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Journal articles on the topic 'Latin literature (Medieval and'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Hexter, Ralph. "From the Medieval Historiography of Latin Literature to the Historiography of Medieval Latin Literature." Journal of Medieval Latin 15 (January 2005): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.304235.

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2

Mazzitello, Pantalea. "Medieval Latin: Language, Linguistics, and Literature." Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies 81, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22224297-08101002.

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3

Petrocchi, Alessandra. "Medieval Literature in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Medieval Worlds 1, no. 2 (June 2019): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2019.120004.

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This paper provides a textual comparison of selected primary sources on medieval mathematics written in Sanskrit and medieval Latin for the first time. By emphasising literary features instead of purely mathematical ones, it attempts to shed light on a neglected area in the study of scientific treatises which concerns lexicon and argument strategies. The methodological perspective takes into account the intellectual context of knowledge production of the sources presented; the medieval Indian and Latin traditions are historically connected, in fact, by one of the most fascinating episodes in the history of knowledge transfer across cultures: the transmission of the decimal place value system. This cross-linguistic analysis compares and contrasts the versatile textuality and richness of forms defining the interplay between language and number in medieval Sanskrit and Latin works; it employs interdisciplinary methods (Philology, History of Science, and Literary Studies) and challenges disciplinary boundaries by putting side by side languages and textual cultures which are commonly treated separately. The purpose in writing this research is to expand upon recent scholarship on the Global Middle Ages by embracing an Eastern literary culture and, in doing so, to promote comparative studies which include non-European traditions. This research is intended as a further contribution to the field of Comparative Medieval Literature and Culture; it also aims to stimulate discussion on cross-linguistic and cross-cultural projects in Medieval Studies.

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4

Sidwell, Keith. "Medieval Latin (Plus)." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.145.

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5

Dronke (book author), Peter, and Fred Bottley (review author). "Dante and Medieval Latin Traditions." Quaderni d'italianistica 10, no. 1-2 (October 1, 1989): 340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v10i1-2.10449.

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6

Martínez, H. Salvador. "«Humanismo medieval y humanismo vernáculo. Observaciones sobre la obra cultural de Alfonso X el Sabio»." Revista de Literatura Medieval 30 (December 31, 2018): 181–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rpm.2018.30.0.74050.

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Resumen: Estudio sobre el origen del humanismo vernáculo castellano en el ámbito del humanismo medieval. Se analizan sus características, contrastándolas con las del humanismo latino clasicista del siglo XV. Se ilustra por qué es un humanismo total, que, por influjo de la filosofía aristotélica, incluye las letras y las ciencias, e integrador de las tres culturas presentes en la sociedad peninsular del siglo XIII, las cuales usaron el vernáculo como lengua común.Palabras clave: Humanismo medieval, humanismo vernáculo, humanismo latino clasicista, el castellano lengua de cultura, Alfonso X el Sabio.Abstract: A study of the origins of Castilian vernacular humanism in the context of medieval humanism. Its characteristics are analyzed and contrasted with the Latin classicist humanism of the XVth Century. The study illustrates why vernacular humanism, due to the influence of the Aristotelian philosophy, is comprehensive, integrating both the letters and the sciences, and it is inclusive of all three cultures present in the Spanish society of the XIIIth Century that used the vernacular as their common language.Keywords: Medieval humanism, vernacular humanism, Latin classicist humanism, Castilian as language of culture, Alfonso X the Learned.

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7

Tischler, Matthias M. "Supposed and True Knowledge of the Qur’ān in Early Medieval Latin Literature, Eighth and Ninth Centuries." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 7–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0002.

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Abstract This article intends to revise the still unrivalled opinion in Medieval Studies according to which knowledge of the Qur’ān in the early medieval Latin West is almost completely missing. For this purpose, it revises the current state of the art, enriches this panorama with some new findings in rarely studied or unknown sources and tries to assess a new profile of Latin reception of the Muslims’ central religious book. The study can show that authors of the early medieval Latin world ventured first, yet still polemical and apologetic approaches to the new religious phenomenon ‘Islam’ that produced not only superficial, hearsay-based, but first detailed knowledge of the Qur’ān.

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8

König, Daniel G. "The Unkempt Heritage: On the Role of Latin in the Arabic-Islamic Sphere." Arabica 63, no. 5 (August 10, 2016): 419–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341414.

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As linguistic systems, Latin and Arabic have interacted for centuries. The article at hand aims at analysing the status of the Latin language in the Arab and Arabic-Islamic sphere. Starting out from the observation that Latin-Christian and Arabic-Islamic scholarship dedicated a very different degree of attention to the study of the respective ‘other’ language in the course of the centuries, the article traces the impact of Latin on an emerging Arabic language in Antiquity, provides an overview on the various references to Latin found in works of Arabic-Islamic scholarship produced in the medieval and modern periods, and provides an exhaustive list of Arabic translations of Latin texts. A description of the role played by Latin in the Arabic-speaking world of our times is followed by a discussion of several hypotheses that try to explain why Latin was rarely studied systematically in the Arabic-Islamic sphere before the twentieth century. Le latin et l’arabe, en tant que systèmes linguistiques, furent en interaction pendant des siècles. Le présent article a pour objectif d’analyser le statut de la langue latine dans le monde arabe et arabo-musulman. Partant de l’observation que les érudits latins chrétiens et arabo-musulmans se consacrèrent à différents degrés à l’étude de la langue de « l’Autre », l’article retrace l’impact du latin sur une langue arabe émergeant dans l’Antiquité, donne un aperçu des références à la langue latine dans les œuvres des érudits arabo-musulmans produites aux époques médiévale et moderne, et fournit une liste exhaustive des traductions des textes latins en arabe. Après avoir esquissé le statut actuel de la langue latine dans le monde arabophone de nos jours, l’article aborde plusieurs hypothèses qui essaient d’expliquer pourquoi le latin n’a guère été un objet d’études systématiques dans le monde arabo-musulman avant le xxe siècle. This article is in English.

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9

Kinoshita, Sharon. "Medieval Mediterranean Literature." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 2 (March 2009): 600–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.2.600.

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Always historicize!—Fredric Jameson, The Political UnconsciousEurocentricity is a choice, not a viewpoint imposed by history. There are roads out of antiquity that do not lead to the Renaissance; and although none avoids eventual contact with the modern West's technological domination, the rapidly changing balance of power in our world is forcing even Western scholars to pay more attention to non-Latin perspectives on the past.—Garth Fowden, Empire to CommonwealthThe last decade or so has seen an explosion of interest in “mediterranean studies.” a half century after the original publication of Fernand Braudel's La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II (1949), scholars in a number of disciplines have once again found the Mediterranean a productive category of analysis, as evidenced in a proliferation of conferences, edited volumes, journals, and study centers. This renewal of Mediterranean studies is part of an upsurge of interest in “oceanic studies,” or, alternatively, “the new thalassology” In recent years, as Kären Wigen writes,[h]istorians of science have documented the discovery of longitude and the plumbing of underwater depths; historians of ideas have mapped the conceptual geographies of beaches, oceans, and islands; historians of labor and radical politics have drawn arresting new portraits of maritime workers and pirates; historians of business have tracked maritime commerce; historians of the environment have probed marine and island ecologies; and historians of colonial regimes and anticolonial movements alike have asserted the importance of maritime arenas of interaction. (717)In the field of medieval literature, on the other hand, “Mediterranean studies” has found much less purchase. An MLA database search for the keywords “Mediterranean” and “medieval” or “Middle Ages” yields a total of thirty-two entries, over half of which treat topics in intellectual or art history. Taking that asymmetry as a point of departure, this essay explores the different ways “medieval Mediterranean literature” might be conceived; how it would relate to the study of the medieval Mediterranean in other disciplines; and what linguistic, thematic, and theoretical modifications or challenges it would offer to the field of literature as currently configured.

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10

Took, John, and Peter Dronke. "Dante and Medieval Latin Traditions." Modern Language Review 83, no. 3 (July 1988): 750. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3731370.

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11

Amer, Sahar. "Reading Medieval French Literature from a Global Perspective." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, no. 2 (March 2015): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.2.367.

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Only in the last decade has the field of medieval french literature recognized the need for a critical gaze that looks outside France and beyond the persistent Eurocentric accounts of medieval French literary history. These accounts long viewed medieval French literary production primarily in relation to the Latin, Celtic, and Provençal traditions. My research over the last twenty years has called for a revisionist history of literature and of empires and has highlighted the fact that throughout the Middle Ages France entertained “inter-imperial” literary relations—not only with European traditions but also with extra-European cultures, specifically with the Islamicate world.

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12

Schendl, Herbert. "Code-switching in early English literature." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 24, no. 3 (August 2015): 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947015585245.

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Code-switching has been a frequent feature of literary texts from the beginning of English literary tradition to the present time. The medieval period, in particular, with its complex multilingual situation, has provided a fruitful background for multilingual texts, and will be the focus of the present article. After looking at the linguistic background of the period and some specifics of medieval literature and of historical code-switching, the article discusses the main functions of code-switching in medieval poetry and drama, especially in regard to the different but changing status of the three main languages of literacy: Latin, French and English. This functional-pragmatic approach is complemented by a section on syntactic aspects of medieval literary code-switching, which also contains a brief comparison with modern spoken code-switching and shows some important similarities and differences between the two sets of data.

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13

Moll, Richard J. "Echard, Siân. The Arthur of Medieval Latin Literature: The Development and Dissemination of the Arthurian Legend in Medieval Latin." Journal of Medieval Latin 22 (January 2012): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.5.100860.

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14

McDonough, Christopher J. "Nine Medieval Latin Plays.Peter Dronke." Speculum 72, no. 1 (January 1997): 144–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865892.

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15

Lamy, Alice. "Defining Nature in Medieval Cosmological Literature." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 457–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-7724613.

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The medieval Latin West has a long tradition of cosmological writings that stress the difficulty of conceptualizing nature as a single totality. “Nature” is subject to multiple definitions, torn between the sensory and the intelligible. “Nature” involves the universe and its immutable laws, but also the metaphysical principles of living beings, the totality of corruptible things, and creatures from the domain of physis. Engaging with the idea of nature as plastic and multifaceted in its richness, this article shows that contradiction is a dialectical principle necessary to the definition of nature. Whether understood as a broad, vague, and elusive notion, or, on the contrary, as a strong ordering principle, nature supports life and the world. Sometimes it is described as the simple element of matter, sometimes as an entity rivaling God himself. Nature inevitably conjures up the supernatural and therefore also its own supersession.

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16

Marx, C. W., and Thomas H. Bestul. "Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society." Yearbook of English Studies 29 (1999): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3508953.

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17

Clark, Anne L., and Thomas H. Bestul. "Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651238.

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18

ter Horst, Tom. "Typology and Spectrum of Latin-Irish and Latin-English Codeswitches in Medieval Sermon Literature." Medieval Worlds medieval worlds, Volume 12. 2020 (2020): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/medievalworlds_no12_2020s234.

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19

Cohen, Walter. "The Rise of the Written Vernacular: Europe and Eurasia." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 719–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.719.

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When Students of Western European Medieval Literature speak of the rise of the vernacular, they often do not mean what you might think they mean—neither the continued use of Latin as a written vernacular for over five hundred years after the fall of the Roman Empire nor the first texts in Celtic, Germanic, and Semitic languages, from the fourth to the tenth century. They mean something later and geographically narrower—the writing that emerges from the breakup of Latin into distinct regional speech patterns, the Romance languages and literatures, primarily in the territories of modern France, Spain, Italy, and Portugal. Although understanding the rise of Romance-language literature as the rise of vernacular writing misrepresents medieval European literature, it has an important rationale. The twelfth-century literature of what is now France—Old French romance in the north, Occitan (formerly Provençal) lyric in the south—establishes continent-wide norms, thereby giving European literature a coherent set of forms and themes for the first time.

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20

Contreras Martín, Antonio. "Siân Echard (ed.), The Arthur of Medieval Latin Literature. The Development and Dissemination of the Arthurian Legend in Medieval Latin." Medievalia 16 (January 12, 2014): 314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.101.

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21

Sayers, William. "The Arthur of Medieval Latin Literature: The Development and Dissemination of the Arthurian Legend in Medieval Latin (review)." Arthuriana 22, no. 2 (2012): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.2012.0019.

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22

Devriese, Lisa. "The Colorless History of Pseudo-Aristotle’s De coloribus." Early Science and Medicine 26, no. 3 (August 18, 2021): 254–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02630016.

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Abstract This article examines the medieval reception history of De coloribus. This pseudo-Aristotelian treatise on colors was translated from Greek into Latin in the thirteenth century, but the question of its success and use by contemporary scholars has not yet received any attention. After an examination of its medieval commentary tradition, the marginal glosses, and the first attestations, I conclude that De coloribus was scarcely used in the medieval Latin West, although the translation survived in a significant number of manuscripts. In the second part of the article, I look into some possible explanations for this limited reception history. One of the main factors is the availability of several alternative discussions on color in the Aristotelian corpus as well as in the non-Aristotelian scientific literature.

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23

Sticca, Sandro. "Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society.Thomas H. Bestul." Speculum 73, no. 4 (October 1998): 1111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887376.

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24

Bate, Keith, Peter Godman, and Oswyn Murray. "Latin Poetry and the Classical Tradition: Essays in Medieval and Renaissance Literature." Yearbook of English Studies 23 (1993): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3507998.

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25

Chiesa, Paolo. "La Filologia mediolatina: una disciplina di frontiera." AION (filol.) Annali dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale” 42, no. 1 (October 14, 2020): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17246172-40010033.

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Abstract This article sketches a short history of Latin literature of the Middle Ages (as academic discipline) in Italy; defines its possible boundaries and relationships with other disciplines; lists the peculiarities of textual criticism when applied in the specific field of Latin medieval texts; highlights the methodological contribution brought by the scholars of this discipline, in order to build a ‘global philology’.

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26

McWebb, Christine. "University of Alberta." Florilegium 20, no. 1 (January 2003): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.20.015.

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Apart from numerous survey courses such as the Histories of Medicine, of Technology, of Art, and the Literature of the European Tradition—all of which span several centuries including the Middle Ages, and are offered by various departments of the Faculty of Arts, there is a fairly strong contingent of special topics courses in medieval studies at the University of Alberta. For example, Martin Tweedale of the Department of Philosophy offers an undergraduate course on early medieval philosophy. There are currently three medievalists in the Department of History and Classics. Andrew Gow regularly teaches courses on late medieval and early modern Europe. John Kitchen is a specialist in medieval religion, medieval intellectual history, the history of Christian holy women and medieval Latin literature. Kitchen currently teaches an undergraduate course on early medieval Europe. Thirdly, J.L. Langdon, a specialist in British Medieval history, teaches a course on the formation of England in which he covers the political, social, economic and religious developments of England from the fifth to the twelfth century.

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27

Dunn, Rosemary. "Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society (review)." Parergon 16, no. 1 (1998): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1998.0088.

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28

Kelly, Joseph F. "A Catalogue of Early Medieval Hiberno-Latin Biblical Commentaries (II)." Traditio 45 (1990): 393–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012824.

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29

Kolbaba, Tia. "On the closing of the churches and the rebaptism of Latins: Greek perfidy or Latin slander?" Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 29, no. 1 (2005): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015159.

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Following the testimony of various western medieval authors, historians sometimes assert that Byzantines closed the Latin churches of Constantinople on at least two occasions and rebaptised Latin Christians who married Greek ones from c.1054 on. Both the polemical context of these accusations, however, and statements in contemporary Greek sources call these assertions into question. Latin churches were probably not closed by the Greek patriarch in 1054 or 1089, and rebaptism of Latin Christians was not the policy of the Constantinopolitan church at any point in the Middle Ages.

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30

Petersen, Nils Holger. "Medieval Latin Performative Representation: Re-evaluating the State-of-the-Art." European Medieval Drama 23 (January 2019): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.emd.5.120693.

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31

Lees, Clare A. "Women Write the Past: Medieval Scholarship, Old English and New Literature." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 93, no. 2 (September 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.93.2.2.

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This article explores the contributions of women scholars, writers and artists to our understanding of the medieval past. Beginning with a contemporary artists book by Liz Mathews that draws on one of Boethius‘s Latin lyrics from the Consolation of Philosophy as translated by Helen Waddell, it traces a network of medieval women scholars of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries associated with Manchester and the John Rylands Library, such as Alice Margaret Cooke and Mary Bateson. It concludes by examining the translation of the Old English poem, The Wife‘s Lament, by contemporary poet, Eavan Boland. The art of Liz Mathews and poetry of Eavan Boland and the scholarship of women like Alice Cooke, Mary Bateson, Helen Waddell and Eileen Power show that women‘s writing of the past – creative, public, scholarly – forms a strand of an archive of women‘s history that is still being put together.

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32

Magennis, Hugh. "Isidorean Perceptions of Order: The Exeter Book Riddles and Medieval Latin Enigmata (Medieval European Studies 17)." English Studies 97, no. 8 (August 23, 2016): 917–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2016.1210284.

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33

Nichols, Stephen G. "Writing the New Middle Ages." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 120, no. 2 (March 2005): 422–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081205x52392.

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Medieval studies are big—in fact, have rarely been livelier … or more controversial. This energy has succeeded in breaching the ramparts that traditionally divided the field into a series of vigorously defended fiefs. In a word, the discipline has gone interdisciplinary. Visual literacy, patristics, modal logic, grammar, rhetoric, onomastics, philosophical anthropology, sociology, historiography, linguistics, codicology, vernacular literature, classical and medieval Latin thought and letters, philology, and myriad other subsets conjugate in dizzying and unexpected configurations to produce exciting views of the period.

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34

Pfeffer, Wendy. "Foundations and Foundation Myths of the Troubadours." Magnificat Cultura i Literatura Medievals 6 (December 8, 2019): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/mclm.6.14815.

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A review of several origin myths relating to the creation of medieval Occitan lyric poetry. We see a preference for a “great man theory” of origins, though the “great man” may be a fictional woman. Medieval and early Renaissance Occitan authors, including Uc de Saint Circ, Guilhem Molinier, and Jean de Nostredame, used differing origin myths to validate literature in a language that was perceived not to carry the prestige of twelfth- and thirteenth-century Latin or fifteen- and sixteenth-century French.

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35

Minervini, Laura. "I longobardi alla VI Crociata." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 135, no. 1 (March 4, 2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2019-0001.

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Abstract The Old French word longuebart, with the meaning ‘inhabitant of Southern Italy’, is used in chronicles that deal with the war between the emperor Frederick II and the lords of Ibelin written in the Latin East. This article traces the history that lies behind this unexpected use of the term examining medieval French, Latin and Italian texts of various kinds.

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36

Little, Katherine. "Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society by Thomas H. Bestul." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 21, no. 1 (1991): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.1991.0056.

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37

Ross, Braxton. "Medieval Latin Palaeography: A Bibliographical Introduction. Leonard E. Boyle." Speculum 61, no. 3 (July 1986): 623–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2851602.

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38

LATHAM, J. D. "ARABIC INTO MEDIEVAL LATIN (3): LETTERS D-F, M.L.D." Journal of Semitic Studies XXXIV, no. 2 (1989): 459–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxxiv.2.459.

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39

Necula, Constantin. "The scale of divine love, mystical and catechetical text of medieval spiritual literature." Sæculum 47, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/saec-2019-0021.

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AbstractEarly knowledge of medieval literature, not only in Latin, it transfers you into a heaven of peace. No wonder that out of such springs came out the whole methodology of the famous lectio divina (see Mario Masini) from which we still feed a large part of modern communication methods. Scala divini amoris is such a challenge for the modern reader. Preserved in a manuscript Egerton 945 in the British Library in London, the text is written in Occitan, unknown both to researchers in theology and to scholars from those specializing in Provencal. The manuscript Egerton 945 contains two major texts: Liber divinis amoris și De divina impletione.

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40

Mallette, Karla. "Beyond Mimesis: Aristotle's Poetics in the Medieval Mediterranean." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 2 (March 2009): 583–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.2.583.

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La imagen que un solo hombre puede formar es la que no toca a ninguno. … El tiempo, que despoja los alcázares, enriquece los versos.—Jorge Luis Borges, “La busca de Averroes” (586)The image that a single man can form touches no one. … Time, which despoils fortresses, enriches poetry.How should literary historians aiming to describe literary traditions that predated the modern nation use the methodological tool kit developed contemporaneously with the European nationalisms? Can philology be separated from the logic of the nation and from the teleological vanishing point—the languages and literatures of (for instance) modern France, Spain, or Italy—that has traditionally provided a rationale for readings of medieval literature (and jobs for philologists)? Medieval literary historians have known for some time that we must get out of the habit of thinking in terms of the national literatures that would emerge centuries after the texts we study were written. And we have absorbed the lesson that the nineteenth-century philologists on whose shoulders we stand worked (frequently, if not systematically) under the influence of the nationalizing movements emerging as they wrote, so that their pronouncements on medieval texts must be read with appropriate caution. We have not, however, yet produced new geographic and historical formulations to replace the narrative that traces the origin of the modern European nations to a medieval Latin Christian crucible.

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41

Yeager, Suzanne M. "Medieval Pilgrimage as Heterotopia." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 50, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 233–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8219542.

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Saewulf’s Relatio de situ Jerusalem is one of the most significant yet understudied pilgrim texts of the twelfth century. Documenting the Jerusalem-bound traveler’s adventures through the medieval Mediterranean, the text is the first extant pilgrim document written immediately after Latin Christian armies seized control of the holy city. This article examines the text’s remarkable interest in autobiography and explores the resonance which crusading, early crusading narrative, Islamic presence, and Mediterranean voyaging had upon the pilgrim genre. This new analysis of Saewulf’s pre-modern self-fashioning is crucial to ways in which literary historians assess pilgrim literature through the valuable anthropological theories advanced by Edith and Victor Turner. As argued here, the status of a militarized Mediterranean in the twelfth century led to a shift in how pilgrims wrote about themselves. Saewulf positioned himself as a pilgrim who is transformed by his vivid exploits, not at the locality of the shrine, but while en route to Jerusalem. This study is an intervention in pilgrim and travel theory, proposing 1104 as a watershed moment in medieval travelers’ self-perception and autobiographical portrayal.

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42

Classen, Albrecht. "German-Italian Literary Connections in the Late Middle Ages: Boccaccio’s The Decameron in Light of Some Late Medieval German Narrative Precedents." arcadia 55, no. 2 (November 9, 2020): 260–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2020-2001.

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AbstractComparative research focused on medieval literature continues to be characterized by many desiderata, especially with regard to the fruitful relationships between late medieval verse narratives, mæren, and the famous Italian storyteller Boccaccio and his Decameron. This paper brings to light four significant Middle High German verse narratives from the 13th or early-14th century that demonstrate remarkable similarities with stories contained in Boccaccio’s Decameron. While the study of Boccaccio’s sources has traditionally been focused primarily on Old French (fabliaux) or Latin sources, here I introduce a number of texts that were composed just a few decades earlier and which express, in surprising parallel, strikingly similar themes that could be straight from the textbook the Italian poet might have drawn from. We have, of course, no specific evidence as to Boccaccio’s direct familiarity with late-medieval German literature, but the motif analysis reveals major parallels between the examples in The Decameron and in those mæren.

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Wycherley, Niamh. "Latin and Irish Words for ‘Graveyard’ in Medieval Ireland." Peritia 29 (January 2018): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.118492.

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SOTO RÁBANOS, José M. "Pedagogía medieval hispana: transmisión de saberes en el bajo clero." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 2 (October 1, 1995): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v2i.9742.

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Clerical learning appears to have been an instrumental good rather than a good in its own right, in literature that was designed for those clerics who would have charge of parish churches. The acquisition of knowledge in the Middle Ages was justified and conditioned by the post that each person occupied in the Church and in society. The expression to know Latin or to know: grammar sums up the requirements for being a cleric.

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García Álvarez, Juan Pablo Mauricio. "José Julio Martín Romero, La guerra en la literatura castellana del siglo XV." Medievalia, no. 48 (June 24, 2017): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/medievalia.48.2016.325.

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José Julio Martín Romero, La guerra en la literatura castellana del siglo XV, Londres: Department of Iberian and Latin American Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, 2015, 121 pp. [Col. Papers ot the Medieval Hispanic Research Seminar, 73].

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Smail, Daniel Lord. "Violence and Predation in Late Medieval Mediterranean Europe." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (January 2012): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000570.

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In the full-text databases of Latin sources from Europe from the period between 400 and 1500, the Latin word for violence crops up around two thousand times, about as often as “justice” (2,400) though not as often as other interesting words like “envy” (6,000) or “vengeance” (3,800). The frequency of use of the word, adjusted for the vagaries of survival, reveals an interesting trend. From the tenth to the eleventh centuries, an age of predatory castellans and violent territorial expansion, the frequency nearly doubles in the extant literature, and remains high for several centuries to come. The word often appears in texts alongside nauseating tales of violence, of hands lopped off and eyes plucked out and intestines dragged from their hidden recesses. There is the story told by Guibert of Nogent about the predatory castellan Thomas de Marle, who hung his captives by their testicles until the weight of their own bodies tore them off. These were exempla. They painted verbal pictures of the behavior of those who were surely doomed to hell. In the hands of clerical authors like Guibert, they served as a goad to kings and princes who, in their indolence, might allow this stuff to go unavenged.

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Bruce, Scott G. "Veterum vestigia patrum: The Greek Patriarchs in the Manuscript Culture of Early Medieval Europe." Downside Review 139, no. 1 (January 2021): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580621994704.

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This article draws attention to the availability of Latin translations of Greek patristic literature in western reading communities before the year 800 through a survey of the contents of hundreds of surviving manuscripts from the Merovingian and Carolingian periods. An examination of the presence of the translated works of eastern church fathers in the 8th-century florilegium known as The Book of Sparks ( Liber scintillarum) and monastic library catalogs from the early 9th century corroborates the impression left by the manuscript evidence. Taken together, these sources allow us to gauge the popularity of particular eastern authors among Latin readers in early medieval Europe and to weigh the influence and importance of Greek patristics in the western monastic tradition.

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Ziolkowski, Jan. "Medieval Latin Poems of Male Love and Friendship. Thomas Stehling." Speculum 61, no. 3 (July 1986): 706–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2851642.

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Jensson, Gottskálk. "Þingeyrar Abbey in Northern Iceland: A Benedictine Powerhouse of Cultural Heritage." Religions 12, no. 6 (June 8, 2021): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060423.

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Þingeyrar Abbey was founded in 1133 and dissolved in the wake of the Lutheran Reformation (1550), to virtually disappear with time from the face of the earth. Although highly promising archeological excavations are under way, our material points of access to this important monastic foundation are still only a handful of medieval artifacts. However, throughout its medieval existence Þingeyrar Abbey was an inordinately large producer of Latin and Icelandic literature. We have the names of monastic authors, poets, translators, compilators, and scribes, who engaged creatively with such diverse subjects as Christian hagiography, contemporary history, and Norse mythology, skillfully amalgamating all of this into a coherent, imaginative whole. Thus, Þingeyrar Abbey has a prominent place in the creation and preservation of the Icelandic Eddas and Sagas that have shaped the Northern European cultural memory. Despite the dissolution of monastic libraries and wholesale destruction of Icelandic-Latin manuscripts through a mixture of Protestant zealotry and parchment reuse, philologists have been able to trace a number of surviving codices and fragments back to Þingeyrar Abbey. Ultimately, however, our primary points of access to the fascinating world of this remote Benedictine community remain immaterial, a vast corpus of medieval texts edited on the basis of manuscript copies at unknown degrees of separation from the lost originals.

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Voss, Elizabeth. "Sarah Kay. Animal Skins and the Reading Self in Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries." Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern Literatures 73, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 251–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397709.2019.1675320.

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