic traits in theChaco and determine whether the Chaco is a linguistic area.

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Fernandes, C. "Languages in Contact: European Portuguese Meets Austrian German." Todas as Letras: Revista de Língua e Literatura 18, no. 1 (April 29, 2016): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15529/1980-6914/letras.v18n1p48-59.

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Holm, John. "Languages in Contact. The Partial Restructuring of Vernaculars." Romanische Forschungen 119, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 405–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3196/003581207781887528.

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Künnap, Ago. "The Western Contact Field of the Uralic Languages." Mankind Quarterly 45, no. 3 (2005): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.2005.45.3.5.

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Bradshaw, Joel. "Evidence of Contact between Binanderean and Oceanic Languages." Oceanic Linguistics 56, no. 2 (2017): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ol.2017.0019.

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