Academic literature on the topic 'Latini (Italic people)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Latini (Italic people)"
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Sgarbi, Marco. "Aristotle and the People: Vernacular Philosophy in Renaissance Italy." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 3 (January 14, 2017): 59–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i3.27721.
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The essay focuses on vernacular Aristotelianism in Renaissance Italy, which began to gain currency in the 1540s, just as the vernacular was beginning to establish itself as a language of culture and the Counter-Reformation was getting underway. With over three hundred printed and manuscript works, the statistics of this phenomenon are impressive. Even so, the vulgarization of Aristotle in the Italian Renaissance has never received the scholarly attention it deserves. The paper examines (1) the identity of the recipients of Aristotle’s vulgarizations, (2) the meaning of the process of vulgarization, and (3) the conception of knowledge that such writings brought to the culture of the Cinquecento. The purpose is to show that (1) vernacular renderings of Aristotle’s works were aimed at the “people,” including “idiots” (men lacking culture or knowledge of Latin), “simpletons,” “ignorants,” and “illiterates” as well as princes, men of letters, women, and children, (2) vulgarization was not simply a matter of disseminating, simplifying, and trivializing knowledge, and (3) vulgarization upheld the notion of widespread knowledge.
L’article se concentre sur l’aristotélisme vernaculaire en Italie de la Renaissance, qui s’est grandement développé au cours des années 1540, au moment où la langue vernaculaire s’est imposée comme langue de culture alors que la Contre-Réforme débutait. Avec plus que quatre cent oeuvres imprimées ou manuscrites, les chiffres de ce phénomène sont impressionants. Malgré tout, la vulgarisation d’Aristote pendant la Renaissance italienne n’a jamais reçu l’attention savante qu’elle mérite. L’article examine 1) l’identité des destinataires des vulgarisations d’Aristote 2) le sens du processus de vulgarisation, et 3) la conception de la connaissance que représentent ces textes dans la culture de Cinquecento. L’objectif est de démontrer que les traductions vernaculaires des oeuvres d’Aristote s’adressaient au peuple, y compris les “simples” (les hommes sans culture ni connaissance du latin), les nigauds, les ignares, et les illettrés ainsi que les princes, les hommes de lettres, les femmes, et les enfants, 2) la vulgarisation n’était pas une affaire simple de dissémination,qui simplifie et fait circuler le savoir, et 3) la vulgarisation sert l’ambition d’une circulation des savoirs
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Prus, Robert. "Engaging Love, Divinity, and Philosophy: Pragmatism, Personification, and Autoethnographic Motifs in the Humanist Poetics of Brunetto Latini, Dante Alighieri, and Giovanni Boccaccio." Qualitative Sociology Review 10, no. 3 (July 31, 2014): 6–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.10.3.01.
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Although the works of three early Italian Renaissance poets, Brunetto Latini (1220-1294), Dante Alighieri (1265-1321), and Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375), may seem far removed from the social science ventures of the 21st century, these three Italian authors provide some exceptionally valuable materials for scholars interested in the study of human knowing and acting. As central participants in the 13th-14th century “humanist movement” (in which classical Greek and Latin scholarship were given priority in matters of intellectual development), Brunetto Latini, Dante Alighieri, and Giovanni Boccaccio helped sustain an analytic focus on human lived experience. Most of the materials addressed here are extensively fictionalized, but our interests are in the sociological insights that these authors achieve, both in their accounts of the characters and interchanges portrayed in their texts and in their modes of presentation as authors. Although lacking the more comprehensive aspects of Chicago-style symbolic interactionist (Mead 1934; Blumer 1969) theory and research, these early Renaissance texts are remarkably self-reflective in composition. Thus, these statements provide us with valuable insights into the life-worlds of (a) those of whom the authors speak, (b) those to whom the authors address their works, and (c) the authors themselves as people involved in generating aspects of popular culture through their poetic endeavors. More specifically, these writers enable us to appreciate aspects of pragmatist emphases on human knowing and acting through their attentiveness to people’s perspectives, speech, deliberation, action, and interaction. In addressing affective relationships, introducing generic standpoints, and considering morality as community matters, these materials offer contemporary scholars in the social sciences some particularly instructive transhistorical and transcultural comparative and conceptual reference points. Inspired by the remarkable contributions of the three 13th-14th century Italian poets and some 12th- 13th century French predecessors, the Epilogue direct specific attention to the ways in which authors might engage poetic productions as “producers” and “analysts” of fictionalized entertainment.
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Coppens, Christian. "'For the Benefit of Ordinary People': the Dutch Translation of the Fasciculus medicinae, Antwerp 1512." Quaerendo 39, no. 2 (2009): 168–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006909x439377.
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AbstractThe article deals with the Dutch translation of the Fasciculus medicinae based on the Latin edition, Venice 1495, with the famous woodcuts created in 1494 for the Italian translation of the original Latin edition of 1491. The woodcuts are compared with the Venetian model. New features in the Antwerp edition include the Skeleton and the Zodiac Man, both originally based on German models. The text also deals briefly with other woodcuts in the Low Countries based on these Venetian illustrations. The Appendices provide an STC of all the editions and translations based on the Venetian edition and a stemma.
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Whitton, Christopher. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 67, no. 2 (October 2020): 260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738352000011x.
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First up, a brace of major Teubner editions. Marcus Deufert's De rerum natura marks a significant moment in Lucretian studies. I suspect that most people, at least in the Anglosphere, are still using Cyril Bailey's venerable Oxford Classical Text (revised in 1922) for everyday reading, if not the equally antique Loeb (W. D. Rouse, 1924). In broadest outline, text-critical views haven't changed much since: a ‘closed’ tradition, in which two Carolingian manuscripts rejoicing in the workaday names Oblongus and Quadratus are prime witnesses, but often problematic ones; a mass of manuscripts from Renaissance Italy, which editors consult primarily for conjectures. But the last century has seen plenty of important work, and Deufert can report more precisely on the various corrections made in O and Q; affirm that all Italian manuscripts descend from O, and give them a stemma; pan many more humanist conjectures; wade in the muddy river (xxi) of modern interventions; and offer his own solutions to, or non liquet on, textual problems small and large. The result is a text with plenty of novelties (and many questions left open), and an edition with a very different look.
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Gomez Gane, Yorick. "Ital. ammazzare (con considerazioni su stramazzare, mattare, mazzare)." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 2 (June 8, 2018): 557–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0034.
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AbstractThe Italian verb ammazzare ‘to kill (someone), usually in a violent way’ is explained by Italian historical and etymological lexicography as a verb originally indicating a homicide committed with a club (Italian mazza). On the basis of historical linguistic examples it is instead here ascribed to the act of striking animals with a club during slaughter, where the verb would then assume (for the immediate correspondence between the action and its purpose) the general meaning of ‘killing (an animal)’ (subsequently being referred to people). The article then briefly discusses the etymology of the Italian verb stramazzare ‘to strike down to the ground violently’, which may also be ascribed to animal slaughter, and finally the origin of the ancient Italian verbs mattare and mazzare ‘to kill’, as well as their possible Latin bases *mattare/*mattiare.
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Martinez, Juan R. "“This is an Italian Church with a Large Hispanic Population”: Factors and Strategies in White Ethno–Religious Place Making." City & Community 16, no. 4 (December 2017): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12270.
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This paper examines how a group of white ethnic, mostly Italian American, Catholics participate in ethno–religious place making in a predominantly Latino church. In light of a growing number of Latino parishioners, white ethnic church members engage in place making activities to ascribe a white ethno–religious identity to place. Drawing on participant observations, interviews, and archival documents, I examine the impetus behind, and strategies used, in making ethno–religious place. I find that place attachment and group threat drive white ethnics to make place. They do so by employing strategies of place making, place marking, and place marketing. The findings point to the importance of using place as a focal point of social analysis and understanding how people make place.
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Crifò, Francesco. "Popular lexicon of Greek origin in Italian varieties." Lexicographica 33, no. 2017 (August 28, 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2017-0008.
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AbstractGreek-speaking people have been sailing the Mediterranean for millennia. At various stages of their development from Latin, the Romance languages have been influenced by their idiom. In Italy and in its islands, this role has been particularly evident due to the many rich and culturally active colonies in Southern Italy before and during the Roman period on the one hand, and through the later Byzantine occupation, which lasted several centuries in some areas, on the other. In this article, after a brief summary of the historical background (2.), the characteristics of the lexical borrowings from Greek in the local idioms of Southern (3.) as well as of Central and Northern Italy (4.) will be sketched. Here and there, and in the conclusions (5.), the status quaestionis and the latest orientations of the research will also be broadly outlined.
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Crifò, Francesco. "Popular lexicon of Greek origin in Italian varieties." Lexicographica 33, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lexi-2017-0008.
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AbstractGreek-speaking people have been sailing the Mediterranean for millennia. At various stages of their development from Latin, the Romance languages have been influenced by their idiom. In Italy and in its islands, this role has been particularly evident due to the many rich and culturally active colonies in Southern Italy before and during the Roman period on the one hand, and through the later Byzantine occupation, which lasted several centuries in some areas, on the other. In this article, after a brief summary of the historical background (2.), the characteristics of the lexical borrowings from Greek in the local idioms of Southern (3.) as well as of Central and Northern Italy (4.) will be sketched. Here and there, and in the conclusions (5.), the status quaestionis and the latest orientations of the research will also be broadly outlined.
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Szada, Marta. "The Missing Link: The Homoian Church in the Danubian Provinces and Its Role in the Conversion of the Goths." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 549–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2020-0053.
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Abstract Frequently, studies focusing on the fourth-century Trinitarian controversy stop at the 380s and emphasize the importance of the Council of Constantinople and the Council of Aquileia in 381, and the end of Italian rule of the last Homoian emperor, Valentinian II. In very common interpretation, these events mark the virtual end of the Latin Homoianism—its final extirpation. This thesis mightily influenced the modern thinking about Christianization of the Goths and other barbarian peoples. The process was conceptualized as an “ethnic switch” —the people of non-Roman ethnicity embraced the religion while the Romans completely abandoned it. Thereby, the disavowed Roman heresy changed into the creed able to preserve ethnic difference under the Roman pressure of acculturation. In the present paper, I challenge this interpretation. I argue that the Latin Homoian Church survived long into the fifth century and had an active role in the process of converting the Goths into the Homoian Christianity. I also call into question the role of Wulfila as the Apostle of the Goths directly involved in their Christianization in the 370s, the controvertible image created by the fifth-century church historians. By these means, I aim at dismissing a vision of Christianization of the Goths relying on the solitary mission of a single person. The Goths did not cling to Homoianism because it kept them apart from the Roman neighbours and let preserve their traditions. Quite opposite, in the era of the emperor Valens it was an act of political loyalty to the Roman Empire which later under the formative influence of the Latin Homoian Church transformed into the religious identification founded on the concept of Catholicity—quality of being universally right in the matter of faith—and not on ethnic exclusivism.
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Fort, Giovanni. "I germanismi nello spazio linguistico della penisola italica: superstrato prodotto dalla migrazione; ambito di analisi diacronica, diatopica, e stilistica; strumento per la didattica." Bergen Language and Linguistics Studies 10, no. 1 (November 7, 2019): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bells.v10i1.1454.
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Germanic peoples appear strongly on the stage of history during late antiquity. With the advent of so-called “Barbarian Invasions” (or “folk migrations”, if the perspective is that of the invaders), raids by Germanic tribes gradually turn into migrations of ethnic groups settling in the areas they strike. With the fall of the Empire and the creation of Barbarian Kingdoms, this phenomenon leads to lasting effects on local languacultures. In the Italian peninsula, Goths, Langobards, and Franks, impacted the evolution of vulgar Latin, leaving visible traces in the Italian language.
The Germanic element of Italian vocabulary is represented by a multitude of toponyms and anthroponyms; it characterises specific lexical areas, and is observable in basic vocabulary and derivational morphology. These elements (systematically collected within the LEI project) are an extremely interesting object of study, on several levels.
In a diachronic perspective: analysing their presence at different stages, and as an instrument for dating.
In a diatopic perspective: as a criterion of dialectological analysis, also frequently linked to geosynonyms and so-called “parole bandiera”. (Besides also being a differentiating criterion between romance languages).
In a sociolinguistic and stylistic perspective: considering the value of a Latin or a Germanic equivalent, in context.
It is moreover ultimately relevant to consider an approach involving Germanic elements in Italian as an effective pedagogical tool. They can prove extremely useful, not only in educating about the history of the languaculture of the Italian peninsula, but also in teaching basic language-competence, and in the expansion of vocabulary, exploiting intercomprehension in learners with a Germanic mother tongue in general, and a Scandinavian one in particular (and vice versa).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Latini (Italic people)"
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Bouma, Jelle. "Religio votiva the archaeology of Latial votive religion : the 5th-3rd c. BC votive deposit southwest of the main temple at [Satricum] Borgo Le Ferriere /." Groningen : University of Groningen, 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48092085.html.
Full textBooks on the topic "Latini (Italic people)"
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Walchen, Romani und Latini: Variationen einer nachrömischen Gruppenbezeichung zwischen Britannien und dem Balkan. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2017.
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Foresti, Luciana Aigner. Die Etrusker und das frühe Rom. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2003.
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Cardoso, Corrado. Lupi, guerrieri e sciamani alle origini dei Latini. Roma: Palombi, 2010.
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Le pendu et le noyé des Monts Albains: Recherches comparatives autour des rites et des mythes des Monts Albains. Bruxelles: Éditions Latomus, 2007.
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Maria, Bietti Sestieri Anna, De Santis Anna, and Museo nazionale romano, eds. The protohistory of the Latin peoples: Museo nazionale romano, Terme di Diocleziano. Milano: Electa, 2000.
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Vers une Europe latine: Acteurs et enjeux des échanges culturels entre la France et l'Italie fasciste. Paris: Institut national d'Histoire de l'Art, 2014.
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F, Tomasi Lydio, Gastaldo Piero, Row Thomas, Center for Migration Studies (U.S.), Fondazione Giovanni Agnelli, and International Conference on Italian Immigration to the Americas and Australia (1992 : New York University), eds. The Columbus people: Perspectives in Italian immigration to the America and Australia. New York: Center for Migration Studies, 1994.
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Henry, James. The portrait of a lady. New York, N.Y: Vintage Books/Library of America, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Latini (Italic people)"
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Tonelli, Gabriele, Michela Faccoli, Roberto Gotti, and Giovanna Cornacchia. "Archaeometallurgical Investigation on Historical Sword-Making Techniques in Northern Italy Between the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." In Martial Culture and Historical Martial Arts in Europe and Asia, 183–99. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2037-0_6.
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AbstractThe history of Brescia (Latin Brixia), a city in northern Italy, is characterized by a long manufacturing tradition, in particular the crafting of steel weapons and armor. This was made possible thanks to the availability of iron ore, the great forests from which to obtain charcoal, the numerous streams used as the driving force for power hammers and forges, but most importantly the ingenuity and industry of the people. Beginning in the pre-Roman age, the skills of the masters and craftsmen steadily progressed over the centuries, until Brescia and its vicinity became one of the most important arms production centers in Europe between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. This paper presents an overview of the weapon manufacturing region of northern Italy, in particular Brescia. Moreover, a metallurgical study performed on an early seventeenth century north Italian “storta” sword has shed light on historical sword-smithing technologies and enabled us to discover the secrets behind the high-quality Italian weapons.
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Romania, Vincenzo. "Shameful Traces and Image-Based Sexual Abuse: The Case of Tiziana Cantone." In Frontiers in Sociology and Social Research, 347–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11756-5_22.
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AbstractIn this chapter, I reflect on the relationship between shame and digital traces in cases of image-based sexual abuse (IBSA) (I am thankful to Giovanni Zampieri, Dario Lucchesi and Massimo Cerulo for their invaluable help in writing and revising this chapter.). I will introduce the concept of shameful trace to describe records of diverse nature that can be used by a group of people participating in an effort to stigmatise an appearance, a conduct, an attitude or any other cause of social disapproval. Such a record is an object of shame only in a latent form. For it to become a shameful trace, it is necessary that it be shared and focussed on particular situations of moral condemnation.This is neither a purely theoretical nor a purely empirical article. Rather, I first consider a case study of moral violence against a young Italian woman, Tiziana Cantone, who committed suicide in 2016 after the widespread non-consensual dissemination of intimate images. Further, I propose a theoretical understanding of the diffusion of shameful traces as a process of concerted social action including five elements: first, the ontology of the trace; second, the actors involved in its production and diffusion; third, the temporal and spatial coordinates of the shame diffusion and the technical or social means employed in it; and finally (fourth and fifth), the cultural and normative frameworks. Finally, I investigate how social bonds and sociotechnical and normative regulations favour the diffusion of shame in cases of IBSA.
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Donohue, Christopher. "“A Mountain of Nonsense”? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War." In History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, 67–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.
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AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.
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Fulminante, Francesca. "The Latins." In The Peoples of Ancient Italy, edited by Gary D. Farney and Guy Bradley. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781614513001-024.
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Zanoni, Elizabeth. "Brotherly Love." In Emotional Landscapes, 91–111. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043499.003.0006.
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This chapter argues that Italian migrants in Argentina employed Italian-language newspapers to construct gendered and racialized constructions of familial love between Italians and Argentines as “brotherly people” during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These everyday articulations of emotions and love in the ethnic press, the chapter contends, were just as important to the creation of international allegiances and national identities as were the more formal decisions made by diplomats and statesmen. Newspapers like La Patria degli Italiani depicted foreign relations between Italy and Argentina as family relations—as relations between racially similar “Latin brothers”—to justify male-predominate migration, to promote favorable attitudes toward Italy and its migrants, and to rebuke unbrotherly destinations like the United States.
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Potts, Charlotte R. "Conclusions." In Religious Architecture in Latium and Etruria, c. 900-500 BC. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198722076.003.0016.
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This book began by stating that histories of religious architecture can be accounts of both buildings and people. This particular history, focused on the archaeological evidence for the development of cult buildings in early central Italy, has reconsidered traditional narratives about the form and function of Etrusco-Italic religious architecture and proposed an alternative reconstruction of how their architects and audiences may have interacted with one another in Rome, Latium, and Etruria between the ninth and the sixth centuries BC. Comparison with the construction of monumental temples elsewhere also indicated that settlements including Rome, Satricum, Pyrgi, and Tarquinia can perhaps be considered part of a network of Archaic Mediterranean settlements with material, commercial, and religious connections, and that monumental architecture may have been a mechanism for successful social interaction. This study has therefore supported the suggestion that the physical and social fabric of ancient communities were closely linked, and that regional studies of Latium and Etruria may furthermore benefit from being set in Italic and Mediterranean contexts. This concluding chapter briefly recapitulates the arguments made in the main body of the book and the significance of each of those arguments for studies of ancient architecture and society. It also assesses how these findings relate to broader debates about Archaic Italy. Finally, it acknowledges the limitations of this analysis and highlights opportunities for future research. Part I of this book demonstrated that ancient religious architecture was a protean phenomenon. Three chapters analysed the ambiguous evidence for Iron Age sacred huts, the range of different buildings types associated with ritual activities in the seventh century BC, and the emergence of a separate architectural language for religious buildings during the Archaic period. Detailed analyses of foundations and roofs revealed that as changes in technology and society led to the widespread use of more permanent building materials, the physical fabric of central Italic settlements was also increasingly marked by the use of particular architectural forms and decorations to differentiate cult buildings from other structures, setting them apart in a form of architectural consecration.
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Dicus, Kevin. "Using Your Head: Reading a “Local Style” Adapted for Foreign Ritual." In Religious Convergence in the Ancient Mediterranean, 501–21. Lockwood Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/2019167.ch23.
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From the sanctuary at Grasceta dei Cavallari in north Latium come four votive heads whose schematic and stylized physiognomy is antithetic to the naturalistic Hellenic- style that normally characterized the votive heads used in the Etrusco-Latial-Campanian (ELC) ritual tradition. Their formal differences have led scholars to believe that they are anomalies created by non-Roman indigenes and devoid of any link to traditional aesthetic models. A survey of votives at other Italic sanctuaries reveals that they are not anomalous: numerous heads displaying the same style can be found. The style must be informed by a visual syntax that was comprehensible to the people making and using the schematic heads. By looking at earlier instances where the style was used, specifically bucchero face plaques, Etruscan face beakers, and gorgon antefixes, the meaning behind the style be- comes clear. In every case, the schematic face communicates apotropaic force and was used to defend against evil or misfortune. Such a message fits comfortably with the votive heads that were offered to the gods as requests for protection. That the heads were created with a traditional aesthetic model in mind also shines light on the self-identification of the local communities using them. Although the ritual in which the heads were used arrived with Roman expansion, participation in the ritual by non-Romans does not signify homogeniza- tion and cultural amnesia. Local communities maintained their cultural identity and their agency to transform foreign traditions into something that was specifically meaningful to them. We cannot assume a complete religious Romanization of Italy simply because there is evidence that non-Romans took part in Romanized ritual.
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Toaff, Ariel. "Doctors and Surgeons." In Love, Work and Death, 215–33. Liverpool University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774198.003.0011.
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This chapter focuses on Jewish doctors and surgeons in Umbrian communes in the late Middle Ages. Public records, notarial deeds, and contracts in Hebrew and Latin all bear witness to the presence and activity of a host of Jewish doctors, hired by the communes to treat the people of any given town and contado. The practice appears to have been widespread throughout Italy, and its roots are to be sought less in the supposed Jewish penchant for medical studies than in the fact that such studies were virtually the only ones to which Jews had access in the Italian universities of the time. Moreover, the privileges and prestige which often accompanied the medical profession constituted an appreciable attraction for Jews in search of a social standing that might exempt them from the restrictions that went with their identity. Such advantages included above all the right of citizenship, with its attendant privileges, primarily that of being able to acquire property and enter it in the town's land register; exemption from payment of city tributes and special taxes; authorization to carry defensive weapons; and dispensation from wearing the distinctive badge. However, from the mid-fifteenth century onwards, the employment of Jewish doctors by the communes began to be hotly and openly contested.
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Abulafia, David. "Towards the Garden of the Hesperides, 1000 BC–400 BC." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0016.
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The impact of contact with the eastern Mediterranean was felt in very different ways within what we now call Italy. Greek culture seeped more slowly into the everyday life of the native peoples of Sicily – Sikans, Sikels and Elymians – than into the life of the peoples of Tuscany and Latium. In Sicily, both the Greeks and the Carthaginians kept themselves largely apart from the native population. Sardinia, rich in minerals, had for centuries been the seat of a lively civilization characterized by the stone towers known as nuraghi, of which many thousands still dot the island; they were surrounded by what seem to have been prosperous villages, firmly rooted in the rich agricultural resources of the island. They began to be built around 1400 BC, but new nuraghi were still being constructed well into the Iron Age. In the Mycenaean era, there had been some contact with the outside world, as eastern Mediterranean traders arrived in search of copper. The wealth of the native elite as far back as the second millennium BC can be measured from the tombs of Anghelu Ruju, near Alghero in north-western Sardinia; these are among the richest to have been unearthed in late Neolithic and early Bronze Age western Europe, and they indicate contact with Spain, southern France and the eastern Mediterranean. The Spanish influence can be traced in the bell beaker jars found at this site. Another Spanish connection was linguistic. The Sardinians left no written records, whether because they did not use writing or because they used friable materials that have failed to survive. But place-names, many in current use, provide suggestive evidence, as does the Sard language, a distinctive form of late vulgar Latin that incorporates a number of pre-Latin words within its many dialects. It appears that the nuraghic peoples spoke a language or languages related to the non-Indo-European language Basque. Thus a Sard word for a young lamb, bitti, is very similar to a Basque term for a young goat, bitin.
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Cetrangolo, Aníbal Enrique. "«Abbandonare la patria, l’are dei nostri Dei». Opera e fuggitivi risorgimentali in Argentina." In Diaspore. Venice: Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-596-4/011.
Full textAbstract:
Before the massive migration of Italians, fugitives from Bourbon and Hapsburg repressions arrived in Argentina. They were people with a high cultural background. Some of these were also good musicians: they founded almost all the Argentine bands. These people lived in the century that invented the idea of nation. Yet for them homeland was a place of mind that could grow indiscriminately in Italy, Argentina or elsewhere. Subsequently, the power of the young Latin American states needed to justify the borders drawn by politics. Local cultural elites put themselves worked for this purpose and desperately sought distinctive signs, often picturesque, to differentiate their own country from the Other. The map defeated the mind. In this paper, I study the cases of two of those heroic fugitives and their pioneering role in culture in Argentina: Tommaso Mazzanti e Giuseppe Giribone.