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1

Lounsbury, Richard C., and H. MacL Currie. "Silver Latin Epic." Classical World 82, no. 5 (1989): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350433.

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2

Whitton, Christopher. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000297.

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These days Flavian epic and intertextuality go together like toast and butter, or a persistent cough and fever, depending on your taste. Either way, Intertextuality in Flavian Epic. Contemporary Approaches is not perhaps the most startling of titles. But the book within is an impressive collection, its four editors (Neil Coffee, Chris Forstall, Lavinia Galli Milić, and Damien Nelis) leading a star cast of Flavians in a wide-ranging and stimulating set of chapters.
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3

Perkell, Christine, and A. M. Keith. "Engendering Rome: Women in Latin Epic." Phoenix 56, no. 1/2 (2002): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192479.

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4

S, Bharathi. "Silapathikaram quotes in grammatical text." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt22113.

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Epics has been created in various languages such as Greek, Latin, Persian and Tamil in the world. Even in Tolkappiyam, there is no reference the existence of epics in Tamil. Dandiyalankara is the first script recorded about epics in Tamil. Silappathikaram is the first epic to appear in Tamil literature. This epic and Tolkappiyam were appeared during Sangam literature followed by AD Appeared in the second century. The author of this epic is Ilangovadi. He is the son of Cheramannan Neduncheralathan and the brother of Cheran Senkuttuvan. Silappathikaram is one of the greatest epics that appeared in the Tamil language. It is no exaggeration to say that as the epics were developed next to vintage literature appeared. Grammar rules are composed and written by Vaithiyanatha Desikar in the AD seventeenth century. He has used quotations from various grammatical texts in the context of the text with rich evidence for the text. He has used these quotations to clarify grammatical explanatory threads, for further explanation and for textual concentration. The purpose of this article is to illustrate how grammatical lyricism supports grammatical interpretation.
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5

Swain, Simon. "Arrian the epic poet." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631906.

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We know of several Greek translators of works originally written in Latin. Of non-Christian, purely literary material, we know of six. First, there is Claudius' powerful freedman, Polybius, who turned Homer into Latin prose and Vergil into Greek prose (SenecaConsol. ad Polyb. 8.2, 11.5). Then, under Hadrian we have Zenobius ‘the sophist’, who translates Sallust'sHistoriesand “so-called Wars’ (Suda Z 73). The translation into Greek of Hyginus' Fabulae can be dated precisely, for its unknown author tells us that he copied it up on 11th September 207 (CGILiii 56.3off.). Similarly, the extant translation of Eutropius'Breviariumby Paianios, probably a pupil of Libanius, can be dated securely to about 380. The translation of the same by Capito (SudaK 342), which survives in excerpts, is placed with some confidence at the beginning of the sixth century. The date and identity of the last of our translators, ‘Arrian the epic poet’, who rendered theGeorgicsof Vergil (SudaA 3867), is unclear.
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6

Faber, Riemer A. "INTERMEDIALITY AND EKPHRASIS IN LATIN EPIC POETRY." Greece and Rome 65, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383517000183.

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The concept of intermediality arose in the theoretical discourse about the relations between different systems or products of meaning, such as the relations between music and art, or image and text. The word gained currency in the 1980s in German- and French-language studies of theatre performance, and in scholarship on opera, film, and music, in order to capture the notion of the interconnections between different art forms. For reasons of utility, the concept has been divided into three kinds: intermediality may refer to the combination of media (as in opera, in which music, dance, and song are conjoined into one aesthetic experience); the transformation or transposition of media (as in a film version of a book); and intermedial references or connections, whereby attention is drawn to another system of meaning, as in the references in literature to a work of art. The term has entered the field of classics especially via the study of the relations between the narrative and inscriptional modes in literary epigram.
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7

Malamud, Martha. "Vandalising Epic." Ramus 22, no. 2 (1993): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002496.

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William Levitan concluded a study of the fourth century poet Optatian with the sentence, ‘The marble bones of Rome itself were chopped for a thousand years to raise the buildings of Europe.’ The theatres, baths and other edifices constructed by the Romans never wholly perished; they served the local populations for centuries as quarries for building materials. The writers of late antiquity treated the Latin literary tradition the same way that later inhabitants treated the ruins of Roman buildings, as a source for appropriate building blocks. The dismemberment of magnificent structures, whether architectural or literary is, to be sure, a kind of vandalism, but perhaps in the post-modern, resource-hungry world of the mid-1990's we can bring ourselves to think of it as something more positive, as an attempt to salvage and recycle valuable material.
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8

Roling, Bernd. "Victorious Virgin: Early Modern Mary Epics between Theological-Didactical and Epic Poetry (Virgo Victrix: Frühneuzeitliche Marienepik zwischen theologischem Lehrgedicht und Epos)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 30–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601012.

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This paper deals with a neglected subgenre of biblical poetry, namely with epic poems on the life of the Blessed Virgin. After an introduction into the poetic treatment of Mary in early modern latin poetry in general, one single epic poem is discussed in detail, the Mariados libri tres of the Italian-German scholar Giulio Cesare Delfini. As it will be demonstrated, Delfini’s poem included long explanations of medico-theological problems, like the digestion of the Divine Virgin or her intellectual skills, which the poet treated in addition in separate glosses. As result the poem presents itself as hybrid between didactic and epic poetry. In addition the study contains as an Appendix a list of (approximately) all accessible Latin poems, written between 1550 and 1650, on the incarnation and birth of Christ.
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9

Flatt, Tyler. "Vitalia Verba: Redeeming the Hero in Juvencus." Vigiliae Christianae 70, no. 5 (November 14, 2016): 535–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341276.

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Juvencus’ epic portrayal of Christ establishes a new kind of Christian heroism, a concept refined through intertextual engagement with the Old Latin Bible, the Aeneid, and imperial Latin epic. Christ-as-verbum, The Word, wields verbal power against the furor of the enemies of salvation. His virtus, transcending and redefining the martial valor of the Vergilian tradition, is derived not from human achievement but from the vertical economy of grace—it is a gift (munus, donum) of God the Father streaming abundantly from heaven to earth. Juvencus takes advantage of the expanded semantic range of virtus in late antiquity to subvert and repurpose the heroic core of Latin epic: the miracles (munera, dona) of Jesus expose the helplessness of humanity, and restore it to physical and spiritual health through forceful word-deeds (vitalia gesta, vitalia verba). Through its close identification with fides, Christ’s expansive virtus imparts heroic stature to even the weakest disciple.
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10

Antoniadis, Theodoros. "Epic as Elegy." Mnemosyne 70, no. 4 (June 16, 2017): 631–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342185.

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This article contributes to the discussion on the significance of the Latin Love Elegy, with regard to its language, themes and conventions, as a means of generic innovation in Valerius Flaccus’Argonautica. In particular, it will be demonstrated that in the scenes of lament and separation that take place in books 2 and 3, Valerius incorporates a selection of elegiac themes and motifs to enhance the effect and sensationalism of these episodes as well as the pathos in the rhetoric of his female protagonists (in particular the Lemnian wives and Hypsipyle as well as Clite, the wife of king Cyzicus). At the same time he will be seen to take a step further by inverting and/or refashioning some of these topoi and tropes so as to leave his own metapoetic comment on his negotiations with other genres in theArgonautica.
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11

Vitorino, Mônica Costa. "A figura do gladiador: entre a literatura latina e o Kolossal histórico romano." Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 8 (March 2, 2018): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.8..144-149.

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Resumo: A tradição dos filmes históricos que focalizam a figura do gladiador e dos jogos gladiatórios demonstra que para esse tipo de produção, preocupada especialmente com o entretenimento, é difícil a abordagem de certas questões concernentes à problemática dos jogos e ao seu papel na sociedade romana.Palavras-chave: literatura latina; filme histórico; jogos gladiatórios; sociedade romana antiga.Abstract: The tradition of epic films that focus on the gladiator’s figure as well as gladiatorial games has shown that this kind of production, which mainly emphasizes entertainment, turns out to be difficult approach regarding those questions related to problems of the games and their role in Roman society.Keywords: Latin literature; epic film; gladiatorial games; ancient Roman society.
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12

Horn, Fabian. "THE CASUALTIES OF THE LATIN ILIAD." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 767–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000877.

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The so-called Latin Iliad, the main source for the knowledge of the Greek epic poem in the Latin West during the Middle Ages, is a hexametric poetic summary (epitome) of Homer's Iliad likely dating from the Age of Nero, which reduces the 15,693 lines of the original to a mere 1,070 lines (6.8%).
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13

Cormier, Raymond. "Humour in the Roman d'Eneas." Florilegium 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.008.

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From a study of the extensive marginalia, gloss, and commentary tradition surrounding Virgil's Aeneid during the Middle Ages, it has been deduced that, in a number of cases, the twelfth century author of the Roman d'Eneas incorporated on numerous occasions such scholia in his adaptation of the Latin epic into Old French. That is, he adapted not only Virgil's Latin epic but also parts of the surrounding mediaeval Latin commentary as well. This argument will be demonstrated more fully in a number of studies to appear, research which is the result of a fruitful Fulbright year in Western European libraries (Holland, Switzerland, and France; and more recently, in Great Britain and Italy). In these various European libraries, over one hundred Aeneid manuscripts have been consulted and their wealth of ninth to twelfth century annotations scrutinized.
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14

Ware, Catherine. "CLAUDIAN'S ARMA: A METALITERARY PUN." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (August 12, 2015): 894–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000129.

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In his article ‘On the shoulders of giants', Don Fowler argues for the identification of the Aeneid with its opening arma, saying that in post-Augustan Latin verse arma is always seen as significantly intertextual. The word may apply to the Aeneid itself, or, more generally, to imperial epic or epic in the style of Virgil.
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15

Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000139.

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Mairéad McAuley frames her substantial study of the representation of motherhood in Latin literature in terms of highly relevant modern concerns, poignantly evoked by her opening citation of Eurydice's lament at her baby's funeral in Statius’ Thebaid 6: what really makes a mother? Biology? Care-giving? (Grief? Loss? Suffering?) How do the imprisoning stereotypes of patriarchy interact with lived experiences of mothers or with the rich metaphorical manifestations of maternity (as the focus of fear and awe, for instance, or of idealizing aesthetics, of extreme political rhetoric, or as creativity and the literary imagination?) How do individuals, texts, and societies negotiate maternity's paradoxical relationship to power? Conflicting issues of maternal power and disempowerment run through history, through Latin literature, and through the book. McAuley's focus is the representational work that mothers do in Latin literature, and she pursues this through close readings of works by Ovid, Virgil, Seneca, and Statius, by re-reading their writings in a way that privileges the theme, perspective, or voice of the mother. A lengthy introduction sets the parameters of the project and its aim (which I judge to be admirably realized) to establish a productive dialogue between modern theory (especially psychoanalysis and feminist philosophy) and ancient literature. Her study evokes a dialogue that speaks to theory – even contributes to it – but without stripping the Latin literature of its cultural specificity (and without befuddling interpretation of Latin culture with anachronism and jargon, which is often the challenge). The problem for a Latinist is that psychoanalysis is, as McAuley says, ‘not simply a body of theories about human development, it is also a mode of reading’ (23), and it is a mode of reading often at cross-purposes with the aims of literary criticism in Classical Studies: psychoanalytical notions of the universal and the foundational clash with aspirations to historical awareness and appreciation of the specifics of genre or historical moment. Acknowledging – and articulating with admirable clarity and honesty – the methodological challenges of her approach, McAuley practises what she describes as ‘reading-in-tension’ (25), holding on not only to the contradictions between patriarchal texts and their potentially subversive subtexts but also to the tense conversation between modern theory and ancient literary representation. As she puts it in her epilogue, one of her aims is to ‘release’ mothers’ voices from the pages of Latin literature in the service of modern feminism, while simultaneously preserving their alterity: ‘to pay attention to their specificity within the contexts of text, genre, and history, but not to reduce them to those contexts, in order that they speak to us within and outside them at the same time’ (392). Although McAuley presents her later sections on Seneca and Statius as the heart of the book, they are preceded by two equally weighty contributions, in the form of chapters on Virgil and Ovid, which she rightly sees as important prerequisites to understanding the significance of her later analyses. In these ‘preliminary’ chapters (which in another book might happily have been served as the main course), she sets out the paradigms that inform those discussions of Seneca and Statius’ writings. In her chapter on Virgil McAuley aims to transcend the binary notion that a feminist reading of epic entails either reflecting or resisting patriarchal values. As ‘breeders and mourners of warriors…mothers are readily incorporated into the generic code’ of epic (65), and represent an alternative source of symbolic meaning (66). Her reading of Ovid's Metamorphoses then shows how the poem brings these alternative subjects into the foreground of his own poetry, where the suffering and passion of mothers take centre-stage, allowing an exploration of imperial subjectivity itself. McAuley points out that even feminist readings can often contribute to the erasure of the mother's presence by their emphasis on the patriarchal structures that subjugate the female, and she uses a later anecdote about Octavia fainting at a reading of the Aeneid as a vivid illustration of a ‘reparative reading’ of Roman epic through the eyes of a mother (91–3). Later, in her discussion of mothers in Statian epic, McAuley writes: ‘mothers never stand free of martial epic nor are they fully constituted by it, and, as such, may be one of the most appropriate figures with which to explore issues of belatedness and authority in the genre’ (387). In short, the discourse of motherhood in Latin literature is always revealed to be powerfully implicated in the central issues of Roman literature and culture. A chapter is devoted to the themes of grief, virtue, and masculinity as explored in Seneca's consolation to his own mother, before McAuley turns her attention to the richly disturbing mothers of Senecan tragedy and Statius’ Thebaid. The book explores the metaphorical richness of motherhood in ancient Rome and beyond, but without losing sight of its corporeality, seeking indeed to complicate the long-developed binary distinction between physical reproduction (gendered as female) and abstract reproduction and creativity (gendered as male). This is a long book, but it repays careful reading, and then a return to the introduction via the epilogue, so as to reflect anew on McAuley's thoughtful articulation of her methodological choices. Her study deploys psychoanalytical approaches to reading Latin literature to excellent effect (not an easy task), always enhancing the insights of her reading of the ancient texts, and maintaining lucidity. Indeed, this is the best kind of gender study, which does not merely apply the modern framework of gender and contemporary theoretical approaches to ancient materials (though it does this very skilfully and convincingly), but in addition makes it clear why this is such a valuable endeavour for us now, and how rewarding it can be to place modern psychoanalytic theories into dialogue with the ancient Roman literature. The same tangle of issues surrounding maternity as emerges from these ancient works often persists into our modern era, and by probing those issues with close reading we risk learning much about ourselves; we learn as much when the ancient representations fail to chime with our expectations.
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16

Elliott, Jackie. "Early Latin Poetry." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 2, no. 4 (March 30, 2022): 1–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340006.

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Abstract This analysis explores aspects of the extant fragmentary record of early Roman poetry from its earliest accessible moments through roughly the first hundred and twenty years of its traceable existence. Key questions include how ancient readers made sense of the record as then available to them and how the limitations of their accounts, assumptions, and working methods continue to define the contours of our understanding today. Both using and challenging the standard conceptual frameworks operative in the ancient world, the discussion details what we think we know of the best documented forms, practitioners, contexts, and reception of Roman drama (excluding comedy), epic, and satire in their early instantiations, with occasional glances at the further generic experimentation that accompanied the genesis of literary practice in Rome.
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17

Pucci, Joseph, and Debra Hershkowitz. "Valerius Flaccus' "Argonautica": Abbreviated Voyages in Silver Latin Epic." Classical World 94, no. 1 (2000): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352513.

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18

Bly, Peter A., and Charles F. Fraker. "The Libro de Alexandre: Medieval Epic and Silver Latin." South Atlantic Review 59, no. 2 (May 1994): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200806.

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19

Keller, John E. "Charles F. Fraker.TheLibro de Alexandre.Medieval Epic and Silver Latin." Romance Quarterly 42, no. 2 (April 1995): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08831157.1995.10545120.

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20

de Jong, Irene J. F. "From Oroskopia to Ouranoskopia in Greek and Latin Epic." Symbolae Osloenses 93, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397679.2019.1641341.

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21

Chidwick, Hannah-Marie. "ONE OR MANY MILITES? MILITARY MULTIPLICITY IN LATIN EPIC." Ramus 49, no. 1-2 (December 2020): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2020.7.

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Since Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari emerged into the realm of Continental philosophy in the late twentieth century, the pair have sustained a prominent and influential presence in the fields of cultural studies, politics and sociology, also literary, artistic and cinematic scholarship, spurred on by the appropriation of the arts in Deleuze and Guattari's own work. The contributions to this special edition bring to light how the rubble-strewn textual field of Classical antiquity also ineludibly invites a methodological framework informed by Deleuze and Guattari's philosophy. By its contemporary nature, the Classical ‘canon’ is a warzone of competing translations, fragments and fragmentary orders, de- and re-constructions, bearing a torrid resemblance to the flattened and interconnected plane of existence described in Deleuze and Guattari's work. The pair draw from multiple avenues of academic exploration and encourage the seed-like spread of their multifarious ideas. This article makes a case for employing one concept in particular as a practice for reading Classical texts: ‘multiplicity’.
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22

Petrovic, Ivana, and Andrej Petrovic. "General." Greece and Rome 67, no. 2 (October 2020): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000157.

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Structures of Epic Poetry is a monumental, four-volume compendium which aims to classify, analyse, and compare epic structures across Greek and Latin epic poems (and beyond) in a systematic and overarching way. While the individual Bauformen (‘structural elements’) have been the focus of the study of epic for decades, a comprehensive analysis providing a systematic overview of all structural elements in the totality of ancient epic is obviously not a one-person job. The editors, Christiane Reitz and Simone Finkmann, gathered an international group of experts for this herculean task. The compendium provides a set of broad cross-sectional papers on the individual epic structural elements, using a consistent terminology. It has to be said that the editors’ understanding of what constitutes an epic structural element is very broad: it includes the ‘type-scenes’, but also the narrative patterns such as catalogue and ecphrasis, and stylistic hallmarks such as similes; in fact, structural elements as understood by the editors come closest to genre markers.
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23

Sheren, Ila Nicole. "Transcultured Architecture: Mudéjar’s Epic Journey Reinterpreted." Contemporaneity: Historical Presence in Visual Culture 1 (June 1, 2011): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/contemp.2011.5.

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The Mudéjar phenomenon is unparalleled in the history of architecture. This style of architecture and ornamentation originated with Arab craftsmen living in reconquered medieval Spain. Embraced by Spanish Christians, Mudéjar traveled over the course of the next four centuries, becoming part of the architectural history of Latin America, especially present-day Mexico and Peru. The style’s transmission across different religions and cultures attests to its ability to unify disparate groups of people under a common visual language. How, then, did mudejar managto gain popularity across reconquered Spain, so much so that it spread to the New World colonies? In this article, I argue that art and architecture move more fluidly than ideologies across boundaries, physical and political. The theory of transculturation makes it possible to understand how an architectural style such as Mudéjar can be generated from a cultural clash and move to an entirely different context. Developed in 1947 by Cuban scholar and theorist Fernando Ortíz, transculturation posited means by which cultures mix to create something entirely new. This process is often violent, the result of intense conflict and persecution, and one culture is almost always defeated in the process. The contributions of both societies, however, coexist in the final product, whether technological, artistic, or even agricultural. I argue that mudejar in Latin America is a product of two separate transculturations: the adoption of Arab design and ornamentation by Spanish Christians, and the subsequent transference of these forms to the New World through the work of indigenous laborers.
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Korn, Uwe Maximilian, Dirk Werle, and Katharina Worms. "The carmen heroicum in Early Modernity (Das carmen heroicum in der frühen Neuzeit)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601014.

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The special issue at hand provides a contribution to the historical exploration of early modern carmina heroica (epic poems) in the German area of the early modern period, especially of the ‘long’ 17th century. To this purpose, perspectives of Latin and German Studies, of researchers with expertise in medieval and modern literary history, are brought together. This introductory article puts the following theses up for discussion: 1) The view that epic poems of the early modern period are a genre with little relevance for the history of literature is wrong and has to be corrected. 2) Accordingly, the view has to be corrected that the history of narrative in the modern era leads teleologically to the modern novel. 3) For the exploration of the history of carmina heroica, the traditions of didactic poems and heroic poems have to be taken into consideration together. 4) Epic poems of the ‘long’ 17th century have a particular tendency to generic hybridization. 5) The genre history of carmina heroica can be reconstructed appropriately only by taking into account the vernacular as well as the Latin tradition.
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25

Sannicandro, Lisa. "Der ‚dekadente‘ Feldherr." Mnemosyne 67, no. 1 (January 14, 2014): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341636.

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Abstract The portrayal of Caesar’s dalliance with Cleopatra in Lucan’s Bellum civile (book 10) exploits the motif of the general who, seduced by a foreign woman, forgets his responsabilities to his country. This motif occurs from Homer through the Greek and Latin epic tradition to Latin historiography and Greek biography. The lexicon for the concept of forgetting is a recurring Leitmotiv.1
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26

Townsend, David. "Sex and the Single Amazon in Twelfth-Century Latin Epic." University of Toronto Quarterly 64, no. 2 (March 1995): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.64.2.255.

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27

Willis, Ika. "Iam Tum (nowthenalready): Latin Epic and the Posthistorical." Cultural Critique 74, no. 1 (2010): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cul.0.0062.

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28

Whitton, Christopher. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 65, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000025.

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The dullest book of theAeneid? Certainly not, insist Stephen Heyworth and James Morwood in their commentary onAeneid3. There can't be many students at school or university level who cut their teeth on epic Virgil with his third book, but Wadham College, Oxford, where H&M were colleagues, has been the glorious exception for a quarter of a century, and the rest of us now have good reason to follow suit. I don't just mean the ‘thrilling traveller's tale’ (so the dust-jacket) that carries us from Polydorus to Polyphemus by way of such episodes as the Cretan plague, the Harpy attack, and a pointed stop-off at Actium, nor the ktistic and prophetic themes that give this book such weight in Virgil's grand narrative. There's also the simple matter of accessibility.Doctissimi lectoresofAeneid3 can consult Nicholas Horsfall's densely erudite and wickedly overpriced Brill commentary, but others have had to make do with one of R. D. Williams’ more apologetic efforts. (True, there is an efficient student edition by C. Perkell, but that seems to have made little headway in the UK, at least.) Now Aeneas’ odyssey takes a place among the few books of theAeneidfor which undergraduates and others can draw on commentaries which are at once accessible, sophisticated, and affordable.
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29

Burek, Jacqueline M. "(Not) Like Aeneas: Allusions to the Aeneid in Laʒamon’s Brut." Review of English Studies 71, no. 299 (August 5, 2019): 229–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz080.

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Abstract This article argues that the well-known extended similes in the Arthurian section of Laʒamon’s Brut allude to Vergil’s Aeneid. Most scholars agree that these similes were influenced by the extended similes of Latin epic, but few have claimed that these similes can be traced back to a definitive Latin source, or that this influence is anything other than stylistic in nature. In contrast, this article argues that Laʒamon’s similes allude to the Aeneid’s plot and characters as part of a broader commentary on Arthur’s kingship. Although Laʒamon does not quote specific words or phrases from the Aeneid, he replicates the style, content, and narrative function of Vergil’s epic similes to set up a subtle contrast between British history and Roman history. But while Vergil emphasizes Rome’s ascendance, Laʒamon emphasizes the Britons’ downfall; and whereas Vergil depicts Aeneas as a ruler who prioritizes the welfare of his people, Laʒamon depicts Arthur as a king whose self-centred individualism leads to his people’s downfall. Laʒamon’s allusions to the Aeneid highlight classical epic’s dual function in the Brut: stylistic model and source of political and ethical ideas. Moreover, they reveal how Laʒamon uses epic as a tool for interpreting history.
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Reitz, Christiane. "Epic Visions. Visuality in Greek and Latin Epic and its Reception, written by H. Lovatt, C. Vout." Mnemosyne 68, no. 4 (July 2, 2015): 704–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341944.

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Nelis, Damien P. "Translating the emotions: some uses of animus in Vergil’s Aeneid." Social Science Information 48, no. 3 (August 21, 2009): 487–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018409106202.

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In recent years, considerable scholarly attention has been devoted to investigating the influence of Lucretius’ De rerum natura on Vergil. At the same time, the Aeneid has become a central text for the study of the presentation of the emotions in Latin poetry. The author attempts to bring together these two trends in Vergilian scholarship by trying to see if the depiction of emotions in Vergilian epic owes anything to Lucretian precedent. He focuses on the term animus and its use in the opening scenes of the Aeneid . It is an important word in both epics, but it is also notoriously hard to translate accurately.
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Frick, Julia. "abbreviatio." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 140, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2018-0002.

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AbstractApart from a few exceptions, abridged versions of courtly epics have not yet been of great interest to mainstream research. Yet, they represent a historical literary phenomenon that documents an independent type of courtly narrative from the very beginnings of the genre. The simultaneous narrative schemes they feature can be traced to contemporary Latin poetics, in which the expansion (amplificatio) and abridging (abbreviatio) of material are described as two basic techniques used in the process of adapting narrative texts. This article presents some initial observations on the elaboration of brevitas poetics, which could offer a complete overview of the courtly epic of the 13th century.
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Burgess, R. W. "Another Look at Sosates, The “Jewish Homer”." Journal for the Study of Judaism 44, no. 2 (2013): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340371.

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Abstract A late eighth-century Latin translation of a Greek Alexandrian chronograph of the second quarter of the sixth century contains a reference to a Sosates, who is described as a “Jewish Homer” who lived in Alexandria. The first, and most complicated, difficulty with this short entry is determining Sosates’ date, which would seem to be the second quarter of the first century B.C.E. The next difficulty is working out what “Jewish Homer” means. Clues are provided by the Jewish poets Philo, Theodotus, and Ezekiel, who used Greek tragic and epic verse to describe Jewish content including the Old Testament, and by the later tradition of Christian Biblical epic in Greek and Latin, which we know of from the fourth century onwards. These examples suggest that Sosates turned some part of the early books of the Old Testament into Homeric verse.
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Krzywy, Roman. "Polska epika bohaterska przed i po „Gofredzie”." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 20 (December 20, 2020): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20811853.20.6.

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The article is a review of the most important trends in the development of the Polish epic in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the absence of significant traditions of knightly works, the creation of Polish heroic poetry should be associated primarily with the humanistic movement, whose representatives set a heroic epic at the top of the hierarchy of genres and recognized 'Eneid' as its primary model. The postulate proposed first by the Renaissance and later by the Baroque authors did not lead to the creation of a ‘real’ epic in Poland. The translations of: the Virgil’s epic poem (1590) by Andrzej Kochanowski and Book 3 of 'The Iliad' by Jan Kochanowski can be regarded as the genre substitutes. These translations seem to test whether the young Polish poetic language is able to bear the burden of an epic matter. Then again, the works of Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski on the Latin 'Lechias' (the 1st half of the 17th century), which was to present the beginnings of the Polish state, were not completed. Polish Renaissance authors preferred themes from modern or even recent history, choosing 'Bellum civile' by Lucan as their general model but they did not refrain from typically heroic means in the presentation of the subject. This is evidenced by such poems as 'The Prussian War' (1516) by Joannis Vislicensis or 'Radivilias' (1592) by Jan Radwan. The Latin epic works were followed by the vernacular epic in the 17th century, when the historical epic poems by Samuel Twardowski and Wacław Potocki were created, as well as in the 18th century (the example of 'The Khotyn War' by Ignacy Krasicki). The publication of Torquato Tasso’s 'Jerusalem delivered' translation by Piotr Kochanowski in 1618 introduced to the Polish literature a third variant of an epic poem, which is a combination of a heroic poem and romance motives. The translation gained enormous recognition among literary audiences and was quickly included in the canon of imitated works, but not as a model of an epic, but mainly as a source of ideas and poetic phrases (it was used not only by epic poets). The exception here is the anonymous epos entitled 'The siege of Jasna Góra of Częstochowa', whose author spiced the historical action of the recent event with romance themes, an evident reference to the Tasso’s poem. The Polish translation of Tasso’s masterpiece also contributed to the popularity of the ottava rima, as an epic verse from the second half of the 17th century (previously the Polish alexandrine dominated as the equivalent of the ancient hexameter). This verse was used both in the historical and biblical epic poems, striving to face the rhythmic challenge.
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Braund, Susanna Morton. "Ending epic: Statius, Theseus and a merciful release." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 42 (1997): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002029.

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Whoever fights monsters should see to it that in the process he does not become a monster.Nietzsche,Beyond Good and EvilStatius'Thebaidis a rarity. More of the surviving Latin epics of the classical period are incomplete or unfinished than not: Lucan'sBellum civile, Valerius Flaccus'Argonautica, Statius'Achilleid, perhaps Silius Italicus'Punicaand of course Virgil'sAeneid(although his dissatisfaction may relate to polish rather than scope: we do not know). Only Ovid'sMetamorphosesand Statius'Thebaidseem complete. Yet the question of epic endings casts a fascination upon critics, especially perhaps where the ending does not exist or where there is evidence that it is not the ending planned by the author. Critics use their interpretations of the endings to inscribe meaning in the preceding text and to clinch one reading against another. The readings advanced enact different kinds of closure or refuse to see any closure at all.It seems paradoxical that one of the few epics to survive complete has not yet received a full stint of attention devoted to its ending. In this paper, my purpose is to situate the end of theThebaidin its literary and ideological context. This involves examining how the close of the poem interacts with earlier epic, particularly with theAeneid. My argument is that Statius offers a supplement to, or even a critique of, the open-endedness of theAeneidin the form of a triptych of resounding endings. I shall then suggest that there are other elements in Statius' closural strategy which are highlighted by a consideration of his Romanisation of his Greek material.
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Lausten, Pia Schwartz. "Da Roland blev italiener – og forelsket." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 35, no. 103 (June 2, 2007): 38–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v35i103.22297.

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Italiensk ridderdigtning mellem epos og roman: M.M.Boiardos Orlando innamorato (1495) When Roland became an Italian – and fell in loveThough marking the invention of the chivalric epic, so famously mocked by Cervantes, Boiardo’s poem Orlando Innamorato (1494) has been overshadowed by the later, more famous works of Ariosto and Tasso, and the very genre of chivalric epic tends often to be forgotten. This article describes the cultural and historical conditions for the rise of the genre in the 15th century at the Este-court of Ferrara where an elitist humanist culture paradoxically enough coexisted with a special preference among the courtiers for medieval chivalric romances. The article presents Boiardo’s poem, its many different literary sources, its socio-political functions, and its reception history. The poem borrows both from the medieval carolingian and arthurian chivalric romances, from the Greek and Latin epic, as well as from the three ‘crowns’ of the 14th century, Dante, Boccaccio and Petrarch. The article argues that it is tempting to consider the work of Boiardo an early, ‘dialogical’ novel since it presents several elements of M. Bakhtin’s definition of the genre, especially its multiplicity of different ‘voices’. But Orlando Innamorato is (just like Ariosto’s and Tasso’s epics) both too classicist and too adventure-like to be considered a modern novel. The genre Boiardo invents and represents thus reflects the complexity of the Renaissance.
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Kragl, Florian. "Vergil und das Epische Erzählen." Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch 61, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 9–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/ljb.61.1.9.

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The article discusses Jan-Dirk Müller’s concept of ›epic narration‹ with respect to the dominant Virgilian tradition during the Middle Ages. Müller’s ›epic narration‹ is defined as a quasi-autochthonous vernacular mode of medieval, (at least seemingly) archaic narration, strictly distinct from the, so-to-speak, Virgilian world of the litterati, and closely resembling everyday conversation: ›Epic narration‹ is narration in the presence of narrator and audience; it unfolds common narrative knowledge; the narrated past and the presence of narration are closely intertwined; what is told, is simply true; time and space are organized primitively via deictic markers; the themes are, even if Müller somewhat skips that point, martial and belligerent. The article argues that Virgil’s Aeneid is no counterpart to that mode of ›epic narration‹, but that it participates in this more or less universal concept, albeit as its most sublime refinement. Virgil overcomes primitive ›epic narration‹ artistically by means of an unrivalled poetic perfection. This particular observation on the Aeneid poses severe questions to literary history. Even the vernacular poems offer no ›pure‹ ›epic narration‹, and Virgil’s epic in particular (as well as the Latin tradition in general, including Servius, Statius, Ovid etc) was most likely known to (most of the) vernacular poets. Hence, the idea of vernacular autonomy appears highly problematic. To put it bluntly, is the ›epic narration‹ of medieval literature an autochthonous vernacular mode, or does it, like so many other things, sprout in the long shadow of the Aeneid? Reflecting Müller’s ›epic narration‹ from a Virgilian perspective inevitably provokes a profound revision of medieval literary history.
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Malamud, Martha. "Valerius Flaccus' "Argonautica": Abbreviated Voyages in Silver Latin Epic. Debra Hershkowitz." Classical Philology 95, no. 3 (July 2000): 366–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449505.

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Ambühl, Annemarie. "The Touch and Taste of War in Latin Battle Narrative." Trends in Classics 11, no. 1 (September 15, 2019): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2019-0007.

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Abstract Latin battle narratives exhibit visual, auditory, and even olfactory phenomena: swords glint, steel clangs, and the stench of blood permeates battlefields. These manifestations of multisensoriality are often implicit, as exemplified by the prominence of the ‘gaze’ in epic poetry. This article focuses on the two other senses, which have received less scholarly attention in discussions of battle narrative: touch and taste. In the former category are expressions such as ‘biting the dust’ (Hom. Il. 2.418) along with depictions of cannibalism in epic and historiographic texts. In the latter category are experiences such as Jocasta’s breast being scratched by Polynices’ armour (Stat. Theb. 7), along with a pervasive discourse on the ‘roughness’ of war and the ‘handling’ of casualties in aftermath episodes; these conceptual metaphors generate ‘partial altermedial illusions’ by enhancing, but not replacing, the primary medium of the literary text which they inhabit. As this chapter highlights, therefore, appeals to sensory perception are ambivalent in character: on the one hand, they facilitate audience engagement with the text via immersion, enactivism, and embodiment, but on the other hand they alienate readers by underscoring the fundamental ‘untellability’ of war.
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Kriesel, James C. "Boccaccio and the Early Modern Reception of Tragedy." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 2 (2016): 415–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/687606.

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AbstractFourteenth-century Italian humanists discussed the properties of tragedy while considering the value of Latin versus vernacular literature. Boccaccio was interested in these discussions because humanists were promoting classicizing tragic and epic literatures at the expense of vernacular writing. This article explores Boccaccio’s role in these debates by examining the tragic stories of the Decameron. It suggests that Boccaccio highlighted the virtues of his erotic tales by contrasting them to the tragic stories of day 4, a strategy inspired by Ovid’s elegiac poems. Boccaccio thus underscored the dignity of his low, Ovidian-inspired Decameron, and counterbalanced humanist fascination with high tragic-epic literatures.
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Porter, David W. "The Anglo-Latin elegy of Herbert and Wulfgar." Anglo-Saxon England 40 (December 2011): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367511100010x.

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AbstractA poem by a French monk named Herbert petitions Wulfgar Abbot of Abingdon for a gift of warm clothing. The poem, a mock epic employing alliteration and hermeneutic vocabulary, presents the seasons as warring deities. Using similar technique in the final eight lines of the poem, Wulfgar denies Herbert with a humourous response. This article contains an edition, translation, and analysis of the poem, along with brief biographies of the two authors. Another work by Herbert, a prosimetric letter requesting an allowance of fish, is edited and translated in an appendix.
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Wiegand, Hermann. "The Commemoration of the Dead and Epic Composition (Totengedenken und epische Gestaltung)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601017.

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This paper discusses the image and reception of the Thirty Years Warʼs Catholic military leader Johann T’Serclaes von Tilly in Jesuit Neo-Latin epical poetry of the 17th century, starting with Magni Tillij Parentalia written by Jacobus Balde, a prosimetrical work that came into being immediatly after the ‘heroʼs’ death but was posthumously published in 1678, using epical patterns such as picture descriptions or similia not only in metrical parts of the work, but also in prose fiction. The text shows Tilly as a pillar of the Holy Roman Empire and Catholic faith as well. Affiliated are shorter reflections of further Jesuit Neo-Latin poems such as Bellicum Tillij (1634) by Jacobus Bidermann, Johannes Bisseliusʼ Icaria (1637), and Jacobus Damianus’ Bellum Germanicum (1648).
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Dietrich, Jessica. "Death Becomes Her: Female Suicide in Flavian Epic." Ramus 38, no. 2 (2009): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000588.

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ecce inter medios caedum Tiburna furoresfulgenti dextram mucrone armata maritiet laeua infelix ardentem lampada quassanssqualentemque erecta comam ac liuentia planctupectora nudatis ostendens saeua lacertisad tumulum Murri super ipsa cadauera fertur.(Punica2.665-70)Look! Tiburna, into the middle of the raging of slaughter, having armed her right hand with the shining sword of her husband and, unhappy, shaking a burning torch with her left, filthy hair standing up and ferociously baring her arms to reveal breasts bruised from beating, she forces her way over the corpses themselves to the tomb of Murrus.So Silius reintroduces the figure of Tiburna into the mass suicide at Saguntum inPunica2 before concluding with a description of her suicide. The fury that surrounds Tiburna is not surprising of a female figure in Latin epic, yet her suicide in this context is perhaps at odds with the literary tradition in that it is not the result of erotic passion but political despair. The suicide of female figures has a long literary tradition going back to Greek tragedy (Antigone, Deianira, Phaedra) as well as the Roman paradigms, Lucretia and Dido. In the epics of the Flavian period, Statius, Valerius Flaccus and Silius Italicus all offer up their own depiction of female characters who take their own lives. But unlike their literary sisters, whose suicides are an aspect of or the result of their gender, the Flavian epic heroines commit suicidedespitetheir gender, a phenomenon that demands explanation.
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Kahane, Ahuvia. "The Complexity of Epic Diction." Yearbook of Ancient Greek Epic Online 2, no. 1 (August 23, 2018): 78–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688487-00201003.

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Abstract This article offers a revised interpretation of the relationship between form and meaning in Greek epic hexameter diction, binding our understanding of traditional language and idiolects as well as patterns and their exception within a single, systematic approach. The article draws on methodological (and underlying philosophical) principles embedded in contemporary cognitive functional linguistics, usage-based grammar, and the study of language as a complex adaptive system (which emerges from the study of complexity in the sciences). Fundamental to work within these fields in recent decades is the rejection of paradigmatic linguistic approaches (such as traditional Greek and Latin grammar, Saussure and his emphasis on langue, Chomskyan transformations) and the polarities of form and content paradigmatic analysis often assumes. Usage-based linguistics place emphasis on signification and symbolic functions, communicative exchange, and contingent historical evolutionary processes as the primary realities of language and language formation. Grammar is regarded, not as an underlying universal structure, but as an epiphenomenal linguistic symptom. The study of complexity in linguistics expands such perspectives to provide a deep, scientific argument that binds rule-based usage and unpredictable exceptions and anomalies within a single, integrated system. Key elements of these perspectives can be extrapolated already from Milman Parry’s early observations on analogy—even as the full implications of these observations could not have been understood within the historical framework of Parry’s methodology. Various examples from the Iliad and the Odyssey, especially the usage of the formula ton d’ apameibomenos, illustrates the argument for the complexity of epic diction.
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Hardie, Philip. "Flavian Epicists on Virgil's Epic Technique." Ramus 18, no. 1-2 (1989): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003015.

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Despite some notable recent essays in the rehabilitation of the Latin epic of the first century A.D., there remains a prejudice that post-Virgilian epicists are slavishly imitative in a way that Virgil (and his contemporaries in other genres) are not. The following three studies, in Valerius Flaccus, Statius, and Silius Italicus, are contributions to an argument, currently being conducted on a wide front, that imitation, even of a very close kind, may behave in a dynamic and creative way; in particular I wish to show how the epigone may function as an implicit literary analyst or critic, anticipating the results of twentieth-century criticism. My three examples take their starting-point from what I see as a general modern consensus about the nature of Virgilian epic, but the direction could be reversed, that is, we might use post-Virgilian epic as a critical aid toourreading of Virgil.I take individual passages from the Flavian epics in whichtwo(or more) passages of theAeneidare laid under contribution; analysis of such passages reveals that the later poets were reading Virgil with an eye to structural correspondences or contrasts, and to image-structures reaching from the small scale of the ‘multiple-correspondence simile’ to the large scale of patterns that arch over the whole text, features that have been at the centre of much modern Virgilian criticism. Repeated reading of theAeneidreinforces the impression of a vast structure of self-allusion and self-comment aiming for a maximal transparency of the text to itself, in so far as theprima materiaof language will allow, and demanding a ‘simultaneous reading’ that is more spatial than temporal. The fragmentary state of previous large-scale Hellenistic poetry makes it difficult to judge of the originality of Virgil in this extreme extension of the features of repetition and self-allusion that characterize all literary works; but, for example, every increase in our knowledge of Callimachus'Aitiamakes it seem more likely that it was constructed in a similar way.
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Grossardt, Peter. "The Motif of Wrath and Withdrawal in Medieval European Epic and its Impact on The Homeric Question – Some Preliminary Remarks." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 32, no. 1 (August 15, 2019): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v32i1.835.

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Building on his research of 2009, the author of the following article will discuss some parallels to the wrath of Achilles in the medieval European tradition, especially in the Latin Song of Waltharius and in the French chanson de geste as exemplified most notably by the Geste de Fierabras. This epic forms the best parallel to the Iliad, but doesn’t seem to depend on it. It is therefore claimed that the opening of the Iliad with the immediate conflict between the king and his main vassal represents a traditional device of oral epic poetry. As a consequence, the established idea of a chronographic epic style, which has been replaced by the more dramatic Homeric poems, has to be abandoned. On the contrary, it were the dramatic and colourful motifs like the wrath of Achilles or the conquest of Troy with the help of the Wooden Horse, which formed the kernel of the legend, around which smaller episodes crystallized that were told in a more chronographic style.
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van der Keur, Michiel. "Opbouw en vernietiging." Lampas 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2020.1.004.keur.

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Summary In the Aeneid, the recurrent themes of ‘construction’ and ‘destruction’ (the topic of the Latin final exam of 2020) can be connected to generic roles. Dido, founder of Carthage, is presented progressively in elegiac terms, as is suggested by a number of echoes of Sapphic love poetry; as a character, she is guided primarily by personal motives. Dido’s ‘elegiac role’ forebodes her own destruction and that of her city. Aeneas, on the other hand, needs to adhere to his epic role as founder of the new Trojan/Roman nation, in order to avert destruction and the repetition of Troy’s fate. When during his stay in Carthage he starts to show signs of transforming into an elegiac lover, the gods intervene and put him back onto the epic track: the public interest should take precedence over personal feelings. This opposition between elegiac Dido and epic Aeneas may grant insight into Vergil’s message for his contemporaries.
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Anlezark, Daniel. "Poisoned places: the Avernian tradition in Old English poetry." Anglo-Saxon England 36 (November 14, 2007): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675107000051.

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AbstractScholars have long disputed whether or not Beowulf reflects the influence of Classical Latin literature. This essay examines the motif of the ‘poisoned place’ present in a range of texts known to the Anglo-Saxons, most famously represented by Avernus in the Aeneid. While Grendel's mere presents the best-known poisonous locale in Old English poetry, another is found in the dense and enigmatic poem Solomon and Saturn II. The relationship between these poems is discussed beside a consideration of the possibility that their use of the ‘Avernian tradition’ points to the influence of Latin epic on their Anglo-Saxon authors.
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Taylor, Paul Beekman, and Sophie Bordier. "Chaucer and the Latin Muses." Traditio 47 (1992): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900007236.

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Muse of the uniqueHistorical fact, defending with silenceSome world of yours beholding, a silenceNo explosion can conquer, but a lover's yesHas been known to fill.W. H. Auden, ‘Homage to Clio’The Clio and Calliope evoked in the prohemia of Books II and III of Troilus and Criseyde are handily glossed in Chaucer editions as Muses of history and epic poetry respectively, but without citations of sources for these attributions. Stephen A. Barney's notes in The Riverside Chaucer suggest that in both evocations Chaucer is following Statius rather than Dante, and both he and B. A. Windeatt mention the marginal gloss ‘Cleo domina eloquentie’ in MS Harley 2392 of Troilus. Vincent J. DiMarco's note to the name Polymya in Anelida and Arcite identifies her as Muse of ‘sacred song,’ after her name-sense ‘she who is rich in hymns,’ but DiMarco does not elaborate on her pertinence to the context of the poem. There is little in current Chaucer criticism on schemes of attributes for the Muses; and yet without an idea of what values for the Muses Chaucer is drawing upon, it is difficult to appreciate their thematic force in Troilus.
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Schaffenrath, Florian. "Johann Engerds (1547–?) Neolatin Epic Poems on Important Noble Families (Johann Engerds (1547–?) neulateinische epische Dichtungen auf bedeutende Adelsfamilien)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601015.

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During the 16th century, Neo-Latin epic poets in Germany strove for protection and patronage by means of their work, just as their precursors in the Italian Quattrocento. An example par excellence of such a poet – who, however, eventually failed – was Johann Engerd (born in 1547), professor for poetics at the university of Ingolstadt. In the following paper, the author presents Engerd’s biography and gives a general overview of his literary production. In a second step, the author discusses in more detail his epic poems which celebrate particular powerful families whose protection Engerd was seeking: the Montfort, the Fugger, and the Madruzzo families. The special focus in our discussion rests on the literary technique and the self-fashioning of the author in his works.
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