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Journal articles on the topic 'Langue bantou'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Mangulu, Motingea. "Esquisse de l'egbuta une langue en passe d'extinction." Studies in African Linguistics 32, no. 2 (June 15, 2003): 26–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v32i2.107343.

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L' egbuta dont les elements de grammaire et de lexique sont presentes dans la presente etude est une langue bantoue parlee par un petit groupe enclave par les Ababoa et les Bendza en Territoire d' Aketi dans la Province Orientale, mais dont quelques villages debordent sur I'Equateur. Sa structure suggere qu' il peut etre rattache aux parlers budza (bantou C.37) ou a l'ebango (C.44) et qu'il est en train d'etre influence par les langues environnantes, surtout par Ie lingala, la langue commerciale de I' ouest du pays. Les transformations que subit cette langue se justifient certes par Ie faible effectif de ses locuteurs. Les facteurs les plus determinants pour son extinction sont Ie commerce, I' administration et I' action exercee par un systeme educatif organise depuis I' epoque coloniale en lingala. Sur Ie plan de la linguistique historique pourtant, la langue des Egbuta est peut-etre a ranger parmi les plus anciennes du bassin de l'Itimbiri, region qui fut troublee par la penetration des Ngombe.

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2

Hyman, Larry M., and Jeri Moxley. "The Morpheme in Phonological Change." Diachronica 13, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.13.2.04hym.

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SUMMARY This paper addresses a potential problem for the Neogrammarian hypothesis of strict phonetic conditioning of primary sound change and the specific claim by Kiparsky (1973:75) that 'no sound change can depend on morpheme boundaries'. In many Bantu languages *k and *g are palatalized before front vowels only if the velar consonant is morpheme-initial. In order to explain this unusual morphological restriction, an extensive study was undertaken of velar palatalization throughout the Bantu zone of approximately 500 languages. Bantu languages that palatalize velars were found to fall into one of five types, which are systematically related to each other by the nature of environments in which velar palatalization takes place. The morpheme-initial restriction on velar palatalization is shown to result from analogical extensions of the original sound change based on its distribution within Bantu morphology. While the initial sound change is shown to be regular in the Neogrammarian sense, the morphological determinism that we document in this paper shows that speakers may exploit morpheme-based distributions in shaping the direction of phonological change. RÉSUMÉ Dans cet article les auteurs traitent d'un problème potentiel pour l'hypothèse néogrammairienne selon laquelle tout changement des sons doit être conditionné de façon strictement phonétique et également pour la proposition explicite de Kiparsky (1973:75) selon laquelle 'aucun changement phonétique ne pouvait dépasser une frontière morphologique'. Dans beaucoup de langues bantoues, *k and *g sont palatalisés devant les voyelles antérieures seulement si la consonne vélaire se trouve ä l'initial d'un morphème. Pour expliquer cette restriction morphologique inattendue, une étude détaillée a été entreprise de la palatalisation des vélaires ä travers l'ensemble de la zone bantoue (environ 500 langues). Les langues bantoues qui palatalisent les vélaires se répartissent en cinq types différents qui sont systématiquement reliés par la nature des contextes dans lesquels la palatalisation a lieu. Cette étude montre que la restriction du processus ä l'initial d'un morphème résulte d'extensions analogiques du changement phonétique original basées sur sa distribution dans la morphologie bantoue. Bien que le changement phonétique original soit 'régulier' dans le sens néogrammarien, le déterminisme morphologique que documentent les auteurs dans cet article montrent que les locuteurs d'une langue peuvent exploiter les distributions des sons dans les morphèmes pour façonner la direction ultérieure des changements phonologiques. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Dieser Aufsatz betrifft gleichzeitig die junggrammatische Hypothese von der strikten phonetischen Bedingtheit ursprùnglichen Lautwandels und die besondere Behauptung Kiparskys, daB 'kein Lautwandel von einer Morphem-grenze abhängig sein könne' (1973:75). In vielen Bantu-Sprachen werden *k and *g vor Frontvokalen palatalisiert, jedoch nur dann, wenn der velare Kon-sonant am Anfang des Morphems steht. Um dièse ungewöhliche morpholo-gische Einschränkung zu erklären, wurde eine detaillierte Studie der velaren Palatalisierung durch ein Bantu-Gebiet von etwa 500 Sprachen unternom-men. Bantu-Sprachen, die Palatalisierung aufweisen, erwiesen sich als einem von fünf Typen zugehörig, und zwar jeweils untereinander systematisch in der Weise verwandt, wie die Umgebung beschaffen ist, in welcher velare Palatalisierung stattfindet. So zeigte es sich, daB die morphem-initiale Einschränkung solcher Palatalisierungen als das Ergebnis einer analogischen Erweiterung eines ursprünglichen Lautwandels zu sehen ist, die ihre Grund-lage in der Distribution innerhalb der Bantu-Morphologie hat. Wenngleich es zutrifft, daB der erste Lautwandel im junggrammatischen Sinne gleichmaßig sich vollzog, so zeigt es sich, daB die hier nachgewiesene morphologische Bestimmtheit deutlich macht, daB die Sprecher diese auf dem Morphem ba-sierenden Distributionen in Richtung eines phonologischen Wandels aus-nutzen können.

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3

Mberamihigo, Ferdinand, Gilles-Maurice De Schryver, and Koen Bostoen. "Entre modalité et conditionnalité." Studies in African Linguistics 49, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i2.125887.

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In the Bantu language Kirundi (JD62), the verbal prefix oo- has traditionally been described as either conditional or potential. In this article, we show by means of a corpus-based analysis of its uses that it is first and foremost a modal prefix, and its conditional use is only a secondary development. Dans la langue bantoue kirundi (JD62), le préfixe verbal oo‑ a été décrit comme un marqueur soit du conditionnel, soit du potentiel. Dans cet article, nous montrons à partir d’une analyse de corpus qu’il est avant tout un préfixe modal et que son usage comme marque du conditionnel n’est qu’un développement secondaire

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4

Donzo, Jean-Pierre Bunza. "Langues bantoues de l’entre Congo-Ubangi (RD Congo): documentation, reconstruction, classification et contacts avec les langues oubanguiennes." Afrika Focus 28, no. 1 (February 26, 2015): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02801008.

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This PhD thesis consists of the documentation, reconstruction and classification of ten Bantu langages (bolondó, bonyange, ebudzá, ebwela, libóbi, lingͻmbε, mondóngó, monyͻngͻ, mosángé, págaɓéte) spoken in the geographical area between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers in the northwestern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study examines the interaction between these languages and seven neighboring Ubangian languages (gbánzírí, gͻbú, maɓó, mbānzā, monzͻmbͻ, ngbandi, ngbaka-mīnāgendē). By means of a lexicostatistical study which determines the degree of lexical similarity between the languages under study, a phylogenetic classification has been established which integrates these languages in the larger sample of 401 Bantu languages used by Grollemund et al. (2015). This quantitative approach has generated Neighbor-Net and Neighbor-Joining networks as well as Bayesian trees, which indicate the internal sub-groups of the Bantu family in general, and more specifically of the Bantu languages of the central Congo basin to which the Bantu languages spoken between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers belong. Subsequently, we have undertaken a descriptive and comparative study of the those languages as well as a study of regular sound correspondances with regard to Proto-Bantu. They possess certain foreign phonemes that have not been reconstructed to Proto-Bantu, such as implosives and labiovelar stops, which have the status of distinct phonemes. The study of these specific sounds suggests that they were borrowed from the neighboring Ubangian languages. The lexical comparison also revealed an interaction between Bantu and Ubangian languages. Certain lexical borrowings were transferred from Bantu to Ubangian, while others moved in the opposite direction. Through the comparative method, we have obtained a phonological reconstruction of the hypothetical ancestor language of these langues. This Proto-Congo-Ubangi Bantu split into two sub-branches, i.e. Proto-Congo Bantu and Proto-Ubangi Bantu.

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5

Donzo Bunza, Jean-Pierre. "L'idéophone en Ebwela, langue Bantoue du nord-ouest de la RD Congo." Studies in African Linguistics 43, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v43i1.107267.

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Partant de la définition proposée par (Doke, 1935) de l’idéophone comme représentation vivante d’une idée en sons, nous décrivons, dans cet article, les aspects phonologiques, morphologiques et syntaxiques des mots idéophoniques en Ebwela, langue bantu (C42), d’un peuple minoritaire habitant quelques villages dans le territoire de Lisala, au nord-ouest de la RD Congo. Nos analyses indiquent que l’idéophone, dans cette langue, n’appartient pas à une catégorie spécifique, pour la simple raison qu’il prend selon l’emploi des préfixes de classe et peut se réinterpréter en substantif, adjectif ou verbe.

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6

Baka, Jean. "Definition de L’adjectif en Langues Bantu." Afrika Focus 14, no. 1 (February 11, 1998): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-01401007.

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Definition of the Adjective in Bantu Languages In Bantu, as in other language groups, the definition of the adjective depends on the type of criteria that one uses. Some authors make use of morphological criteria, some of syntactic criteria and others of semantic criteria. From this variety of criteria there follows a diversity of definitions. One can reach, nevertheless, a more appropriate definition, by having recourse to the whole set of possible criteria but giving primacy to the syntactic ones. Such definition allows us – on the one hand – to bypass the dichotomy between nouns and pronouns which is founded on a purely morphological criterion « the form of the prefix » and – on the other hand – to restrict the meaning of the word 'adjective' to a purely semantic notion.

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7

Makasso, Emmanuel-Moselly. "Processus de relativisation en bàsàa: de la syntaxe à la prosodie." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 53 (January 1, 2010): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.53.2010.396.

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Cet article propose une réflexion sur la manière dont la langue bàsàa (Bantu A 43 parlée au Cameroun) exprime la relativisation. En l’absence d’une classe grammaticale de pronoms relatifs la langue utilise la classe des démonstratifs. La stratégie démonstrative mise en place peut selon les cas, associer la classe des locatifs pour déterminer les degrés de définitude. La langue distingue également les relatives restrictives des relatives non-restrictives qui sont soit descriptives, soit emphatiques. Du point de vue prosodique, la fin de la relative en bàsàa coïncide avec une finale de Groupe Intonatif. This article provides a sketch of the morphosyntax and prosody of relative clauses in Bàsàa, a Bantu language (A 43) spoken in Cameroon. The language does not have a class of relative pronouns like French or English. Rather, the language borrows from the demonstrative class to form relatives. Also, the language can involve locatives in the demonstrative strategy to express relative definiteness. Two varieties of relatives can be found in Bàsàa: restrictive relatives and non-restrictive relatives, which can be descriptive or emphatic. Prosodically, we find an Intonational Phrase boundary at the end of the relative clause.

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8

Rekanga, Jean-Paul. "Les réflexes du protobantou en myene-nkomi, langue bantoue du Gabon." Africana Linguistica 11, no. 1 (1994): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aflin.1994.951.

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9

Ngom, Gilbert. "L'égyptien et les langues bantu : Le cas du duala." Présence Africaine 149-150, no. 1 (1989): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.149.0214.

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10

MONTLAHUC, Marie-Laure. "La classe 15 en chaga, langue bantu du nord de la Tanzanie." Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 91, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bsl.91.1.2002524.

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11

Paulian, Christianne. "La dérivation verbale dans une langue bantu atypique : le cas du küküa." Faits de langues 6, no. 11 (1998): 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/flang.1998.1221.

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12

Ingouacka, Guy-Cyr, and Eugène Shimamungu. "Représentation du temps en bantu. Système comparé du lingala et du kinyarwanda." Revue québécoise de linguistique 23, no. 2 (April 29, 2009): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/603092ar.

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RÉSUMÉ Le kinyarwanda et le lingala, l’un vernaculaire, l’autre véhiculaire, sont représentatifs respectivement d’un système complexe et d’un système réduit parmi les langues bantu. Le système du lingala, basé sur l’expression de l’aspect, oppose les formes qui expriment le révolu à celles qui expriment le non-révolu (absence/présence du morphème |(-)ko-|. Le système du kinyarwanda oppose, quant à l’expression du temps, les formes hypothétiques (infinitif, optatif et potentiel) qui ne peuvent exprimer que le présent et le futur, à la forme thétique, l’indicatif, qui peut exprimer, en plus du présent et du futur, le passé. Il apparaît que, du plus au moins complexe, le système fondamental commun aux deux langues reste basé sur un schème binaire d’oppositions : actuel/virtuel, révolu/non-révolu, sans position intermédiaire.

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13

Rugero, Nkiko Munya, and Kabange Mukala. "Hypothese du morpheme verbal discontinu -id-e." Studies in African Linguistics 18, no. 3 (December 1, 1987): 299–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v18i3.107472.

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ide tel que reconstitue en Le morpheme polyphonique proto-bantu comme marque verbale du passe de l'indicatif apparait dans beaucoup de langues bantu actuelles sous une forme dont Ie comportement auto rise la segmentation en deux elements discontinus -id-e Le kizeela en fournit la meilleure verification avec l'insertion de l'extension passive sans qu'il soit neanmoins possible d'attribuer une quelconque signification a chacun des et -e pris isolement. elements ainsi degages -ld-1.

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14

Batumona Adi, Gilbert Kadima. "Etude de la néologie terminologique en Bantu: cas de la cilubalisation des termes français des équipements et matériels de bureau." Afrika Focus 26, no. 1 (February 26, 2013): 108–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02601009.

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« L’étude de la néologie terminologique en bantu », à laquelle nous avons done consacré notre thèse de doctorat en langues et cultures africaines, a eu pour point de départ des observations passives mais soutenues que nous avons faites sur de nombreux cas en rapport avec le recours aux technologies occidentales à des fins de modernisation d’un secteur de la vie socioculturelle au Congo-Kinshasa : l’administration publique. Ces technologies occidentales non localisées et fonctionnant dans leurs langues d’origine, connaissent à leur arrivée en République démocratique du Congo une situation de sous-utilisation essentiellement due à une carence terminologique dont font montre Jes langues de ce pays d’accueil, lesquelles (langues) ne sont pas suffisamment aptes à prendre les (technologies) en charge. Nous fondant sur de riches enseignements issus de l’analyse de cene situation atypique, dans la problématique de notre thèse, nous avons fait un constat que cene modernisation de l’administration assistée avec le recours aux technologies d’importation pose, en République démocratique du Congo, un réel problème deportée organisationnelle, économique et linguistique à la fois. Les raisons qui motivent ces conclusions sont fondées sur le fait que parmi de nombreuses difficultés qu’éprouvent les utilisateurs congolais de ces technologies, figurent non seulement des difficultés de savoir en faire usage, mais également celles de trouver des termes appropriés, susceptibles de les nommer dans leurs prop res langues. C’est dans ce contexte que nous avons relevé le lien entre l’économie et la linguistique et partant de cene dernière discipline, nous avons également découvert la nécessite d’une recherche néonymique devant aboutir à l’elaboration d’un outil lexicographique ou terminologique multilingue, susceptible de soutenir les utilisateurs cibles quant aux efforts d’appropriation de ces technologies dans leurs propres langues.

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15

Botne, Robert. "The Pronominal Origin of an Evidential." Diachronica 12, no. 2 (January 1, 1995): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.12.2.03bot.

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SUMMARY Evidentials most commonly arise from reduced or reanalyzed verbs or tensed verb forms, particularly from performative verbs of saying or hearing. However, in a few seemingly rare examples, this is not the case. In this paper the author presents the case of two evidential particles —ambo and ampo — found in the Pangi variety of Lega, a Bantu language spoken in eastern Zaire. A diachronic analysis is proposed in which it is argued that ambo has derived from a third person personal pronoun. While the case of ampo is not as clear, it is proposed that it, too, ultimately derived from the same third person pronoun, but came into the Pangi variety of Lega via borrowing. RÉSUMÉ Les formes 'évidentiares' proviennent généralement des formes verbales réduites ou re-analysées, surtout des verbes performatifs de dire et de ouïr. Cependant, dans des exemples assez rares, ceci n'est pas le cas. Dans l'article actuel l'auteur présent le cas de deux particules 'évidentiares' — ambo et ampo — qui se trouvent dans le dialecte Pangi du Lega, langue bantoue de l'est du Zaire. Il propose une analyse diachronique dans laquelle ambo provient d'un pronom personnel de la troisième personne du pluriel. Bien que le cas de ampo n'est pas aussi clair, on propose que cette forme provient également du même pronom, mais à travers un emprunt. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Sog. 'Evidentiale' rühren von reduzierten oder reanalysierten Verbalfor-men oder Zeitverben her, insbesondere performativen, die sagen oder hören zum Inhalt haben. Bei einigen, scheinbar seltenen Beispielen ist dies jedoch nicht der Fall. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz werden zwei Evidentialpartikel vor-geführt —ambo und ampo — die in Pangi, einem Dialekt des Lega, einer Bantu-Sprache des östlichen Zaire zu finder ist. Der Autor schlägt eine diachronische Analyse vor, derzufolge ambo von einem Personalpronomen der 3. Person stammt. Obgleich der Fall von ampó nicht vollends klar ist, wird doch vorgeschlagen, daß auch diese Form denselben Ursprung hat, auch wenn sie durch Entlehung ins Pangi gelangt war.

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16

Nzang Bie, Yolande. "La dérivation causative dans les langues bantu du groupe A 70." Africana Linguistica 14, no. 1 (2008): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aflin.2008.1051.

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17

Teil-Dautrey, Gisèle. "Et si le proto-bantu était aussi une langue … avec ses contraintes et ses déséquilibres." Diachronica 25, no. 1 (May 14, 2008): 54–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.1.04tei.

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This article aims to define the phonological structure of Proto-Bantu lexical units on the basis of frequencies of reconstructed consonant co-occurrences. Starting from the main reconstructions given in BLR3, I present evidence for the presence of unexpected frequencies indicating imbalances in two directions. Certain consonant co-occurrences have not been reconstructed, essentially consonants sharing the same place of articulation and differing by only one feature, either voicing or nasality. These “gaps” in the proto-lexicon turn out to correspond to more general constraints that tend, on the one hand, towards the differentiation of place of articulation and, on the other hand, on agreement in voicing and nasality. However, in cases where *C1 and *C2 share the same place of articulation, Proto-Bantu seems to prefer identity over similarity. In looking to establish a link between the phonotactic constraints of the mother language and those of daughter languages, the latter take different directions, either a direction identical to that of the mother language, or a divergent one. In the reconstructions, the constraints on the nasality feature show similarities to those present in contemporary languages: Ganda has extended the constraint reconstructed for alveolars to all co-occurrences between a voiced stop and a nasal with the same place of articulation. However, the constraints on voicing generated by the dissimilation rule known as Dahl’s Law go in a divergent direction. I bring support here for the view that Dahl’s Law is in fact a daughter-language innovation. Furthermore, I show that this innovation was probably induced by the imbalances of the mother language; the rule fills Proto-Bantu distributional gaps. Finally, I discuss the implications of this study for the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP).

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18

Coupez, A. "Alternances tonales en sanga (Bantou L35)." Études offertes à Karel van den EyndeÉtudes offertes à Karel van den Eynde 97-98 (January 1, 1992): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/itl.97-98.03cou.

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19

Crane, Thera Marie, and Bastian Persohn. "What’s in a Bantu verb? Actionality in Bantu languages." Linguistic Typology 23, no. 2 (July 26, 2019): 303–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2019-0017.

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Abstract The lexical and phrasal dimensions of aspect and their interactions with morphosyntactic aspectual operators have proved difficult to model in Bantu languages. Bantu actional types do not map neatly onto commonly accepted categorizations of actionality, although these are frequently assumed to be universal and based on real-world event typologies. In this paper, we describe important characteristics and major actional distinctions attested across Bantu languages. These, we argue, include complex lexicalizations consisting of a coming-to-be phase, the ensuing state change, and the resultant state; sub-distinctions of coming-to-be phases, and other issues of phasal quality. Despite these fine-grained distinctions in phasal structure and quality, evidence for a principled distinction between activity- and accomplishment-like predicates is mixed. We review the current state of evidence for these characteristics of Bantu actionality and sketch methodological directions for future research.

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20

Bostoen, Koen. "Bantu Spirantization." Diachronica 25, no. 3 (December 9, 2008): 299–356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.3.02bos.

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This paper examines the irregular application of the sound change commonly known as ‘Bantu Spirantization (BS)’ — a particular type of assibilation — in front of certain common Bantu morphemes. This irregularity can to a large extent be explained as the result of the progressive morphologization (through ‘dephonologization’) and lexicalization to which the sound shift was exposed across Bantu. The interaction with another common Bantu sound change, i.e. the 7-to-5-vowel merger, created the conditions necessary for the morphologization of BS, while analogy played an important role in its blocking and retraction from certain morphological domains. Differing morpho-prosodic constraints are at the origin of the varying heteromorphemic conditioning of BS. These uneven morphologization patterns, especially before the agentive suffix -i, were entrenched in the lexicon thanks to the lexicalization of agent nouns. The typology of Agent Noun Spirantization (ans) developed in this paper not only contributes to a better understanding of the historical processes underlying the varying patterns of BS morphologization and lexicalization, but also to internal Bantu classification. The different ANS types are geographically distributed in such a way that they allow to distinguish major Bantu subgroups. From a methodological point of view, this article thus shows how differential morphologization and lexicalization patterns can be used as tools for historical classification.

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21

Philippson, Gérard. "Evolution des systèmes prosodiques dans les langues bantu : de la typologie à la diachronie." Faits de langues 6, no. 11 (1998): 429–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/flang.1998.1225.

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22

Koni Muluwa, Joseph, and Koen A. G. Bostoen. "La diphtongaison dans les langues bantu B70-80 (Bandundu, RDC) : typologie et classification historique." Africana Linguistica 18, no. 1 (2012): 355–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aflin.2012.1015.

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23

Finlayson, Rosalie. "Southern-Bantu origins." South African Journal of African Languages 7, no. 2 (January 1987): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1987.10586684.

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24

Childs, G. Tucker, and Francis Katamba. "Bantu Phonology and Morphology." Language 73, no. 4 (December 1997): 897. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417369.

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25

Hyman, Larry M. "Moraic mismatches in Bantu." Phonology 9, no. 2 (August 1992): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001603.

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Research in moraic phonology has generally assumed that a single representation is sufficient to account for all phonological rules dependent on moraic structure (Hock 1984; Hyman 1984, 1985; McCarthy & Prince 1986; Zec 1988; Hayes 1989). Thus, if a CVC syllable has the moraic structure in (1), all phonological rules will treat it as bimoraic. I term this the MORAIC UNIQUENESS HYPOTHESIS: at any given stage of a derivation, there is only one moraic projection.

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26

Ntiranyibagira, Constantin, and Alice Rwamo. "L'insécurité linguistique chez les locuteurs du kirundi." Revista Odisseia 4, no. 2 (July 24, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21680/1983-2435.2019v4n2id17851.

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Dans cet article, nous analysons, à l’aide de la méthode qualitative et sur base des alternances intranominales et intraverbales, les effets linguistiques et sociolinguistiques de l’insécurité linguistique (en français, en kiswahili, et en anglais) chez les locuteurs du kirundi (langue Bantu synthétique à tons et à quantité vocalique appartenant au Groupe D. 62 de la Zone centrale). Les données ont été recueillies dans les trois communes que compte la ville de Bujumbura, capitale du Burundi (Ntahangwa, Mukaza, Muha). Il s’agit d’un corpus constitué de dix (10) sortes de conversations, enregistrées discrètement auprès des kirundiphones issus des milieux socioprofessionnels différents et variés. Il a été remarqué que la sauvegarde ou la modification partielle des éléments empruntés donnent lieu à une adaptation limitée, une hypoadaptation, et une hyperadaptation. En plus, l’usage des hybrides langagiers en question est forcé ou prestigieux, parfois abusif et/ou erroné.

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27

Sévry, Jean. "Registres, niveaux de langue et manipulations idéologiques : à propos de traductions de Chaka, une épopée bantoue de Thomas Mofolo." Palimpsestes, no. 10 (September 1, 1996): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/palimpsestes.1515.

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28

Carstens, Vicki. "Hyperactivity and Hyperagreement in Bantu." Lingua 121, no. 5 (April 2011): 721–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2010.11.001.

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Diercks, Michael. "Parameterizing Case: Evidence from Bantu." Syntax 15, no. 3 (December 29, 2011): 253–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9612.2011.00165.x.

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30

Pakendorf, Brigitte, Hilde Gunnink, Bonny Sands, and Koen Bostoen. "Prehistoric Bantu-Khoisan language contact." Language Dynamics and Change 7, no. 1 (2017): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00701002.

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Click consonants are one of the hallmarks of “Khoisan” languages of southern Africa. They are also found in some Bantu languages, where they are usually assumed to have been copied from Khoisan languages. We review the southern African Bantu languages with clicks and discuss in what way they may have obtained these unusual consonants. We draw on both linguistic data and genetic results to gain insights into the sociocultural processes that may have played a role in the prehistoric contact. Our results show that the copying of clicks accompanied large-scale inmarriage of Khoisan women into Bantu-speaking communities and took place in situations where the Khoisan communities may have had relatively high prestige. In the Kavango-Zambezi transfrontier region, these events must have occurred at an early stage of the Bantu immigration, possibly because small groups of food producers entering a new territory were dependent on the autochthonous communities for local knowledge.

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31

Carstens, Vicki. "Agree and Epp in Bantu." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 23, no. 2 (May 2005): 219–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-004-0996-6.

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Pietraszko, Asia. "Auxiliary vs INFL in Bantu." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 36, no. 1 (July 12, 2017): 265–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-017-9373-0.

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33

Van de Velde, Mark L. O. "The Bantu relative agreement cycle." Linguistics 59, no. 4 (June 23, 2021): 981–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0113.

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Abstract This article presents the Bantu relative agreement (BRA) cycle, a scenario of recurrent morphosyntactic change that involves the emergence of relativizers, which are subsequently integrated into the relative verb form, where they can ultimately replace the original subject agreement prefix. All logical outcomes at every stage of the cycle are amply attested in the languages of the Bantu family. The BRA cycle makes sense of many of the puzzling characteristics of relative clause constructions in the Bantu languages, especially in the domain of agreement.

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Ondondo, Emily Ayieta. "Long Vowels and Nasal-consonant Sequences in Kisa." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2018): 1329. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0810.11.

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Nasal Consonant (NC) sequences, in Bantu languages, and the long vowels preceding them remains a puzzle in Bantu literature and research. This paper provides a descriptively oriented analysis of the relationship between long vowels and nasal consonant sequences in Kisa, a dialect of Luhya, a Bantu language spoken in Khwisero Constituency Western Province, Kenya. The data used in this paper was generated by the author as a native speaker of Kisa. The central descriptive fact is that NC sequences in words consisting of native Kisa morphemes are usually, but not obligatorily, preceded by long vowels. As such, NC sequences usually appear as part of an overall VVNC sequence. This pattern is widely found in Bantu languages, and the modelling of this preference for VVNC sequences has been a significant topic in phonological research on Bantu languages. Kisa provides evidence against the predominant analysis of the VVNC preference in Bantu- compensatory lengthening. The paper shows that compensatory lengthening does not provide a well-motivated analysis of Kisa.

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35

Good, Jeff. "Reconstructing morpheme order in Bantu." Diachronica 22, no. 1 (July 29, 2005): 3–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.22.1.02goo.

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The morphological ordering relationships among a set of valence-changing suffixes found throughout the Bantu family have been of theoretical interest in a number of synchronic studies of the daughter languages. However, few attempts have yet been made to reconstruct the principles governing their ordering in the parent language. Based on a survey of over thirty Bantu languages, this paper proposes a reconstruction wherein the order of suffixes marking causativization and applicativization was fixed in Proto-Bantu. This reconstruction runs counter to approaches to morphosyntax where semantic scope is taken to determine the order of morphemes but is consistent with templatic approaches to morpheme ordering in the Bantu family.

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Henderson, Brent. "Agreement, locality, and OVS in Bantu." Lingua 121, no. 5 (April 2011): 742–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2010.11.002.

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van der Wal, Jenneke. "Evidence for abstract Case in Bantu." Lingua 165 (October 2015): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2015.07.004.

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Childs, George Tucker. "Theoretical Aspects of Bantu Tone (review)." Language 77, no. 1 (2001): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2001.0005.

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Henderson, Brent. "Multiple agreement and inversion in bantu." Syntax 9, no. 3 (December 2006): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9612.2006.00093.x.

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40

Dom, Sebastian, Gilles-Maurice de Schryver, and Koen Bostoen. "Kisikongo (Bantu, H16a) present-future isomorphism." Journal of Historical Linguistics 10, no. 2 (August 21, 2020): 251–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.18030.dom.

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Abstract The North-Angolan Bantu language Kisikongo has a present tense (Ø-R-ang-a; R = root) that is morphologically more marked than the future tense (Ø-R-a). We reconstruct how this typologically uncommon tense-marking feature came about by drawing on both historical and comparative evidence. Our diachronic corpus covers four centuries that can be subdivided in three periods, viz. (1) mid-17th, (2) late-19th/early-20th, and (3) late-20th/early-21st centuries. The comparative data stem from several present-day languages of the “Kikongo Language Cluster.” We show that mid-17th century Kisikongo had three distinct constructions: Ø-R-a (with present progressive, habitual and generic meaning), Ø-R-ang-a (with present habitual meaning), and ku-R-a (with future meaning). By the end of the 19th century the last construction is no longer attested, and both present and future time reference are expressed by a segmentally identical construction, namely Ø-R-a. We argue that two seemingly independent but possibly interacting diachronic evolutions conspired towards such present-future isomorphism: (1) the semantic extension of an original present-tense construction from present to future leading to polysemy, and (2) the loss of the future prefix ku-, as part of a broader phenomenon of prefix reduction, inducing homonymy. To resolve the ambiguity, the Ø-R-ang-a construction evolved into the main present-tense construction.

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Marten, Lutz, Nancy C. Kula, and Nhlanhla Thwala. "Parameters of morphosyntactic variation in Bantu." Transactions of the Philological Society 105, no. 3 (November 2007): 253–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-968x.2007.00190.x.

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42

Borland, C. H. "Internal relationships in southern Bantu." South African Journal of African Languages 6, no. 4 (January 1986): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1986.10586665.

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Botne, Robert. "The Evolution of Future Tenses from Serial 'Say' Constructions in Central Eastern Bantu." Diachronica 15, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.15.2.02bot.

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SUMMARY Future tense markers have been shown to arise from a variety of verbal sources, among them motion verbs and volitional verbs. In a small number of central eastern Bantu languages, a verb 'say' has developed into a future marker, a phenomenon not previously noted in the literature. In this study, the author presents a description and analysis of this grammatical shift, proposing two principal paths of evolution: decategorialization and auxiliation. RÉSUMÉ Les marques de temps futur proviennent d'une grande variété de sources verbales, parmi elles les verbes de mouveet et volition. Dans un petit nombre de langues bantoues du centre-est, on trouve un verbe 'dire' qui est devenu une marque de futur, un phénomène non-signalé dans la litterature jusqu'à présent. Dans l'étude actuelle l'auteur présente une description et une analyse de cette modification grammaticale, proposant deux voies principales d'évo-lu-tion: 'decategorialization' et 'auxiliation'. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Tempusmarkierungen fur das Futur haben bekanntlich eine Reihe ver-schiedenener verbaler Ursprünge, u.a. Verben, die Bewegung oder eine Àb-sicht ausdrücken. In einer kleinen Anzahl von mittelöstlichen Bantusprachen z.B. hat sich des Verb, das gewöhnlich 'sprechen' ausdrückt, zu einem Futur-Markierungszeichen entwickelt, eine Erscheinung, die bisher nicht in der wis-senschaftlichen Literatur aufzufinden gewesen ist. In der vorliegenden Arbeit legt der Autor eine Beschreibung und Erklärung dieses grammtischen Wan-dels vor, in denen er zwei hauptsächliche Entwicklungslinien unterscheidet: 'Entkategorisierung' und 'Hilfszeitwortwerdung'.

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44

Coupez, A. "Traces d'harmonie vocalique à croisement de hauteur en nande (bantou D42)." South African Journal of African Languages 7, no. 2 (January 1987): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1987.10586683.

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45

Hutchison, Jeffrey J., and Jack M. Loomis. "Reply to Proffitt, Stefanucci, Banton, and Epstein." Spanish Journal of Psychology 9, no. 2 (November 2006): 343–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1138741600006259.

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In this reply, we acknowledge that methodological differences between the experiment of Proffitt et al. (2003) and ours might explain our failure to replicate their finding. However, we maintain that our results obtained with three different response measures point to a lack of robustness. In this reply, we acknowledge that methodological differences between the experiment of Proffitt et al. (2003) and ours might explain our failure to replicate their finding. However, we maintain that our results obtained with three different response measures point to a lack of robustness of their finding. In response to their criticism of using blind walking to measure perceived distance, we argue on theoretical grounds that blind walking, while involving post-perceptual processes, can nevertheless provide a measure of perceived distance, and then cite some of the evidence indicating that it does indeed provide such a measure.

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46

Ngonyani, Deo, and Peter Githinji. "The asymmetric nature of Bantu applicative constructions." Lingua 116, no. 1 (January 2006): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2005.03.006.

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Fehn, Anne-Maria. "Kuvale: A Bantu language of southwestern Angola." Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 40, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 235–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall-2019-0010.

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Abstract This paper uses historical-comparative approaches in combination with quantitative methods to analyse data from a survey of varieties of the Bantu languages Herero and Kuvale spoken by ethnically diverse groups from southwestern Angola. We assess the status and position of the underdocumented “Kuvale” variety in relation to its closest geographic neighbours, and address questions about the history of the area. We find that Kuvale is lexically differentiated from its closest relatives Herero, Wambo and Nyaneka-Nkhumbi and should probably be considered a language in its own right. Within the lexicon and phoneme inventories of the surveyed varieties, no obvious indications of a substrate were found, including in data collected among the formerly Kwadi-speaking Kwepe, and among the Kwisi and Twa foragers, who have been hypothesized to constitute a remnant layer of non-Bantu, non-Khoisan foragers in the Namib desert.

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BENNETT, PATRICK R. "Grammar in the Lexicon: Two Bantu Cases." Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 8, no. 1 (1986): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall.1986.8.1.1.

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49

van der Wal, Jenneke. "Review of ‘The Bantu Languages, second edition’." Linguistic Typology 24, no. 2 (August 27, 2020): 399–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2020-2031.

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Bresnan, Joan, and Sam A. Mchombo. "The lexical integrity principle: Evidence from Bantu." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 13, no. 2 (May 1995): 181–254. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00992782.

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