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Andreeva, Sofia, Artem Fedorchuk, and Michael Nosonovsky. "Revisiting Epigraphic Evidence of the Oldest Synagogue in Morocco in Volubilis." Arts 8, no. 4 (September 27, 2019): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040127.
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Volubilis was a Roman city located at the southwest extremity of the Roman Empire in modern-day Morocco. Several Jewish gravestone inscriptions in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, likely from the 3rd century CE, have been found there. One of them belongs to “Protopolites Kaikilianos, the head of a Jewish congregation (synagogue)”, and it indicates the presence of a relatively big Jewish community in the city. The Hebrew inscription of “Matrona, daughter of Rabbi Yehuda” is unique occurrence of using the Hebrew language in such a remote region. The Latin inscription belongs to “Antonii Sabbatrai”, likely a Jew. In addition, two lamps decorated with menorahs, one from bronze and one from clay, were found in Volubilis. In nearby Chellah, a Jewish inscription in Greek was also discovered. We revisit these inscriptions including their language, spelling mistakes, and their interpretations. We relate epigraphic sources to archaeological evidence and discuss a possible location of the synagogue in this remote city, which was the first synagogue in Morocco.
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Fortson, Ben, and Brent Vine. "Studies in Archaic Latin Inscriptions." Language 71, no. 1 (March 1995): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416011.
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Gatzke, Andrea F. "THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE: A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.
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Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual presentation, and whether each language was serving the same function. This paper considers the monumental entrance to the Pamphylian city of Perge as a case study for exploring this relationship between bilingual inscriptions and civic space. By surveying the display of both Greek and Latin on this entrance, examining how the entrance interacted with the broader linguistic landscape of Perge, and considering the effects that each language would have had on the viewer, I show that the use of language, and the variation between the languages, served not only to communicate membership in both Greek and Roman societies but also to delineate civic space from imperial space, both physically and symbolically.
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Kunčer, Dragana. "CIL III 9527 as Evidence of Spoken Latin in the Sixth-century Dalmatia." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/6.
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The epitaph of Priest Iohannes (CIL III 9527, Salona, August 13, 599 or AD 603) is one of the few inscriptions from the sixth-century Salona, which can be dated with precision. It is also one of the rare inscriptions from Dalmatia of this period, which mention a person (proconsul Marcellinus) known from other sources (Registrum epistularum of Pope Gregory the Great). However, its linguistic importance seems to be summarized in the remark of its most recent editor Nancy Gauthier (2010) that the language of the epitaph reflects the features of Latin spoken in Dalmatia at the time (“la langue vivante”). The aim of this paper was to check the plausibility of this statement by comparing the Vulgar Latin features in the inscription with the results of research on Latin in late Dalmatia. Also, a new interpretation of the word obsis l. 13 is proposed.
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Hernandez, Guillermo E. "Some Jarcha Antecedents in Latin Inscriptions." Hispanic Review 57, no. 2 (1989): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/473494.
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Tamponi, Lucia. "On Back and Front Vowels in Latin Inscriptions from Sardinia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.9.
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SummaryDespite the numerous studies carried out on Latin inscriptions from different parts of the Empire, up to date a complete quantitative analysis on the vowel alternations occurring in Latin inscriptions from Sardinia has not yet been carried out. However, such an investigation could shed light on the dynamics of the emergence of the Sardinian vowel system, where the ‘common romance' mergers of ĭ, ē and ŭ, ō did not take place. Therefore, we conducted a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the graphemic alternations (o) ∼ (U) and (e) ∼ (i) occurring in an epigraphic corpus containing the available Latin inscriptions from Sardinia. The alternations have been examined with reference to four variables: the proportion against standard spellings, the dating of the inscriptions, the position of lexical stress and the amount of other misspellings in the texts examined. The results show a vowel system which seems to foreshadow the Romance development of the Sardinian varieties from early times due to the low number of misspellings. The reconstruction of the sociocultural context of the inscriptions could help us to explain the distribution of the vowel alternations.
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GREENWOOD, DAVID NEAL. "FIVE LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM JULIAN'S PAGAN RESTORATION." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00074.x.
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Abstract Scholars have often assumed that Julian's efforts to restore paganism were met with indifference at best. However, a study of Latin inscriptions praising the emperor and his religious actions can shed light on support for his revival of paganism. Although supplemented by other examples, five inscriptions from Casae, Thibilis, Panaeas, Mursa, and Cherchel are examined in detail and placed into proper context. This article argues that epigraphic evidence shows broader support for Julian's revival, both geographically and socially.
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Yazidi, Akhmad. "PEMAKAIAN AKSARA DALAM PENULISAN BAHASA MELAYU HINGGA BAHASA INDONESIA (THE USAGE OF LETTERS ON MALAY TO INDONESIAN LANGUAGE WRITING)." JURNAL BAHASA, SASTRA DAN PEMBELAJARANNYA 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/jbsp.v3i1.4484.
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AbstractThe Usage of Letters on Malay to Indonesian Language Writing. This paper discussesthe history of the Indonesian language, literacy in the writing of a variety of languages, Malay letter in writing to the Indonesian language, and spelling in Indonesian. Ofthis section may conclude that in writing the history of written language or alphabetletters contained Paku, the letter Babylonian, Assyrian letters, letters of Ancient Persia;Pallawa, Kawi Letter used in Sanskrit; Arabic, Kanjiin Japanese and Chinese, letters,Jawi Premodern, Modern Java, Bali Modern: literacy Hanacaraka from Lampung,Rencong, Karo Batak, Bugis-Makassar as well;and Latin script. Indonesian languagethat comes from the Malay language has a long history, There are some developmentspase formation of the Indonesian language, namely Old Malay, Malay Market, HigherMalay, and Bahasa Indonesian. Since the 5th century inscription has been found to beYupa in Kutai in East Kalimantan with a script and inscription Pallawa Tarumanegara,and inscriptions in Old Malay inscriptions in a script that is Pallawa Towu Gutters,Cape Inscription Land, and the inscription Limestone City. In a later development afterthe Arabs came to trade missions and preaching, use Malay Arabic script known asJawi letters, and beginning of the 20th century the concept put forward by the Ch. A.Dutch van Ophuysen applied linguists Latin letters into the Malay language. Ever seenon the spelling of force, then in the Indonesian language contained van OphuysenSpelling, Spelling Republic, and Spelling Enhanced.Keywords: letter of the alphabet, spelling, languageAbstrakPemakaian Aksara dalam Penulisan Bahasa Melayu hingga Bahasa Indonesia. Tulisanini membahas tentang sejarah bahasa Indonesia, aksara dalam penulisan berbagaibahasa, aksara dalam penulisan bahasa Melayu hingga bahasa Indonesia, dan ejaandalam bahasa Indonesia. Dari pembahasan ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa dalam sejarahtulisan atau aksara bahasa tulis terdapat huruf Paku, yaitu huruf Babylonia, hurufAssyiria, Huruf Persia Kuno; Pallawa, Huruf Kawi yang digunakan dalam bahasaSanskerta; huruf Arab, huruf Kanji dalam bahasa Jepang dan Cina, huruf, JawiPramodern, Jawa Modern, Bali Modern; Aksara Hanacaraka dari Lampung, Rencong,Batak Karo, serta Bugis-Makassar; serta aksara Latin. Bahasa Indonesia yang berasaldari bahasa Melayu mempunyai sejarah yang cukup lama, Terdapat beberapa faseperkembangan terbentuknya bahasa Indonesia, yaitu bahasa Melayu Kuno, MelayuPasar, Melayu Tinggi, dan Bahasa Indonesia. Sejak abad ke-5 sudah ditemukan prasastiberupa Yupa di Kutai Kalimantan Timur dengan aksara Pallawa dan PrasastiTarumanegara, kemudian prasasti dalam bahasa Melayu Kuno dalam aksara Pallawa,yaitu Prasasti Talang Towu, Prasasti Tanjung Tanah, dan Prasasti Kota Kapur. Dalamperkembangan kemudian setelah bangsa Arab datang dengan misi dagang dan dakwah,48digunakan aksara Arab Melayu yang dikenal sebagai huruf Jawi, dan awal abad ke-20atas konsep yang di kemukakan oleh Ch. A. van Ophuysen ahli bahasa Belandaditerapkan huruf Latin kedalam bahasa Melayu. Dilihat dari ejaan yang pernah berlaku,dalam bahasa Indonesia terdapat Ejaan van Ophuysen, Ejaan Republik atau EjaanSuwandi, dan Ejaan Yang Disempurnakan.Kata-kata kunci: aksara, ejaan, bahasa
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Arukask, Anni, Kaidi Kriisa, Maria-Kristiina Lotman, Tuuli Triin Truusalu, Martin Uudevald, and Kristi Viiding. "Verse texts in the Latin inscriptions of Estonian ecclesiastical space: meter, rhythm and prosody." Studia Metrica et Poetica 5, no. 1 (August 5, 2018): 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/smp.2018.5.1.04.
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In 2014, the project CEILE (Corpus Electronicum Inscriptionum Latinarum Estoniae, EKKM 14-364) was launched within the framework of the program “Estonian language and cultural memory”, in order to systematically map and study the Latin inscriptions created before 1918 and stored in Estonian Lutheran and Catholic churches. As of 2018, the database contains more than 300 inscriptions. Although the proportion of verse texts is not high (13 entries), the fact that the material (totalling 175 verses) has survived almost completely, part of them in situ and partly in transcriptions, and contains several lengthier texts, allows us to make certain generalizations about their metrical and prosodic structure. In this paper, we will give an overview of the chronology and sites of inscriptions and describe the metrical, rhythmical and prosodic structure of the verse texts, addressing also the conjectural role of meter and prosody in our work. We will also dwell on the metrical and prosodic correctness of the texts and will take a separate look at the prosodic licences and errors which occur in the verse texts of the corpus.
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Tarsi, Matteo. "Towards a Phonology of Scandinavian Latin Runic Inscriptions: A Corpus-Based Analysis." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.10.
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Summary:The present paper is a study of the rendering of Latin in Scandinavian runic inscriptions. The analysis focuses on a small corpus of thirteen inscriptions from the whole of Scandinavia and its periph- eral settlements. The investigated phenomena are: 1) Lat. /e/ in stressed and unstressed position; 2) Lat. /d/ and /t/ in initial, intervocalic and final position; 3) Lat. /t/ + /j/ /_V; 4) Lat. /b/, /p/ and /v/ in initial and intervocalic position. From the analysis of the data it can be observed that the runic rendering of Latin can either adhere to its written model or mirror the actual pronunciation of Medieval Latin in Scandinavia.
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Capano, Marta. "The Greek language in Sicily between the Hellenistic Period and Late Antiquity: A contribution from an epigraphic corpus." Journal of Greek Linguistics 20, no. 2 (November 12, 2020): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02002004.
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Abstract My PhD dissertation (Università degli Studi di Napoli L’Orientale), entitled “Il greco in Sicilia fra età ellenistica e tarda antichità. Un contributo da un corpus epigrafico” (transl. “The Greek language in Sicily between the Hellenistic Period and Late Antiquity. A contribution from an epigraphic corpus”) offers a comprehensive analysis of the Greek language in post-classical Sicilian inscriptions, paying specific attention to the contact with other languages—especially Latin—and to the lexical and formulaic specificities of Christian epigraphy.
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Marotta, Giovanna, and Lucia Tamponi. "Omission of Final -S In Latin Inscriptions: Time and Space." Transactions of the Philological Society 117, no. 1 (November 17, 2018): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12145.
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Beu-Dachin, Eugenia. "Linguistic Peculiarities in the Latin Inscriptions of Potaissa (Dacia)." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/3.
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Around 200 inscriptions have been found at Potaissa so far. Some of them disappeared and their texts are known to us exclusively from publications, others are kept in museum collections. The subject of this study is their linguistic examination, by following the peculiarities and the deviations from the classical norms of the language. When possible, this data will be related to details on the donors, on the provenance of the epigraphs, on their type, and on other information that can contribute to shaping the cultural-linguistic profile of the Roman town.
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Fodor, Krisztina. "Changes of the latin language in aquitaine as reflected by the inscriptions." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, no. 1 (June 2009): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.1.5.
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Zelenai, Nóra. "The variants of the se vivo fecit expression in Latin language inscriptions." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 1 (2018): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2018-1-14.
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Ötvös, Zsuzsanna. "The Latin of the inscriptions in Narbonensis: Some phonetic characteristics." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, no. 1 (June 2009): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.1.9.
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Paulus, Nóra. "Study on the Weakening of the Word Final –s Compared to –m in the Epigraphic Corpus." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/8.
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The position of the word final –s, after a weakening in archaic Latin, seems to be fixed in the spoken language in the classical period. Then, it partially disappeared in the Romance languages: in modern languages, it is conserved only north and west of the Massa–Senigallia line, while we cannot find it neither in the eastern regions nor in South Italy. Based on this fact, linguists generally claim that the weakening of the final –s started only after the intensive dialectal diversification of Latin, simultaneously with the evolution of the Romance languages. However, the data of the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age (LLDB) do not verify this generally accepted opinion. We can find almost as many examples of the lack of word final –s as that of –m also from the earlier centuries of the Imperial age. The aim of this paper is to explore the reasons behind the inconsistencies between the scholarly consensus and the epigraphical data.
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Cooley, Alison E., and Benet Salway. "Roman Inscriptions 2006–2010." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (October 1, 2012): 172–286. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812001074.
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AbstractThe aim of this quinquennial survey remains the same as its predecessor, as for the most part does the format, though the team is regrettably reduced by one. With an eye to the study of the Roman world, we hope to signal the most important newly published inscriptions, significant reinterpretations of previously published material, new trends in scholarship, recent studies that draw heavily on epigraphic sources, and noteworthy developments in the various aids to understanding inscriptions (both traditional printed material and electronic resources). In the context of this journal, the geographical range and chronological scope reflect the contours and history of the Roman state from its beginnings down to the end of the seventh century. As such, not only does the survey naturally take in Greek as well as Latin texts, but also epigraphic material in other languages relevant to the Roman world. In the hope that they might usefully reflect the various fields of primary interest to readers of this journal, we have maintained the categories established in the last survey. These comprise, after material of general interest and significance, principal divisions under the headings of (II) Government, law, and authority, (III) Cities, (IV) Funerary epigraphy, (V) Religions, and (VI) Language, literature, and onomastics. The structure of the first section has been changed somewhat in order to give greater prominence to those inscriptions here singled out as historical highlights. The organization of the discussion within each section (or subsection) generally moves between the thematic, chronological, and geographical, as seems to suit the material best.
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Falluomini, Carla. "Traces of Wulfila’s Bible Translation in Visigothic Gaul." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 80, no. 1-2 (August 12, 2020): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340178.
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Abstract The analysis of the biblical names transmitted by the – now lost – mosaic inscriptions of the church Notre-Dame de la Daurade, in Toulouse, suggests the possibility that they may represent the Latin adaptation of Gothic names deriving from Wulfila’s Bible translation. These forms would therefore be significant witnesses to the circulation of the Wulfilian text in Visigothic Gaul. They would also testify to the ongoing Latin acculturation of the new settlers in Gaul, or at least in the capital Toulouse, where the (relatively) peaceful relations with the Gallo-Romans, encouraged by a court open to Roman culture, may have promoted a rapid bilingualism – although not a complete assimilation – of the Visigothic population. The mosaic inscriptions of the Daurade would perfectly represent this cultural amalgamation, by joining the traditional religious belief (Arianism-Homoianism) and texts (Wulfila’s version) of the Goths, with forms of art (mosaics) and language of the Gallo-Romans.
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Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "La valeur du s diacrité dans les inscriptions celtibères en alphabet latin." Etudes Celtiques 41, no. 1 (2015): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2015.2450.
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Gaspar, Catarina, and Silvia Tantimonaco. "Relative Pronouns in Light of Epigraphic Evidence:The Province of Lusitania*." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.18.
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Summary:This paper focuses on the uses and forms of the relative pronouns as evidenced from the Latin epigraphy in Lusitania. Inscriptions are considered from the 1st to the 8th century AD, with special attention being paid to the future developments in the Portuguese language. To this purpose, other in- scriptions or documents of a different nature dated to later chronologies are also considered as a point of comparison.
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Kiss, Sándor. "Tendances évolutives du latin tardif dans la Britannia romaine (d’après les inscriptions)." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, no. 1 (June 2009): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.1.7.
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Joseph, Brian D., and Rex E. Wallace. "Socially determined variation in ancient Rome." Language Variation and Change 4, no. 1 (March 1992): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000673.
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ABSTRACTPhonological and morphological variation in Classical Latin (e.g., diphthongs ae/au vs. monophthongs e/o, retention vs. loss of final consonants and initial h-, GEN SG -is vs. -us/-os, DAT SG in -ae vs. -a, etc.) has typically been treated as regional in nature. However, these seemingly “rural” features cannot be considered instances of purely geographically based variation, for they also occur both on inscriptions from within Rome and in Roman literary usage. Coleman (1990:14) hinted at “a social dimension” to this variation, but only for au versus o variation. We argue, however, that a distinctly social dimension must be recognized for much of this variation, based on: (a) instances of hypercorrection; (b) the observation that datives in -a occur only in private, primarily domestic, inscriptions and never in public or official inscriptions; (c) Augustus's use of “rural” domos for domus, in keeping with the populist image he cultivated upon his return to Rome. This dialectal/sociolectal situation can be best understood, we argue, in terms of the model of urbanization of Milroy (1980) and Bortoni-Ricardo (1985). The transformation of originally geographic variation into socially determined variation in an urban setting resulted from migrations into Rome and the expansion of Rome after the 4th century b.c.
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Béla Zsolt, Szakács. "Falra hányt betűk: késő gótikus falikrónikák a középkori Magyarországon." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00003.
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During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.
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Béla Zsolt, Szakács. "Falra hányt betűk: késő gótikus falikrónikák a középkori Magyarországon." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00003.
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During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.
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Willms, Lothar. "Augusta Treverorum Vulgaris: Linguistic Change and Cultural Integration in the Vulgar Latin Inscriptions of Trier (germany)." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 651–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.56.
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SummaryThe copious corpus of deviations from standard Latin from Trier spans more than 800 years (50 BC–800 AD) and comprises both pagan and Christian inscriptions, the latter exclusively on tombstones. This paper points out the most salient non-standard features in the categories of phonetics, morphology, syntax and vocabulary. Most of them conform to standard Vulgar Latin, but some yield features of the inscriptions’ area, such as Western Romance (preservation of final -s, voicing intervocalic stops), Gallo-Romance (qui instead of quae, nasalisation), and the extinct Moselle Romance. A few features might reflect Gaulish substrate influence ([u] > [y], e before nasals > i, ē > ī, ō > ū, -m > -n). Clues for palatalisation and the raisings ē > ī, ō > ū are the most prominent phonetic features, the latter supporting, combined with the preservation of final -s, a renewed paradigm of nominal inflection. Morphosyntactic changes are driven by analogy and regularisations. Starting at the fringes, the erosion of case syntax ended up in a complete breakdown. Christianity fostered the recording of previously undocumented substandard features, completed the assimilation of Celtic (which pagan polytheism and the upwards mobility of Roman society had initiated) and supported the cultural integration of Germanic immigrants.Piae memoriae Henrici Heinen, viri doctissimi
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Cioffi, Robert. "Patricia A. Rosenmeyer: The Language of Ruins. Greek and Latin Inscriptions on the Memnon Colossus." Gnomon 92, no. 8 (2020): 718–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2020-8-718.
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Bremmer, Jan N. "Opening Address at the Symposium: Epigraphical Evidence for the Formation and Rise of Early Śaivism." Indo-Iranian Journal 56, no. 3-4 (2013): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-13560302.
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In my contribution I note the influence of emergent Latin and Greek epigraphy on the birth of Indian epigraphy as well some differences in the location of inscriptions between ancient Greece and India. Subsequently, I make some observations on the usage of the terms ‘sect’ and ‘sectarian’ in the study of Indian religion.
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Vashchenko, Darya Yu. "The Inscriptions on the Gravestones in the Croatian Villages of Slovakia, Chunovo and Jarovce: The Specificity of Mixing Graphics Systems." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 14, no. 1-2 (2019): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2019.14.1-2.10.
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The article discusses the inscriptions on funerary monuments from the Croatian villages of Cunovo and Jarovce, located in the South of Slovakia, near Bratislava. These inscriptions reflect the complicated sociocultural situation in the region, which is particularly specific due to the fact that this territory was included to Slovakia’s territory only after 1946, while earlier the village was part of Hungary. In addition, the local Croatian ethnic group was actively in close contact with the German and Hungarian communities. At the same time, the orthographic norms of the literary Croatian, German, Hungarian, and Slovak languages, which could potentially be owned by the authors of the inscriptions, differ in many ways, despite the Latin alphabet used on all the gravestones. All this is reflected in the tombstones, representing a high degree of mixing codes. The article identifies the main types of fusion on the monuments: separate orthograms, writing the maiden name of the deceased in the spelling of her native language, the traditional spelling of the family name. In addition, the mixing of codes can be associated with writing feminitives, also order of name and surname within the anthroponym. Moreover, the settlements themselves represent different ethnic groups coexistence within the village. Gravestones from the respective cemeteries also differ from each other in the nature of the prevailing trend of the mixing codes. In Jarovce, where the ethnic groups live compactly, fusion is often presented as a separate foreign language orthograms. In Cunovo, where the ethnic groups constitute a global conglomerate, more traditional presents for a specific family spelling of the names on the monument.
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Mairs, Rachel. "‘Interpreting’ at Vindolanda: Commercial and Linguistic Mediation in the Roman Army." Britannia 43 (June 7, 2012): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x12000219.
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AbstractA fragmentary tablet from Vindolanda(Tab. Vindol. II,213) contains an occurrence of the verbinterpretari(‘interpret’, ‘explain’, ‘mediate’) in an apparently commercial context, relating to the grain supply for the Roman fort. This usage is paralleled in a text on a wooden stilus tablet from Frisia in the Netherlands. ‘Interpreters’ and their activities make rather infrequent appearances in the Latin epigraphic and documentary records. In the Danubian provinces, interpreters (interpretes) are attested as army officers and officials in the office of the provincial governor. ‘Interpreters’, in both Latin and Greek inscriptions and papyri, often, however, play more ambiguous roles, not always connected with language-mediation, but also, or instead, with mediation in commercial transactions.
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Adamik, Béla. "The problem of the omission of word-final -s as evidenced in Latin inscriptions." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 2 (2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2017-2-1.
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Higbie, Carolyn. "The Language of Ruins: Greek and Latin Inscriptions on the Memnon Colossus by Patricia A. Rosenmeyer." Classical World 113, no. 1 (2019): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2019.0072.
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Adamik, Béla. "In memoriam József Herman: Von der Late Latin Database bis zur Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, no. 1 (June 2009): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.1.2.
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Adamik, Béla. "Potential Greek influence on the Vulgar Latin sound change [b] > [β]: Dialectological evidence from inscriptions." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57, no. 1 (March 2017): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2017.57.1.2.
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Mallette, Karla. "TRANSLATING SICILY." Medieval Encounters 9, no. 1 (2003): 140–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006703322576565.
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AbstractThis article sketches a theoretical strategy for approaching the literary history of Norman Sicily (centuries XI-XII). Because of its linguistic complexity—during the Norman era, Sicilians wrote in Arabic, Greek, and Latin—literary historians have resisted treating Siculo-Norman literature as a literary-historical category. Rather, the literature has been divided into three discrete, linguistically defined traditions, understood as colonial extensions of mainland literary traditions. Using a reading of Sicilian coins with multilingual inscriptions in order to examine the parallel use of multiple languages in a single "text," this article argues for a reconsideration of Sicilian literature of the era, one that looks at multilingualism not as a challenge to literary coherence but as constitutive of a literary culture.
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Dijkstra, Roald. "Book review: Inscriptions and Their Uses in Greek and Latin Literature, written by Liddel, P., Low, P." Mnemosyne 68, no. 3 (April 24, 2015): 535–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341929.
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Sikimic, Biljana, and Motoki Nomaci. "Linguistic landscape of memorial spaces in multinational communities: The case of Banat Bulgarians in Serbia." Juznoslovenski filolog 72, no. 1-2 (2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1602007s.
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For the linguistic landscape analysis of private signs of Banat Bulgarians we chose two cemeteries, both of them multiethnic, since Banat Bulgarians in Serbia do not form a majority population in any village. The cemetery in Jasa Tomic/Modos is religiously mixed, but the Catholic and Orthodox part are still divided. Banat Bulgarians in Konak village are buried in the Catholic cemetery; there is a separate Orthodox cemetery for the majority population. These two villages (Jasa Tomic and Konak) were selected because they share a similar situation from the diachronic socio-linguistical point of view: apart for a brief time during World War II, the Bulgarian/Paulician language was hardly taught since the early 20th century; Bulgarian was used only in the family and the Catholic church (there are prayer books in Banat Bulgarian); there were many mixed marriages; there was no revival of language and culture As inscriptions on all existing Banat Bulgarian Cyrillic headstones are in Serbian and none of the cemeteries visited have inscriptions in Bulgarian, or rather in the Bulgarian Cyrillic, this indicates that the use and knowledge of standard Bulgarian is limited among the Banat Bulgarians. At the same time, the use of Banat Bulgarian in the Latin alphabet on a proportionally large number of headstones up to the end of the 20th century in the Serbian part of the Banat, and also actively today in Vinga in the Romanian part of Banat, indicates the great importance of the Banat Bulgarian language in preserving the identity of Banat Bulgarians.
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Harrison, James R. "Paul’s “Indebtedness” to the Barbarian (Rom 1:14) in Latin West Perspective." Novum Testamentum 55, no. 4 (2013): 311–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341445.
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Abstract In moving the geographical focus of his mission from the Greek East to the Latin West (Rom 15:23-24, 28; cf. 1:9-10, 13), Paul states that he was indebted to “Greek and barbarian” (1:14). Paul’s language of “indebtedness” not only relativises the ethnic and linguistic divide of antiquity (v. 14 a), but also cultural and educational stereotypes, including the denigration of barbarians (v. 14 b). The apostle’s thought here should not be restricted to the evangelisation of the Latin West and the pastoral care of its churches, even though that is the focus of the pericope (vv. 8b-9a, 11-12a, 13b, 15-17). His language of “indebtedness” occurs in various contexts, several of them social (1:14a; 4:4; 13:8; 15:1, 27). It evokes the world of Roman political and social parlance, with its interplay of imperial patronage and the reciprocation of favour in the western provinces where many barbarian tribes resided. After examining renderings of barbarians in select Roman writers and the Augustan triumphal iconography, the article explores the notion of “obligation” in the Gallic and Spanish inscriptions. The author proposes that Romans 1:14 articulates what “indebtedness” meant for the believer’s mission to the marginalised people groups outside of the body of Christ. This would enable Paul’s house-churches not only to embrace the peoples from barbarian tribes with whom the Romans had patronal relations, but also those tribes in the Latin West whom the Romans had punished for their non-compliance.
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Arnaiz-Villena, Antonio, Fabio Suárez-Trujillo, Valentín Ruiz-del-Valle, Adrián López-Nares, and Felipe Jorge Pais-Pais. "The Iberian-Guanche rock inscriptions at La Palma Is.: all seven Canary Islands (Spain) harbour these scripts." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 2, no. 14 (December 1, 2020): 318–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i14.5.
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Rock Iberian-Guanche inscriptions have been found in all Canary Islands including La Palma: they consist of incise (with few exceptions) lineal scripts which have been done by using the Iberian semi-syllabary that was used in Iberia and France during the 1st millennium BC until few centuries AD .This confirms First Canarian Inhabitants navigation among Islands. In this paper we analyze three of these rock inscriptions found in westernmost La Palma Island: hypotheses of transcription and translation show that they are short funerary and religious text, like of those found widespread through easternmost Lanzarote, Fuerteventura and also Tenerife Islands. They frequently name “Aka” (dead), “Ama” (mother godness) and “Bake” (peace), and methodology is mostly based in phonology and semantics similarities between Basque language and prehistoric Iberian-Tartessian semi-syllabary transcriptions. These Iberian-Guanche scripts are widespread in La Palma usually together with spiral and circular typical Atlantic motifs which are similar to these of Megalithic British Isles, Brittany (France) and Western Iberia. Sometimes linear incise Iberian-Guanche inscriptions are above the circular ones (more recent) but they are also found underneath (less recent). The idea that this prehistoric Iberian semi-syllabary was originated in Africa and/or Canary Islands is not discarded. It is discussed in the frame of Saharian people migration to Mediterranean, Atlantic (i.e.: Canary Islands) and other areas, when hyperarid climate rapidly established. On the other hand, an Atlantic gene and possibly linguistic and cultural pool is shared among people from British Isles, Brittany (France), Iberia (Spain, Portugal), North Africa and Canary Islands.
Keywords: La Palma, Iberian-Guanche, Latin, Inscriptions, Iberian, Celts, Sahara, Africa, Garafia, Santo Domingo, Canary Islands, Lybic British, Brittons, Basque, Irish, Lybic Canarian, Palmeses, Benahoaritas, Awaritas, Tricias, Prehistory, Guache, Tartessian.
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A. Gaeng, Paul. "The extent to which inscriptional evidence may serve as a source of "vulgar," i.e. spoken Latin." Linguistica 32, no. 2 (December 1, 1992): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.32.2.19-29.
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"Itis incumbent on Romance scholars to analyze and interpret their exceptionally full stock of linguistic material, using all methods of study at their disposal, working both backward and forward in time. Only thus will Romance linguistics be enabled to do what others expect of it: to serve not only as an end in itself but as a model and training-ground for workers in all fields of historical linguistics." Thus wrote the American scholar, Robert A. Hall, jr. some forty years ago in an essay on the recon struction of Proto-Romance. 1 Indeed, the researcher into the history of the Romance languages is faced with, on the one hand, the schemes of reconstruction (essentially based on the principles of the historical comparative method) and the often puzzling testimonies of reality found in the sources. Put in other terms, he has the choice of working with an abstract system represented by starred Latin forms that do not belong to any real language or the reality of the mass of postclassical written records that have come down to us to be analyzed and sifted through with a view to discovering evidences of trends toward Romance in phonology, morpho-syntax, and vocabulary. And while there are, no doubt, materials whose meaning in terms of future evolution of the Romance languages is difficult, if not impossible to discover, there is an abun dance of those that prelude the future. It is the attention to the future that, I believe, can give reality and life to the large number of forms collected from inscriptions, late writers, and other sources of so-called "Vulgar", i. e. non-literary Latin.
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Adamik, Béla. "On the Loss of Final -m: Phonological or Morphosyntactic Change?*." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.11.
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SummaryThis paper intends to show that when grouping the various kinds of omissions of final -m in Väänänen‘s study on the Vulgar Latin of Pompeian inscriptions, the subcategories in his category b) (‘m omis sans raison apparente’ i.e. where -m is omitted due to a phonetic process) as “Accusatifs en -a(m)” like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and ad porta(m) Romana(m) or “Accusatifs en -e(m)” such as qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) and ante aede(m) must be rearranged in the following two subcategories: 1) cases after prepositions like ad porta(m) Romana(m) and ante aede(m) etc. where besides the phonetic interpretation a parallel morphosyntactic explanation of case confusion cannot be ruled out; and 2) cases with the objective use connected to verbs like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) where, due to the preference of the phonetic interpretation, the morphosyntactic explanation seems to be less probable or even unlikely.
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Hernández, Azucena. "Astrolabes for the King: The Astrolabe of Petrus Raimundi of Barcelona." Medieval Encounters 23, no. 1-5 (September 22, 2017): 421–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342254.
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Abstract The astrolabe of Petrus Raimundi, made in Barcelona in 1375, occupies a significant position in the set of medieval Spanish astrolabes with Latin inscriptions, as it is the only one signed and dated that has survived to the present day. A full description and study of the astrolabe is presented in the context of the support given to the manufacturing of scientific instruments by King Peter iv of Aragon. Although the astronomical and time reckoning features of the astrolabe are fully detailed, special attention is given to its artistic and decorative features. The relationships between Petrus Raimundi’s astrolabe and those manufactured in al-Andalus, the region under Islamic rule within the Iberian Peninsula in the Middle Ages, are highlighted, as well as the links with astrolabe production in other European Christian kingdoms. The role played by astrolabes in medicine is considered and first steps are taken towards discovering the identity of Petrus Raimundi.
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Paulus, Nóra. "Libertae isdem coniugi T. Licinius Il problema della fossilizzazione del pronome idem1." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.22.
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SummaryWe know about a significant number of inscriptions – the major part of them were found in Rome - in which the pronoun idem, the form of the nominative masculine, stands in the place of another grammatical gender or case of the same word (usually a dative), or in the place of the adverb item. In the edited epigraphic corpora, this form is usually interpreted as adverbial and emendated for item. However, in similar context (as for example in the title), we can often see isdem too, the archaic form of the nominative masculine, which cannot be explained on the base of the phonology as derivated from item. In the 19th century, Friedrich Ritschl thought that these forms substituted in reality eidem (dative singular of idem), and explained the change based on phonology (eidem to idem), and then on analogy (idem to isdem). An explanation like this imply the fossilisation of the pronoun, since the variants of the nominative masculine occure in the place of another inflected form of the word, specifically in the dative. In 1907, E. H. Sturtevant published an article (Some Unfamiliar Uses of Idem and Isdem in Latin Inscriptions) in which he intended to refute Ritschl’s claim and to give another interesting interpretation. In his opinion, the fenomenon has different origins in Ostia and in Rome. In his theory, the occurrences of the form idem in a position, which is different from the nominative masculine of the pronoun, are dialectic variants of item if they are from Ostia; though the same forms registrated in Rome are interpreted as consciously used nominatives. In consequence, the fossilisation of the word would be a non-existent fenomenon. The aim of this study is to examine critically Sturtevant’s argumentation concerning the fossilisation of the pronoun idem and its eventual fusion with the adverb item.
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Roberts, Brynley F. "The discovery of Old Welsh." Historiographia Linguistica 26, no. 1-2 (September 10, 1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.26.1-2.02rob.
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Summary Edward Lhuyd’s (1660–1709) Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford 1707), was intended to be a study of early British history together with copies of some of the original source material The only volume to appear, entitled Glossography, printed glossaries and grammars of the Celtic languages and lists of Irish and Welsh manuscripts, and it set out the principles of phonetic changes and correspondences so that linguistic and written evidence for the relationships of the first (Celtic) inhabitants of the British Isles could be evaluated. The antiquity of the evidence was of prime importance. Lhuyd sought the ‘very ancient’ written sources which would bridge the gap between the post-Roman inscriptions and the medieval Welsh manuscripts which he had seen. Humphrey Wanley (1672–1726), the Old English scholar, drew his attention to the Lichfield gospel book and two Latin manuscripts at the Bodleian Library which contained Welsh glosses and Lhuyd himself discovered the Cambridge Juvencus manuscript. These were the oldest forms of Welsh which he had seen. He analysed the palaeography, the orthography and vocabulary of these witnesses, and although he was not able fully to comprehend these records, he was able to begin to describe the characteristics of the British insular hand and to define some of the features which distinguished Old Welsh from Middle Welsh.
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Arnaiz-Villena, Antonio, Marcial Medina, Valentín Ruiz-del-Valle, Adrian Lopez-Nares, Julian Rodriguez-Rodriguez, and Fabio Suarez-Trujillo. "The Ibero-Guanche (Latin) rock inscriptions found at Mt. Tenezara volcano (Lanzarote, Canary Islands, Spain): A Saharan hypothesis for Mediterranean/Atlantic Prehistory." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 2, no. 13 (July 7, 2020): 140–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i13.5.
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Two of the several rock script panels found at Mt. Tenezara volcano slope, Lanzarote Is. (Canary Islands) have been analyzed. Both of them contain a linear writing which corresponds to the ancient Iberian semi-sillabary discovered by Gomez-Moreno in 1949 AD, thus to Iberian-Guanche inscriptions which previously were referred as Latin. Ancient Iberian scripts have been found in France, Portugal, Spain and other Mediterranean places during the 1st millennium BC and the following four centuries AD; it may be possible that Iberian signs could have been taken or used at the same time at Africa. Even one of the semi-vertical panels considered as Lybic is in fact written in Iberian-Guanche characters. Also, Mt Tenezara shows Cart-ruts pointing to Equinoxes Sunrise. Findings are put in the context of a Sahara relatively rapid desiccation and a massive people migration to establish several classic and pre-classic civilizations, like Sumer, Egypt, Hittite, Hellenistic, Iberians, Lybic and Canary Islands Guanches, and possibly other Old Atlantic Celtic ones. Saharan Hypothesis is based on Geology, Columbia Shuttle (1981) infrared photographs that show prehistoric desert fertility, Prehistory, Anthropology and Linguistics. A fertile and heavily populated Sahara existed before 6,000 years BC.
Keywords: Sahara, Latin, Scripts, Canary Islands, Iberian, Guanche, Lybic, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Quesera, Cheeseboard, Pyramids, Berber, Africa, Punic, Roman, Tenerife, Equinox, Tunisia, Algeria, Canarian,, Calendar, Raetian, Lepontic, Venetian, Etruscan, Basque, Cart-ruts, Sitovo, Gradeshnitsa, Usko- Mediterranean, Language, Tenezara, Juan Brito
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Manolaraki, Eleni Hall. "The Language of Ruins: Greek and Latin Inscriptions on the Memnon Colossus. By Patricia A. Rosenmeyer. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. 265." Classical Philology 114, no. 3 (July 2019): 544–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/703350.
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Sultanbek, K., and Z. Shadkam. "THE PROBLEMS OF THE TRANSCRIPTION AN ARABOGRAPHIC WORKS." BULLETIN Series of Philological Sciences 75, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-1.1728-7804.27.
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The article deals the problems of transcription an arabographic literary heritage. Turkic people are used various writing systems and alphabets to nowadays, and we have a lot of works which as considering as a cultural heritage. These works are researched by domestic scientists in accordance with modern realities and norms of the Kazakh language. Comprehensive studies of the written heritage are being conducted to this day, which starting from ancient stone writing monuments, written relics of the Uyghur, Karakhanid, Khorezm, Chagatai periods. Although the Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions were first read by foreign Turkologists, domestic researchers also have many works in this area. In the course of such work, scientists have used various symbols of transcription and transliteration. Russian, Turkish and Western scholars have used their own symbols and methods of transcription. This indicates a lack of methods of unification among scientists. In Russia and the CIS countries are used the Cyrillic system of transcription. The transition of the Kazakh alphabet to the Latin script presupposes the formation of a new transcription system of medieval written relics.
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Day, Joseph W. "Patricia A. Rosenmeyer, The Language of Ruins: Greek and Latin Inscriptions on the Memnon Colossus, New York: Oxford University Press, 2018, ISBN 9780190626310, $85." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 27, no. 1 (December 4, 2018): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-018-0497-3.
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Rigaux, Maxim, and Stijn Praet. "Editorial Note." Journal of Latin Cosmopolitanism and European Literatures, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): iv—v. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jolcel.v2i0.15635.
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The image on the cover of this second issue of JOLCEL shows a detail from the so-called Franks Casket, an early eight-century Anglo-Saxon chest made out of whale’s bone, possibly designed to hold a psalter. This artefact constitutes a truly breath-taking nexus of cultural traditions, juxtaposing tableaus as varied as Romulus and Remus being suckled by the shewolf, the mythical Germanic Wayland the Smith at work on his anvil, and the Adoration of the Magi. The scene which has been reproduced here depicts the consequences of the Roman emperor Titus’ sacking of the city of Jerusalem. The inscription in the upper righthand margin starts out in the Latin tongue and script: “hic fugiant hierusalim” (“Here flee from Jerusalem…”). This phrase is then continued vertically, still in Latin but rendered in Anglo-Saxon runes: “ᚪᚠᛁᛏᚪᛏᚩᚱᛖᛋ,” which can be transcribed as “(h)abitatores” (“…its inhabitants”). If we also were to take a look at the left side of this panel (not included here), we would encounter further runic inscriptions in Anglo-Saxon that describe the ancient siege itself. Clearly, Latin and its cultural past are being represented here as being part of a larger and more complex whole, a whole in which, at first sight, they do not even seem to occupy a central position.
This leads us to the present volume’s overarching topic, ‘Latin on the margins’, which has its earliest origins in the Telling Tales Out of School-conference organised by RELICS in 2017. It might come as a surprise to the reader that, only having arrived at our second issue, we turn to the aspect of Latin on the margins. However, by placing these topics at the centre of our journal, and in dialogue with texts that are traditionally considered key texts of the Latin tradition, we seek to reconsider the aspect of centre versus margin in Latin literature, with a particular focus on how education in Latin played a crucial role in this.
Indeed, the three articles we present to the reader in this issue deal with texts that are generally viewed as examples of the use of Latin in the margins. The margins in question are either geographical ones (Tlatelolco in Mexico City) or chronological ones (nineteenthcentury Sweden). This issue hopes to show that what we have come to define as ‘marginal’ is only a question of perspective. In the formation of writers that we consider today to be at the margin of the Latin tradition, Latin education still was—or had recently become—a central element.
Andrew Laird (Brown University) and Heréndira Tellez Nieto (Cátedras Conacyt), in their respective articles, draw attention to the College of Tlatelolco, located in Mexico City. The use of Latin for the instruction of the Nahua peoples was never regarded as a ‘marginal’ phenomenon; on the contrary, Latin was a crucial medium to enhance mutual understanding, which in turn created a new and vibrant dynamic, far from Europe. This explains how Tlatelolco became a new centre for the study of the Latin language and its literatures, in interaction with the indigenous traditions of native Mexicans.
Chronologically and geographically, nineteenth-century Sweden is, undoubtedly, at the margin of the Latin tradition; but, as Arsenii Vetushko-Kalevich (Lund University) explores in his article, for someone like Carl Georg Brunius, author of the longest Latin poem ever written in Sweden, the attempt to rewrite Nordic mythology in classical Latin hexameters probably felt more like a natural reflex than as an anachronism. By reinterpreting the classical echoes in the epic De diis arctois as more than mere “metrical necessities,” Vetushko-Kalevich seeks to give new meaning to the poem.
Finally, in his illuminative response to the articles of this issue, Alejandro Coroleu (ICREA—Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) reflects more deeply on the consequences of this thinking in terms of what he calls “beyond Europe, beyond the Renaissance, and beyond the vernacular.” He makes a plea for the inclusion of these texts that are usually left out of the picture, in order to get a better insight in the aspects which make the Latin tradition a cosmopolitan one.
The second issue of JOLCEL focuses on texts from the (early) modern period, but intentionally goes beyond those of the Italian humanist ideals. The articles analyse the use of Latin in contexts where the idea of translatio imperii is at first sight no longer a logical one: the Latin tradition has to impose itself on already existing traditions, such as the Nahua mythology or Nordic sagas. Interestingly, this imposition soon shifts to a renegotiation of the hierarchy of traditions. Latin, then, becomes a medium in which new traditions emerge.
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Ostrówka, Małgorzata, and Ewa Golachowska. "Bobrujszczyzna – ojczyzna Floriana Czarnyszewicza wczoraj i dziś (raport z badań terenowych)." Acta Baltico-Slavica 35 (July 28, 2015): 237–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2011.017.
Full textAbstract:
Babruysk District – homeland to Florian Czarnyszewicz yesterday and today (report of field research)Field research in Babruysk and vincinity taken up recently is part of research of the religious language of Catholics in former North-Eastern Polish Borderland and writings of Florian Czarnyszewicz, who comes from Babruysk Disctrict, the author of several novels, the most famous of which is called Nadberezhyntsy. The article presents short history of Babruysk with special attention drawn to cultural – educational problems and the dynamics of population development in this town. It shows functioning of the Catholic Church in Babruysk District in 20th and 21st centuries. It also discusses the language situation in the researched area which is as follows: the primary language in the town is Russian with elements of Belorussian. Th is language demonstrates great idiolectal diversity. People who live in the country and have never left it use a Belorussian dialect (which confirms the principle that living in the country favours preserving the dialect). The Polish language is present only during the liturgy and prayers of the eldest generation. During Masses said in Polish the Polish language is used for Eucharistic Liturgy but during the Liturgy of the Word Polish is present only for the reading. The sermon is preached in Belorussian. Belorussian is also used for pastoral announcements. Numerous participants of the Mass can be the proof of attachment to the Polish language as the language of liturgy. During the research trip we visited four cemetaries where we photographed 87 tombs. As for these tombs, we were certain that they belonged to Poles (as surnames, names or father’s names indicated). 33 inscriptions out of this number were engraved in Latin alphabet. We could observe mixing Latin types with Cyrillic ones. The appendix given at the end of the article contains texts of an informant from Prodwin written phonetically. Бобруйщина – родина писателя Флориана Чарнышевича в прошлом и настоящем (отчет по итогам полевых исследований)Предпринятые в 2010 году полевые исследования в Бобруйске и его окрестностях являются частью исследований языка населения католического вероисповедания на территории бывшего Великого княжества Литовского. В частности исследования проводятся также в связи с творчеством малоизвестного писателя Флориана Чарнышевича, родившегося на бобруйской земле. Флориан Чарнышевич – автор нескольких романов, среди которых наиболее известным является «Надберезинцы». В статье представлен очерк истории Бобруйска с учётом культурно-просветительских аспектов и динамики развития численности населения в городе. Авторами показана деятельность католической церкви на Бобруйщине в ХIХ–ХХ веках. Языковая ситуация на исследуемой территории представляется следующим образом. В городе преобладает русский язык с элементами белорусского. Этот язык сильно дифференцирован в зависимости от личности говорящего. Люди, которые родились в деревне и провели в ней всю свою жизнь, пользуются белорусским говором (что подтверждает наблюдение о лучшем сохранении говора в деревенской среде). Польский язык присутствует исключительно в литургии и молитвах старшего поколения. На польских мессах по-польски ведётся евхаристическая литургия и литургия слова. Проповедь и объявления священник читает побелорусски. Большое количество присутствующих на польской службе свидетельствует о привязанности католиков к польскому как языку литургии. Ценным социолингвистическим материалом являются надгробные надписи. На 4 кладбищах мы обнаружили 33 эпитафии, высеченные латинским шрифтом. На деревенских кладбищах наблюдается смешение латинского шрифта и кириллицы. В приложении приводится диалектный текст, записанный у информантки из деревни Продвино.