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Journal articles on the topic 'Latin Sermon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Galloway, Andrew. "A Fifteenth-Century Confession Sermon on “Unkyndeness” (CUL MS Gg 6.26) and Its Literary Parallels and Parodies." Traditio 49 (1994): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013052.

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The later Middle Ages was the high moment of the popular, vernacular sermon, yet relatively few examples of extraliturgical sermons can be recovered from the written evidence. Latin collections of sermon cycles—those preached in the context of the mass liturgy and saints' days—were produced in large quantities in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, functioning more or less directly as exemplars for the actual sermons that would then be preached in the local vernaculars of western Europe. In England, such Latin sermon collections of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries often include some vernacular materials, especially lyrics, and many treatises are extant that provide priests with the materials to make sermons on a wide range of topics and for an indefinite number of occasions. Of the relatively few English sermons and sermon collections extant from the period, however, by far the greatest number are, like the Latin cycles, those keyed to the cycle of Sunday texts and to saints' days, whose very formality militates against a sense of them as representative of the most common forms and themes of vernacular sermons, particularly those earnestly preached on the occasions like that which Chaucer satirically describes in theSummoner's Tale, when “ther wente a lymytour aboute / To preche, and eek to begge, it is no doubte” (3.1711–1712). With so few examples of non-liturgical sermons extant, our sense both of the reality and of the satire is incomplete.

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2

Wenzel, Siegfried. "A Sermon in Praise of Philosophy." Traditio 50 (1995): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013234.

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Worcester Cathedral MS F.10 forms a random collection of Latin, English, and macaronic sermons which were gathered and copied by a fairly large number of scribes in the middle of the fifteenth century. These sermons, most of them anonymous, are for a variety of occasions and audiences and have been entered in no particular liturgical order, even if, as the presence of several sets of quire numbers indicates, the individual quires were reordered several times in the medieval period. The collection contains a number of pieces that were evidently preached to a university audience, as is shown by their addressing “magistri” and by internal references to a university milieu. Their locale was presumably Oxford. Besides such general university sermons, the collection also includes two that are labeled “Introitus Sententiarum” and three other pieces that agree with these in form — the scholastic sermon structure — and content — praise of theology or holy Scripture and Peter Lombard. These five pieces are introitus, academic speeches or sermons which, according to university statutes, bachelors as well as masters (or doctors) of theology were required to deliver as they began their courses on the Bible or on Peter Lombard's Sentences. In addition, the manuscript contains an item that is very similar to the introitus sermons in that it follows the scholastic sermon structure and praises its subject. The latter, however, is not theology but philosophy, and the thema on which the piece is based is not a biblical text but a quotation from Aristotle. A sermon on a secular text itself is a rarity in medieval sermon literature, certainly from England; and appearing as it does in a sermon collection, the piece seems to be a rarissima avis stuck in the wrong flock.

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3

Carroll, Thomas K. "The Genius of the Latin Sermon." Irish Theological Quarterly 63, no. 4 (December 1998): 341–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114009806300403.

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4

Tode, Sven. "Preaching Calvinism in Lutheran Danzig: Jacob Fabritius On the Pastoral Office." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 85, no. 1 (2005): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607505x00146.

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AbstractJacob Fabritius was the director of the Danzig academy for almost 50 years and therefore determined the confessional identity of Danzig's pastors, who were recruited chiefly from the Latin school over a long period of time. At the same time, Fabritius was a champion of Calvinism in the predominantly Lutheran city of Danzig. This paper analyses Fabritius's programmatic sermon, given on October 24, 1596, in which he developed his understanding of the office and importance of the pastor, urged confessional unity amid the diversity of non-Catholics, and placed the pastors between the commune and the magistrate as apostles sent by God. Analysis of this sermon provides new insights into the relation between clerical and secular authorities and calls attention to the various ways in which sermons can be interpreted. Attention to these ways of interpretation contributes to a wider understanding of the structures of early modern society.

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5

Rupp, Michael. "Unterweisung in Vers und Prosa." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 140, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2018-0003.

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AbstractThe article discusses a number of Middle High German versions of Bertold of Regensburg's sermon on the mass as specifically vernacular adaptations of his Latin, authorised sermons. The adaptations in the miscellaneous manuscript Stadtbibliothek Mainz, HS I 221, Annaberg-Buchholz, St Anna 329 and in the fragment 221 of the StB Berlin are compared with the rendering in the corpus represented by the manuscript ÖNB Vienna, Codex 2829. The analysis of the textual variants and the different layout shows how the versions are adapted for specific use: as private reading matter, as instruction to meditate on the passion of Christ, or as rhymed catechetical lesson on the mass.

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6

Korzo, Margarita A. "The Orthodox Sermon in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the 17th Century: Some Observations." Slovene 6, no. 2 (2017): 578–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.2.25.

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It has traditionally been assumed that the oral preaching practice of the Orthodox Church in Poland at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries was brought to life by external and mainly Catholic influences. The present article attempts to rethink these influences and offer an explanation not in terms of “mechanical” borrowings and a succumbing of Orthodox theology to Western influences (the concept of “pseudomorphosis” articulated by G. Florovsky), but rather in terms of a creative response to the external confessional challenges of the epoch (the concept of “polymorphism” proposed by G. B. Bercoff). Examples of such a reception are the sample sermons on the church sacraments and funeral sermons included as an annex to Orthodox rituals. Published for the first time in the Vilnius edition in 1621, texts of this kind were legitimized by Metropolitan of Kiev Piotr Mogila in his Euhologion of 1646. Instructive sermons from the Polish version of the Roman Ritual, which go back to the 16th-century teachings on the church sacraments by S. Karnkowski, M. Kromer, and H. Powodowski, were used as models for these Orthodox sample sermons. Although the idea to incorporate such sample sermons in Orthodox rituals was inspired by the Polish tradition, this does not mean that the Orthodox authors also borrowed the instruction texts from the Catholic rituals. As an example of borrowings, the article analyzes the “Kazanie na pogrebe” from the Vilnius Ritual, 1621. Textual analysis of the given sermon shows its compositional and, partially, even its substantial dependence on a sermon written by a Polish Dominican, W. Laudański (1617), and also its familiarity with Augustine’s theological legacy, which was available only in Latin editions.

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7

Kilpiö, Matti. "Passives of Possessive (ge)habban in a Passage in Ælfric’s Catholic Homily I, 33 in the Light of a Recently Discovered Augustinian Source." Anglia 136, no. 2 (June 11, 2018): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2018-0030.

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AbstractThe main focus of this article is on a passage in Ælfric’s Catholic Homily I, 33 and its Latin source in Augustine’s Sermon 71. The correspondence between the Latin source text and Ælfric’s translation is exceptionally close, almost gloss-like. What is particularly striking is the occurrence of passives of possessive (ge)habban in the Old English, corresponding to passives of possessive habere in the source. In both Old English and Latin the expression of possession with the passives of both (ge)habban and habere is very rare. The Latin Trinitarian statement translated by Ælfric consists of three sentences which display a remarkable degree of parallelism at the level of syntax and lexis. This results in a compact statement consisting of parallel repeated elements, which not only establish differences between the three persons of the Godhead but also emphasise the essential unity underlying the Trinity. The article also briefly deals with another, syntactically more relaxed, formulation of the same Trinitarian statement occurring earlier in Augustine’s sermon and tentatively asks the question why Ælfric chose the more complex and unwieldy version with passives of habere as the base text for his translation.

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8

ter Horst, Tom. "Typology and Spectrum of Latin-Irish and Latin-English Codeswitches in Medieval Sermon Literature." Medieval Worlds medieval worlds, Volume 12. 2020 (2020): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/medievalworlds_no12_2020s234.

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9

Cross, J. E. "The use of patristic homilies in the Old English Martyrology." Anglo-Saxon England 14 (December 1985): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001307.

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The earlier editors of the Old English Martyrology (OEM), T. O. Cockayne and George Herzfeld, recognized that some notices, or phrases within notices, drew on homilies by named patristic writers. Cockayne identified two entries which closely echoed sentences from two of Gregory's Homiliae in Evangelia, for Emiliana (5 January) from Homilia xxxviii.15 and for Cassius (29 June) from Homilia xxxvii.9. Herzfeld added two more, for Processus and Martinianus (2 July) from Homilia xxxii.7 and for Felicitas (23 November) from Homilia iii.3. Also, guided by Ruinart, Herzfeld identified a passage from Augustine's Sermo cccix.4 within the entry for Cyprian of Carthage (14 September). Herzfeld, by oversight, had actually ascribed his Latin quotation (cited in the Addenda) to Fulgentius of Ruspe's Sermo vi, although Fulgentius's sermon probably did influence one other phrase in the notice.

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10

Desprez, Vincent. "Un sermon latin « de Saint Macaire » sur la persévérance des moines revisité." Revue Mabillon 19 (January 2008): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rm.5.101159.

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11

Horrall, Sarah M. "Thomas of Hales, O.F.M.: His Life and Works." Traditio 42 (1986): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900004104.

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Thomas of Hales has long been recognized as the author of a fine Middle English lyric, the ‘Luue Ron.’ He is also known to have written a sermon (or meditation) in Anglo-Norman, and a few manuscripts of a Latin life of the Virgin, Vita Sancte Marie, have also been attributed to him. Modern accounts of his life depend almost entirely on an entry in the Dictionary of National Biography.

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12

Pelle, Stephen. "A Quotation from the Questions of Bartholomew in an early Medieval Latin Sermon." Apocrypha 25 (January 2014): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.apocra.5.103628.

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13

Nodes, Daniel. "The Organization of Augustine's Psalmus contra Partem Donati." Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 4 (2009): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x377283.

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AbstractAugustine of Hippo writes in the Retractations that he composed his Psalmus contra Partem Donati (393) as a retort to the rhymed "psalms" which Donatist congregations chanted, and that he had intended his own Psalm for chanting in his congregation. Instead of a lyrical hymn, however, Augustine composed a brilliant defense of the catholic understanding of the nature and mission of the Christian community in the world. The piece was meant for his congregation to sing according to individual capacity but was structured and delivered as a homily rather than a hymn. To produce his didactic, polemical sung sermon, Augustine employed not only the standard rhetorical elements like repetition, anaphora, and even prosopopoeia, which readers have recognized, he also used the organizational pattern of forensic oratory: exordium, narratio, refutatio, confirmatio, and peroratio, which has not been commented on. The form of the Psalmus also has no sources in Latin but it reflects the pattern of other verse sermons of the era, such as those abundantly represented in the Greek East.

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14

Wack, Mary F., and Charles D. Wright. "A new Latin source for the Old English ‘Three Utterances’ exemplum." Anglo-Saxon England 20 (December 1991): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001812.

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The so-called ‘Three Utterances’ exemplum, which tells of the exclamations of a good and a bad soul to the angels or demons who lead them to heaven or hell at the moment of death, was adapted independently by three Anglo-Saxon homilists. Versions of this legend survive in an Old English Rogationtide homily in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hatton 114, 102v–105v, in a homilyBe heofonwarum and be helwarumin London, British Library, Cotton Faustina A. ix, 21v–23v, and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 302, pp. 71–3, and in a Lenten homily in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 85/86, fos. 25–40. In 1935 Rudolf Willard published a study of the exemplum, with a detailed comparison between the three Old English versions, an Irish version, and a single Latin version in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 2628 (s. xi). Two years later Willard published a second Latin version from Oxford, University College 61 (s. xiv). Other texts of the Latin sermon have subsequently come to light.

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15

Besserman, Lawrence, and Siegfried Wenzel. "Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478015.

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16

Clark, J. G. "Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 496 (April 1, 2007): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem016.

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17

Horner, Patrick J. "Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif (review)." Catholic Historical Review 91, no. 4 (2005): 805–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2006.0039.

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18

Muessig, Carolyn. "Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif. Siegfried Wenzel." Speculum 82, no. 1 (January 2007): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400006254.

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19

Trudel, G. "SIEGFRIED WENZEL, Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif." Notes and Queries 54, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjm038.

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20

Adam, Júlio Cézar. "Promise in Preaching and Pop Culture: in Search of a Sermon for Latin American Vulnerable Life." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341610.

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Abstract This article aims to reflect on homiletics and Christian preaching as a voice of promise in the Brazilian and Latin American context. Initially it will reflect upon three characteristic types of relationship between preaching and promise: the eschatological and transcendentalist preaching that locates the promise in an afterlife or the end of times; the humanistic and liberating preaching that places the promise in the dimension of the socio-political struggle for transformation in the present; and, thirdly, the individualistic and prosperity-oriented preaching that projects promise as material achievement and hedonistic satisfaction. Finally, faced with this reality, we seek ways in literature (Two Words, by Isabel Allende) and in popular culture (Central do Brasil, a movie by Walter Salles) to help us in creating a sermon that announces the promise amid the daily and vulnerable life in order to contribute not merely to individual, ecclesial or ideological satisfaction, but to point to human and cultural transformations.

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21

Warnicke, Retha M. "Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif ? Siegfried Wenzel." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 4 (October 2006): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00117_18.x.

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22

Adam, Júlio Cézar. "Preaching promise and hope: models of preaching and lived religion in Latin America." International Journal of Practical Theology 22, no. 2 (November 6, 2018): 174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2016-0014.

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Abstract This paper aims to reflect on homiletics and Christian preaching as a voice of promise in a paradoxical context such as the Brazilian and Latin American. Initially it will reflect upon three characteristic types of relationship between preaching and promise: the eschatological and transcendentalist preaching that locates the promise in an afterlife or the end of times; the humanistic and liberating preaching that places the promise in the dimension of the socio-political struggle for transformation in the present; the individualistic and prosperity-oriented preaching that projects promise as material achievement and hedonistic satisfaction. Finally, faced with this reality, we seek ways in literature (Two Words, by Isabel Allende) and in popular culture (Central do Brasil, a movie by Walter Salles) to help us in creating a sermon that announces the promise amid the paradoxes of life in order to contribute not merely to individual, ecclesial or ideological satisfaction, but to point to human and cultural transformations.

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23

Filipczak, Karolina. "Sermon about democracy. On equality and democracy in Latin America based on “Ariel” by José Enrique Rodó." Dialogi Polityczne, no. 26 (December 31, 2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/dp.2019.005.

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24

Cataldi, Claudio. "Trinity Homily XXIX De Sancto Andrea between Tradition and Innovation." Anglia 135, no. 4 (November 10, 2017): 641–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2017-0066.

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AbstractRecent scholarship has challenged the view of the late twelfth-century Trinity Homilies, and of the contemporary Lambeth Homilies, as two collections that merely continue the earlier Old English vernacular homiletic tradition. This study aims to contribute to the scholarly debate on the Trinity Homilies by considering the elements of tradition and innovation featured in the twenty-ninth sermon of the collection, De Sancto Andrea. Through a discussion on the passage on the ‘Soul’s Address to the Body’ preserved in this homily, I shall show that Trinity XXIX includes both elements of continuity with the ‘Soul and Body’ literature attested in Old English homiletic texts (like the antithetical rhetorical pattern developed in the damned soul’s speech) and new features (like the motif of the ‘Signs of Death’ and the theme of ‘neglectful friends’) which reflect early Middle English developments in the ‘Soul and Body’ theme. I shall argue that the Trinity XXIX homilist probably adapted and reworked a lost Latin source into a poetic passage metrically and thematically consistent with contemporary ‘Soul and Body’ poetry. In the Appendix, I shall discuss the sources for the Latin material embedded in Trinity XXIX.1

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25

Čadajeva, Olga. "Cosmological, Astronomical and Astrological Elements in Sermons of Seventeenth-Century Ruthenian Authors." Teorie vědy / Theory of Science 42, no. 1 (September 4, 2020): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46938/tv.2020.476.

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The development of oral preaching and the genre of sermon in seventeenth-century Russia was primarily brought about by Ruthenian authors influenced by the Latin tradition, e.g., Ioannikiy Galyatovsky, Lazar Baranovych and Simeon Polotsky. These authors incorporated their general knowledge of cosmology, astronomy and astrology into their homilies, which present a valuable insight into the intellectual background of the period through the prism of cosmological elements used mostly as parts of rhetoric constructions. While the functions of the particular elements of natural philosophy varied in different authors, they shared certain concepts common to both scholastic thought and Baroque aesthetics. Despite being considerably distant from seventeenth-century science, the homilies also served educational purposes and may be perceived as a step towards the Westernisation and secularisation of Russian culture.

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26

Naienko, Halyna. "Factors of variability of grammatical system of the Ukrainian language of 17th century." Ukrainian Linguistics, no. 47 (2017): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/um/47(2017).27-35.

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The article examines species of variance in the graphic, phonetic-phonological and grammatical systems, which should be taken into account in the preparation of the historical grammar dictionary, grammar annotation of historical texts. The author defines the dynamic processes which make it dependent on the example of theoretical guide treatise by I. Galyatovskyi “Order or method of compiling a sermon” (second half of 17th century). The author points to the various graphical representations of phonemes, formation of new paradigms and interference processes. Phonetic variability correlated to loss of reduced phonemes and formation of a new phoneme /i/. Grammatical variation appears due to the influence Old Church Slavonic language or borrowing new terms from Latin. Coexistence grammatical forms old and new types of inflection manifested primarily in conjugation. She also gives an example of a variative paradigm of the noun.

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27

Eybl, Franz M. "Diaristische Aufzeichnung, publizistische Umsetzung." Daphnis 47, no. 1-2 (March 5, 2019): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04701015.

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Two Jesuits accompanied duke Maximilian’s campaign from Munich to Prague in 1620 in their courtly functions and recorded in Latin diaries the advance through Upper and Lower Austria and Bohemia as eyewitnesses. Johann Buslidius was the prince’s archivist, Jeremias Drexel his court preacher, one of the most important and successful religious writers of the epoch. This essay attempts to describe the conditions for recording and publishing war depictions in the context of Upper German Catholic denominational culture. Discussed are the differences between incident and recording (on the basis of different diary entries concerning a mutiny in Linz, Upper Austria), the thematization of war in Drexel’s religious writings, the differences between recording and printing in official publications about the war campaign (journal, pamphlet, panegyric, sermon) as well as the denominational differences in the evaluation and historical classification of the Thirty Years War.

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28

Ford, Judy A. "Saracens and Turks in William Caxton’s The Golden Legend." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2015-0018.

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Abstract In the late fifteenth century, William Caxton translated into English and published a version of the best-known collection of saints’ lives in medieval Europe, the Legenda aurea. It was the longest and most expensive book he ever produced. Caxton used various sources, including Latin and French versions of the Legenda, to create a collection accessible to the book-buying public who were literate in the vernacular in late-fifteenth and early sixteenth-century England. The Golden Legend includes fifteen lives that incorporate Saracens or Turks into their narratives. It describes their interactions with Christians, both peaceful and violent, as well as their capacity for conversion. The depiction of Muslims in this popular sermon collection would have formed part of the cultural construction of Islamic people in England at the turn of the sixteenth century.

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29

Coon, Lynda L. "Historical Fact and Exegetical Fiction in the Carolingian Vita S. Sualonis." Church History 72, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700096943.

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The nineteenth-century editor of Ermenrich of Ellwangen's (ca. 814–74) Vita Sualonis, Oswald Holder-Egger, dismissed the Carolingian hagiographer's sermon on the Anglo-Saxon hermit Sualo as historically unimportant because of its heavy reliance on oral traditions, its turgid prose style, and its clumsy Latin grammar. Holder-Egger found fault with the “ahistoricism” of Ermenrich's Vita—a scholarly stance no doubt influenced by the historicism of his day that privileged “the basic story as the primary object or goal of research.” For the late-nineteenth century, the recovery and reconstruction of an original source (an archetype or Urtext) from which all other derivative and secondary versions sprang was the ultimate task of historical inquiry. Such an Urtext, once unearthed, would then present the true, uncontaminated story of what had happened in the past, and the historian who successfully excavated an Urtype would assume the role of truth teller.

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30

M. Teresa, Brady. "Lollard Sources of ‘The Pore Caitif’." Traditio 44 (1988): 389–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036215290000711x.

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The extraordinary productivity of John Wycliffe and his followers is evident in the number of their extensive projects that despite ecclesiastical condemnation survived to modern times: the large corpus of Wycliffe's own Latin treatises and the grand-scale undertakings he inspired including the translations of the Bible, the Glossed Gospels, the vernacular sermon cycle, the multiple versions of the Floretum, and the numerous Lollard tracts. Fourteenth- and fifteenth-century writers in England would inevitably have been aware of these Wycliffite resources, and the present study will indicate that the compiler of the orthodox collection of Middle English tracts known as The Pore Caitif (PC), ca. 1395–1402, used several of the great Lollard reference works in assembling his materials. In four sections below, evidence is presented that links The Pore Caitif to the Glossed Gospels, an Early Version of the Wycliffite Bible (EV), the Lollard translation of the pseudo-Augustinian De salutaribus documentis, and possibly the Floretum.

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31

Rowe, Elizabeth Ashman. "Structure and Pattern in Chaucer's Knight's Tale." Florilegium 8, no. 1 (January 1986): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.8.009.

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The Knight's Tale has often been cited as an example of Chaucer's use of "conventional" or formal style, in contrast to the naturalism of the General Prologue. As Charles Muscatine observes, "When Chaucer writes at either end of the scale of values, indeed, his style becomes correspondingly extreme. When he writes at the Knight's end of the scale 'Of storial thyng that toucheth gentillesse,/ And eek moralitee andhoolynesse,' he leans heavily on conventional forms." This formalism is characterized not only by the use of rhetoric and a "high style" of writing but also by the use of a classical setting and the patterns and correspondences found in such Latin epics as the Aeneid and the Thebaid. Chaucer's development of the idea of correspondence between gods and men, for example, yields an ordered, symmetrical set of characters. When this ordering of form is considered alongside the prominent presentation in Theseus' sermon of the order of Nature, it is not much of a leap of interpretation to assume that the Knight's Tale is in some way "about" order. However, when more closely examined, the poem seems to be more "about" disorder than order. Merle Fifield interprets Theseus' sermon in the following way: it counsels "the acceptance of eternal disorder as one of God's works (3057)" and it forbids."the expression of an ethical order in the narrative action of the romance." In fact, layers of disorder and order alternate. The emotional chaos and fruitless conflicts of Arcite and Palamon lead them to be compared to animals (1655-59, 2626-33), but above them is Theseus, who attempts to order the lives of his subjects rationally and whose symmetrical battle arena symbolizes his world view. Above Theseus is the disorder of Olympus, where the gods quarrel and scheme, and above them, if we may believe Theseus (2987 ff.), is the First Mover, stable and eternal.

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32

Melnyk, I. O. "THE PECULIARITIES OF THE INTERPRETATION OF THE CONCEPT OF WILL IN THE SERMONS OF A. RADIVILOVSKY." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 66 (2) (2019): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2019.2.11.

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The article provides the concept of the will, its interpretation in the selected dictionaries and the sermon of A. Radivilovsky since it is an important notion in the linguistic world image of Ukrainians. The visions of the concept of A. Radivilovsky and other writers of that time are compared. The inter- est for the interpretation and understanding of this concept appeared in Ukrainian culture in the 17th century. The reason for this was the penetration of Latin-Polish literature into the territory of Ukraine. The interpretations of the will were quite diﬀerent, even within one century. So-called «evolution» of the concept can be traced back to the dictionaries that record the vocabulary of the researched period («Lexicon» by Pamba Berynda., «Materials» to the dictionary by E. Timchenko and «Dictionary of the Ukrainian language of the 16th – the first half of the 17th century»). The change of the conceptual world image of Ukrainians, specifically in the ratio of such concepts as God and Man, is observed in the second half of the 17th century. A. Radivilovsky is an innovator in this regard. For him as well as for I. Gisel, freedom is defined as the path to the Salvation. An important thing is that A. Radilovsky appeals to the will not in a specific sense. The main point for him is freedom of the will which he defines as a special gift from God that is given to a man in order to live for good and increase the glory of the Lord. In the sermon he refers to the work of Blessed Augustine. The preacher believes that a person who chose a righteous path with his own will can reach the Salvation. God gives everyone freedom to choose, and therefore nobody makes a person do what he does not want to do. In order to confirm his ideas, A. Radilovsky presents the biblical parables, legends or histories of ancient gods or rulers. So, A. Radilovsky refers to the problem of freedom of the will because the society of that time required a diﬀerent interpretation of some religious concepts through rationalistic worldview. Accord- ing to the preacher, the will is the path to the Highest Blessed Peace, a special gift from God. Such an interpretation diﬀers from the ideas of philosophers of the first half of the 20th century. A. Radilovsky emphasizes that even doing it unconsciously a person still has to make a choice in favor of God. That is, having noted that everyone has a right to make their own choice, the preacher unknowingly denies this fact. The concept of the will plays an important role in the sermon since it gives us an idea of the contemporary understanding of the notion and its place in the religious texts.

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Kim, Charles G. "“Ipsa ructatio euangelium est”." Augustinian Studies 50, no. 2 (2019): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies201961354.

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In a curious turn of phrase that he offered to a particular congregation, Augustine claims that a belch became the Gospel: “Ipsa ructatio euangelium est.” The reference comes at the end of a longer digression in Sermon (s.) 341 [Dolbeau 22] about how John the Evangelist, a fisherman, came to produce his Gospel, namely he belched out what he drank in. The use of a mundane word like ructare in an oration concerning a divine being contravenes a rhetorical prohibition known as tapinosis. This kind of speech was prohibited in ancient oratory because it humiliated the subject of the declamation, and this was especially problematic if the subject was divine. According to Augustine’s reading of scripture, if the divine willfully chose to be humiliated in order to teach humility to others by example, then the person delivering a speech about the divine could contravene this oratorical vice. This article argues that Augustine does precisely that in s. 341 by examining the reasons for Augustine’s use of the terms ructare and iumentum. Specifically, it traces their usage in various Latin texts from Cicero to Plautus to the Psalms. It argues that the virtue of humility is manifest in the very language which Augustine deploys all along the way.

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Adam, Júlio Cézar. "PREGAÇÃO E PROMESSA: A PRÉDICA ESCATOLÓGICA DA LIBERTAÇÃO, DA PROSPERIDADE E DA CULTURA POP." Perspectiva Teológica 49, no. 2 (August 31, 2017): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21768757v49n2p399/2017.

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RESUMO: Este artigo tem por objetivo refletir sobre a homilética e a pregação cristã como voz de promessa em um contexto paradoxal como o contexto brasileiro e latino-americano. Para tanto, refletir-se-á sobre três tipos característicos de relação entre pregação e promessa: a prédica escatológica transcendentalista que deposita a promessa para o além ou o fim dos tempos; a prédica humanista e de libertação que coloca a promessa na dimensão da luta sócio-política de transformação no presente; a prédica individualista e de prosperidade que projeta a promessa como realização material e satisfação hedonista. Por fim, diante desta realidade, busca-se por caminhos na literatura (Las dos Palabras, de Isabel Allende) e cultura pop (Filme Central do Brasil, de Walter Salles) que auxiliem a pensar uma prédica que anuncie a promessa em meio aos paradoxos da vida de forma a contribuir não só para satisfação individual, eclesial ou ideológica, mas que aponte para transformações humanas e culturais.ABSTRACT: This paper aims to reflect on homiletics and Christian preaching as a voice of promise in a paradoxical context such as the Brazilian and Latin American context. Initially it will reflect upon three characteristic types of relationships between preaching and promise: the eschatological and transcendentalist preaching that deposits the promise to the after life or in the end of time; the humanistic and liberating preaching that puts the promise in the dimension of the transformation of the socio-political struggle in the present; the individualistic and prosperity preaching which projects promise as material achievement and hedonistic satisfaction. Finally, faced with this reality, we seek for ways in the literature (Las dos Palabras, of Isabel Allende) and in the popular culture (Movie Central do Brasil, of Walter Salles) to assist in thinking a sermon that announces the promise amid the paradoxes of life in order to contribute not only to individual, ecclesial or ideological satisfaction, but which points to human and cultural transformations.

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Dolnikowski, Edith Wilks. "Siegfried Wenzel. Latin Sermon Collections from the Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xxiv+713. $170.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 45, no. 2 (April 2006): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/504186.

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Nedeljković, Vojin. "Latin vulgaire, latin familier." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 38, no. 1 (September 18, 2015): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.38.1.01ned.

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The author examines the scope and interrelation of two traditional notions concerning non-literary Latin: sermo uulgaris, or plebeius, and sermo familiaris, or cotidianus. While these are really disparate terms, the one designating a sociolect and the other a language register, the author maintains that the old confusion between Colloquial and Vulgar Latin is not merely due to flawed reasoning within an insufficient model of linguistic variation, but rather reflects a fundamental development that took place in the social history of Latin.

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Abdullah, Asep Abbas, Abdul Muhid, and Winarto Eka Wahyudi. "“Humor in Da’wa”: Socio-linguistic Analytic of Kyai Ishaq Latif Da’wa from Pesantren Tebuireng Jombang." Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v14i2.9053.

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This article aims to describe the anatomy of humor exercised consistently by one of Islamic preachers and teachers from Pesantren Tebuireng, Jombang. This article employs qualitative approach. Kyai Ishaq Latif humor in his sermon analyzed by socio-linguistic perspective. This article found that the Islamic teaching containing theology, family relationship, and social interaction was delivered by him with humor such as anecdotes, acronym., codes, limerick, and satire. Humor has been developed within certain social context. Preacher use humor to be more understood by broader audiences. This article thus suggests that the usage of humor in religious sermons will generate intimacy which enable audience accepted the message without being coerced or offended or intimidated. Humor in religious sermon shows social dialect (sociolect) of the preacher that has integrated with his audiences. The usage of humor is an alternative instrument in delivering holy messages (act sequences) to be accepted effectively by the audiences.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui anatomi humor dalam dakwah yang dikembangkan oleh Kiai Ishaq Latif dari Pondok Pesantren Tebuireng Jombang. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif, paper ini dianalisis menggunakan perspektif sosiolinguistik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat beberapa metode humor Kiai Latif antara lain anekdot, akronim, alih kode, pantun dan sindirian. Selain itu, metode humor merupakan “bahasa” yang lahir dari ruang dan konteks sosial tertentu. Bahasa lelucon yang diselipkan dalam dakwah merupakan bentuk guyub tutur yang jamak berlaku di masyarakat awam. Implikasi praksis penelitian ini adalah humor yang ditunjukan oleh seorang pendakwah akan melahirkan keakraban (intimate) yang memungkinkan seseorang menerima ajaran Islam tanpa tekanan, paksaan dan intimidasi. Pada posisi tertentu, humor juga menunjukan dialek sosial (sosialek) seorang pendakwah yang lebih menyatu dengan psikologi masa. Humor diadopsi sebagai instrument untuk membawa amanat suci (act sequences) ajaran agama Islam agar tersampaikan secara efektif bagi masyarakat.

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Fletcher, Alan J. "Siegfried Wenzel, . Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif. Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature 53. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. xxiv+713 pp. $170.00 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 86, no. 3 (July 2006): 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/507732.

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Dolbeau, François. "A Propos d’unAgraphon:Réflexions sur la Transmission de L’homilétique Latine Antique, Avec Édition du Sermon “Sermo Sacerdotis Dei”." Classical Philology 98, no. 2 (April 2003): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/381370.

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Pérez Castro, Lois C. "Naturaleza y composición del sermo castrensis latino." Emerita 73, no. 1 (June 30, 2005): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.2005.v73.i1.54.

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41

Cross, J. E. "Wulfstan'sDe Anticristoin a twelfth-century Worcester manuscript." Anglo-Saxon England 20 (December 1991): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001824.

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Cambridge, St John's College 42 (B. 20) is a Latin manuscript, dated as twelfth century and tentatively placed at Worcester. It contains 136 folios, closely written in double columns of forty-five lines each, in which a range of abbreviations has been used. By these means a quantity of material has been presented, including two collections of homilies/sermons, a calendar, extracts from the works of named authors and miscellaneous smaller items. The most notable of the sermons for Anglo-Saxonists is a new text of Archbishop Wulfstan's Latin composition,De Anticristo, but it keeps company with other anonymous sermons, some of which are variant texts of sermons copied or composed in English manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon historical period. The manuscript needs a closer study than those done by M.R. James, who catalogued the anonymous items without identification, or by H. Schenkl, whose catalogue is incomplete although it includes some identifications. Identification of the anonymous items, with notice of parallel texts in other manuscripts where possible, helps to confirm the date of the manuscript, suggests that its place of origin was Worcester, and allows speculation on the canon of Wulfstan's Latin writing.

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Dolbeau. "A propos d'un "agraphon:" Réflexions sur la transmission de l'homilétique latine antique, avec édition du sermon "Sermo sacerdotis dei"." Classical Philology 98, no. 2 (2003): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1215499.

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Jones, Christopher A. "An edition of the four sermons attributed to Candidus Witto." Anglo-Saxon England 47 (December 2018): 7–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675119000012.

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AbstractIn 1891, Germain Morin identified a set of brief, anonymous Latin sermons that he controversially attributed to Alcuin’s Anglo-Saxon pupil named ‘Witto’ or ‘Wizo’ in Old English, ‘Candidus’ in Latin. The texts in question are of considerable interest but have remained unprinted and thus scarcely known. The present article offers an edition of them, based on all the known manuscripts, as well as a translation and commentary. An introductory discussion reviews the state of scholarship on Candidus’s career and writings, then examines in detail the content and sources of the four texts, the evidence supporting their attribution to Candidus, and some points of comparison between the items here edited and other Latin sermons produced at Carolingian centres in the early ninth century.

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SPENCER, HELEN LEITH. "Latin sermon collections from later medieval England. Orthodox preaching in the age of Wyclif. By Siegfried Wenzel. (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, 53.) Pp. xxiv+715. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. £95. 0 521 84182 8." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 1 (January 2006): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905756219.

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Harvey, Margaret. "Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif. By Siegfried Wenzel. Pp. 740. (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, 53.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. isbn 0 521 84182 8. £95." Journal of Theological Studies 57, no. 2 (May 23, 2006): 779–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flj064.

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Vihervalli, Ulriika. "LATE-ANTIQUE PREACHING - (A.) Dupont, (S.) Boodts, (G.) Partoens, (J.) Leemans (edd.) Preaching in the Patristic Era. Sermons, Preachers, and Audiences in the Latin West. (A New History of the Sermon 6.) Pp. xii + 541. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2018. Cased, €199, US$240. ISBN: 978-90-04-34698-7." Classical Review 69, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 486–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x19000623.

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Cabrillana, C. "Sermo deorum in Vergil's Aeneid: colloquial Latin?" Journal of Latin Linguistics 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll-2014-0001.

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Ostrówka, Małgorzata, and Ewa Golachowska. "Bobrujszczyzna – ojczyzna Floriana Czarnyszewicza wczoraj i dziś (raport z badań terenowych)." Acta Baltico-Slavica 35 (July 28, 2015): 237–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2011.017.

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Babruysk District – homeland to Florian Czarnyszewicz yesterday and today (report of field research)Field research in Babruysk and vincinity taken up recently is part of research of the religious language of Catholics in former North-Eastern Polish Borderland and writings of Florian Czarnyszewicz, who comes from Babruysk Disctrict, the author of several novels, the most famous of which is called Nadberezhyntsy. The article presents short history of Babruysk with special attention drawn to cultural – educational problems and the dynamics of population development in this town. It shows functioning of the Catholic Church in Babruysk District in 20th and 21st centuries. It also discusses the language situation in the researched area which is as follows: the primary language in the town is Russian with elements of Belorussian. Th is language demonstrates great idiolectal diversity. People who live in the country and have never left it use a Belorussian dialect (which confirms the principle that living in the country favours preserving the dialect). The Polish language is present only during the liturgy and prayers of the eldest generation. During Masses said in Polish the Polish language is used for Eucharistic Liturgy but during the Liturgy of the Word Polish is present only for the reading. The sermon is preached in Belorussian. Belorussian is also used for pastoral announcements. Numerous participants of the Mass can be the proof of attachment to the Polish language as the language of liturgy. During the research trip we visited four cemetaries where we photographed 87 tombs. As for these tombs, we were certain that they belonged to Poles (as surnames, names or father’s names indicated). 33 inscriptions out of this number were engraved in Latin alphabet. We could observe mixing Latin types with Cyrillic ones. The appendix given at the end of the article contains texts of an informant from Prodwin written phonetically. Бобруйщина – родина писателя Флориана Чарнышевича в прошлом и настоящем (отчет по итогам полевых исследований)Предпринятые в 2010 году полевые исследования в Бобруйске и его окрестностях являются частью исследований языка населения католического вероисповедания на территории бывшего Великого княжества Литовского. В частности исследования проводятся также в связи с творчеством малоизвестного писателя Флориана Чарнышевича, родившегося на бобруйской земле. Флориан Чарнышевич – автор нескольких романов, среди которых наиболее известным является «Надберезинцы». В статье представлен очерк истории Бобруйска с учётом культурно-просветительских аспектов и динамики развития численности населения в городе. Авторами показана деятельность католической церкви на Бобруйщине в ХIХ–ХХ веках. Языковая ситуация на исследуемой территории представляется следующим образом. В городе преобладает русский язык с элементами белорусского. Этот язык сильно дифференцирован в зависимости от личности говорящего. Люди, которые родились в деревне и провели в ней всю свою жизнь, пользуются белорусским говором (что подтверждает наблюдение о лучшем сохранении говора в деревенской среде). Польский язык присутствует исключительно в литургии и молитвах старшего поколения. На польских мессах по-польски ведётся евхаристическая литургия и литургия слова. Проповедь и объявления священник читает побелорусски. Большое количество присутствующих на польской службе свидетельствует о привязанности католиков к польскому как языку литургии. Ценным социолингвистическим материалом являются надгробные надписи. На 4 кладбищах мы обнаружили 33 эпитафии, высеченные латинским шрифтом. На деревенских кладбищах наблюдается смешение латинского шрифта и кириллицы. В приложении приводится диалектный текст, записанный у информантки из деревни Продвино.

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von Nolcken, Christina. "An Unremarked Group of Wycliffite Sermons in Latin." Modern Philology 83, no. 3 (February 1986): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/391473.

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Dolbeau, François. "Sept sermons antiques, tirés d’un homéliaire latin d’Olomouc." Revue Bénédictine 111, no. 3-4 (July 2001): 353–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.5.100709.

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