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Journal articles on the topic 'Lautwandel'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 February 2023

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1

Vergeiner, Philip C., Lars Bülow, and Dominik Wallner. "Reihenschritte im rezenten Lautwandel?" Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 40, no. 1 (2021): 31–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2021-2023.

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2

Bülow, Lars, Philip C. Vergeiner, Hannes Scheutz, Dominik Wallner, and Stephan Elspass. "Wie regelhaft ist Lautwandel?" Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik 86, no. 1 (2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/zdl-2019-0001.

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3

Bojowald, Stefan. "Der ägyptische Lautwandel zwischen ‘ und m." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 52, no. 1 (2016): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jarce.52.2016.a012.

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4

Ehlers, Klaas-Hinrich. "Lautwandel von einer Generation zur nächsten." Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik 88, no. 3 (2021): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/zdl-2021-0013.

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5

Becker, Thomas. "Akzent und Lautwandel der Vokale seit althochdeutscher Zeit." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB) 130, no. 3 (2008): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl.2008.049.

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6

Aski, Janice M. "Prototype categorization and phonological split." Diachronica 18, no. 2 (2001): 205–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.18.2.02ask.

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Summary This paper examines the phonological split of Latin /tj/ and /kj/ in Italian within a cognitive, prototype framework, in which sound change is characterized as phonetically and lexically gradual. The analysis reveals that (1) the process by which speakers assign the allophonic variants produced by assimilation of the dental and velar to the following yod to their respective phonemes can be described as prototype categorization, which is argued to be the cognitive dynamic underlying lexical diffusion, (2) grammatically conditioned lexical diffusion, or the formation of cognitive schemat

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7

Bluhme, Hermann. "THE LOTKA VOLTERRA LAWS AND THE SOUND CHANGE." Colloquia Germanica Stetinensia 24 (2015): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/cgs.2015.24-08.

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8

Hyman, Larry M., and Jeri Moxley. "The Morpheme in Phonological Change." Diachronica 13, no. 2 (1996): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.13.2.04hym.

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SUMMARY This paper addresses a potential problem for the Neogrammarian hypothesis of strict phonetic conditioning of primary sound change and the specific claim by Kiparsky (1973:75) that 'no sound change can depend on morpheme boundaries'. In many Bantu languages *k and *g are palatalized before front vowels only if the velar consonant is morpheme-initial. In order to explain this unusual morphological restriction, an extensive study was undertaken of velar palatalization throughout the Bantu zone of approximately 500 languages. Bantu languages that palatalize velars were found to fall into o

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9

Stefan Bojowald. "Der ägyptische Lautwandel zwischen “ȝ” und “ḥ”". Journal of the American Oriental Society 136, № 4 (2016): 829. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.136.4.0829.

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10

Bojowald. "Zum ägyptischen Lautwandel zwischen b und w." Journal of the American Oriental Society 141, no. 2 (2021): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.141.2.0437.

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11

Lutz, Angelika. "Lautwandel bei Wörtern mit Imitatorischem Oder Lautsymbolischem Charakter in den Germanischen Sprachen." NOWELE Volume 31/32 (November 1997) 31-32 (November 1, 1997): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.31-32.18lut.

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12

Shaterian, Alan. "Review of Manczak (1987): Frequenzbedingter unregelmäßiger Lautwandel in den germani-schen Sprachen." Diachronica 7, no. 1 (1990): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.7.1.10sha.

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13

Pargman, Sheri. "On the Regularity of Hypercorrection in Phonological Change." Diachronica 15, no. 2 (1998): 285–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.15.2.04par.

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SUMMARY Hypercorrection, as it has traditionally been defined in historical linguistics, is often described as a sporadic and irregular performance error that does not affect the structure of a language in any sort of systematic or lasting way. In this article, evidence is presented from the South Dravidian family of languages to show that such an assumption cannot be supported in all cases. Early in the history of this family, a phonological change involving umlaut operated to lower high vowels in root syllables before a low-vowel suffix. However, in one of the languages of this family, Liter

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14

Page, B. Richard. "The Germanic Verschärfung and Prosodic Change." Diachronica 16, no. 2 (1999): 297–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.16.2.04pag.

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SUMMARY This investigation of Germanic Verscharfung distinguishes between two types of phonological change. Sound change affects only the phonetic features of a segment whereas prosodic change consists of a change in the rhythmic structure of a language. The fixing of initial stress in Germanic is a prosodic change which conditions the gemination of intervocalic glides following short, previously unstressed vowels. However, the gemination of glides is irregular since prosodic change is phonetically abrupt but lexically gradual and may therefore lead to irregular changes on the segmental level.

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15

Boretzky, Norbert. "Contact-Induced Sound Change." Diachronica 8, no. 1 (1991): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.8.1.02bor.

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SUMMARY Sound interference can manifest itself either in the modification of sounds under foreign influence or in the transfer of new sounds together with loan-words, and even in the transfer not of sounds, but of sound change triggered by a foreign language; i.e., the sound change is carried out on inherited lexical material under the same conditions as in the model language. In this paper, two instances of the latter, rather rare, type are discussed: The initiation of diph-thongization and monophthongization processes in Czech under the influence of German, and the initiation of vowel centra

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16

Mańczak, Witold. "Chute Irrégulière Du L En Français Du Canada." Diachronica 8, no. 2 (1991): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.8.2.03man.

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SUMMARY In Canadian French the definite articles and the pronouns of the third person show irregular loss of /. The same phenomenon occurs in the language used in France, cf. des de illos, de Mas, ça < cela, oui < oïl. The same applies to other Romance languages, cf. Port, o, a, os, as RÉSUMÉ Dans le français du Canada, les articles définis et les pronoms de la 3e personne présentent, dans certains emplois, une chute irrégulière du /. Ce phénomène a lieu également dans la langue employée en France, cf. des < de illos, de illas, ça < cela, oui < oïl. Il en est de même pour d'autr

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17

Xu, Daming. "Unexceptional Irregularities." Diachronica 10, no. 2 (1993): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.10.2.04xu.

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SUMMARY Using a sociolinguistic methodology the paper investigates the phonetic variation of Mandarin nasal deletion. The results of the analysis show that this variation is constrained by certain phonological, stylistic, social, and lexical factors. The lexical constraint points to the presence of extensive lexical irregularities in the data. Accepting the view that Mandarin nasal variation constitutes a change-in-progress, the results support the hypothesis of lexical diffusion in the implementation of sound change. However, while previous works on lexical diffusion have tended to concentrat

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18

Bojowald, Stefan. "Ein neuer Versuch zum ägyptischen Ausfall von k (nebst einem Anhang zum möglichen Lautwandel zwischen k und i)." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 54 (December 3, 2018): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jarce.54.2018.a003.

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19

Picard, Marc. "On the Effects of Frequency-Induced Phonological Change." Diachronica 14, no. 1 (1997): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.14.1.05pic.

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SUMMARY It has long been recognized that there are two basic types of sound change: phonetic change, which is intrinsically regular, and analogical change, which is basically irregular. In addition, it has been argued by Witold Manczak that in any language, about one third of the words manifest an irregular sound change due to frequency. Such changes have in common the fact that in language after language they apply to the same lexical categories, amputating segments from forms whose length and frequency are in discordance. Although Manczak has studied this phenomenon extensively from a diachr

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20

Ogura, Mieko. "The Development of Middle English i and u." Diachronica 12, no. 1 (1995): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.12.1.03ogu.

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SUMMARY Based on the data presented in Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reanalyzes the distribution of ME i and u words at 311 sites in England and maintains that the mathematical analysis supports the regularity hypothesis as well as the claim of phonetic conditioning of sound change. We have shown that diffusion from word to word and diffusion from site to site progress side by side, and that lexical diffusion from word to word along the time dimension is reflected in the spatial distribution of the words through sites. We have compared a given pair of ME i and ME u words by counting the num

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21

Nuorluoto, Juhani. "Systemzwang und Substrat als Ursachen frühslavischen Lautwandels." Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch 1, no. 50 (2007): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wsj50s107.

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22

Penzl, Herbert. "Zur Typologie Der Historischen Lautwandlungen Im Deutschen." Diachronica 6, no. 2 (1989): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.6.2.04pen.

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SUMMARY Sound changes play a crucial role in historical phonology, and their adequate description must include a typological classification. Graphic material usually offers sufficient evidence for a typology of phonotactic and phonemic change, but reflects phonetic change infrequently. The main types of phonemic change have long since been identified (Penzl 1957, Moulton 1967). A long list of phonetic changes has been established as well (cf. Paul et al. 1989), and most can be shown to have influenced the phonemic system of German in its various historical stages. Many widely differing linguis

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23

Xiang-ling Dai, John. "Historical Morphologization of Syntactic Words." Diachronica 7, no. 1 (1990): 9–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.7.1.03xia.

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SUMMARY Syntactic and morphological tests demonstrate that bound forms in some disyllabic verbs in Modern Chinese have been diachronically morphologized from independent verbs in Ancient Chinese. The morphologization results not only from sound change, but also from meaning loss or generalization of the targets. Some of the bound forms can be analyzed as derivational affixes, according to their grammatical properties shared with those standard affixes in the language. Thus the diachronic morphologization process can be viewed as starting from a disyllabic coordinate phrase, developing through

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24

Picard, Marc. "Consonant Epenthesis as a Regular Sound Change." Diachronica 6, no. 2 (1989): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.6.2.05pic.

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SUMMARY It has long been acknowledged that most types of sound change are intrinsically regular, and that their occasional failure to apply across the board can usually be ascribed to sundry extralinguistic forces. Just as well known is the fact that certain types of phonological processes are characteristically sporadic in nature. In recent years, attempts have been made to find possible universal patterns for some of these basically irregular types of sound change, notably dissimilation and methathesis, by examining cases where they do happen to apply in a systematic way. Given that consonan

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25

VOIGT, R. "Der Lautwandels3>s1unds1>s3im Altsüdarabischen." Le Muséon 111, no. 1 (1998): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.111.1.525707.

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26

Vennemann, Theo. "The Relative Chronology of the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis." Diachronica 8, no. 1 (1991): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.8.1.04ven.

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SUMMARY This paper studies systematic relationships between two sound changes, the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis. Since the High Germanic languages, i.e., High German and Lombardic, are a division of the West Germanic Sprachbund, it might be thought — and this is indeed the general view — that the more extensive West Germanic change necessarily antedates the more limited High Germanic change. But an examination of the relative chronology of the two changes in one of the languages that underwent both of them, Old High German, shows that, on the contrary, the syst

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27

Manaster-Ramer, Alexis. "The Phoneme in Generative Phonology and in Phonological Change." Diachronica 5, no. 1-2 (1988): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.5.1-2.06man.

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SUMMARY Generative phonology comes out of phonemic and morphonemic theory, except that it gives up the phonemic level. Since the early 1970s, a number of attempts have been made to bring the phoneme back. One of the earliest and strongest was that of Schane (1971). His claim was that features which are phonemic in some enviornments but nonphonemic in others tend to get lost in the latter but are preserved and accentuated in the former. We find a number of conceptual and factual problems with Schane's case. Most importandy, the phonemic/nonphonemic distinction is neither a necessary nor a suffi

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28

Honeybone, Patrick. "Review of Kümmel (2007): Konsonantenwandel: Bausteine zu einer Typologie des Lautwandels und ihre Konsequenzen." Diachronica 26, no. 2 (2009): 280–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.26.2.06hon.

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29

Guy, Gregory R. "The Sociolinguistic Types of Language Change." Diachronica 7, no. 1 (1990): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.7.1.04guy.

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SUMMARY Many studies of linguistic change have drawn distinctions between contrasting types of change. Examples are the Neogrammarian distinction between regular sound change and borrowing, and Labov's contrast between 'change from above' and 'change from below'. A basic criterion for many such distinctions is whether or not language contact is involved in the genesis of a change. Recent works by Thomason & Kaufman (1988) and Van Coetsem (1988) suggest a further important distinction between contact-induced changes that arise through borrowing and those that arise from the imposition of na

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30

Goddard, Ives. "Explaining the double reflexes of word-initial high short vowels in Fox." Diachronica 19, no. 1 (2002): 43–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.19.1.03god.

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Summary Word-initial high short vowels have two apparently unconditioned reflexes in Fox. Pre-Fox *o- (< Proto-Algonquian *we-) and *i- (< Proto-Algonquian *e-) are continued as o- and i- in some cases, but more frequently both become a-. Words that retained the high-vowel quality of o- and i- (which was sometimes subsequently lost) fall mostly into four sets: enclitics, highly topical nouns, words containing the third-person prefix, and words that bear a valence for an oblique complement. While this distributuion is clearly not random, it does not provide an explanation for the retentio

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31

Macken, Marlys A., and Joseph C. Salmons. "Prosodic Templates in Sound Change." Diachronica 14, no. 1 (1997): 31–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.14.1.03mac.

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SUMMARY Prosodic Morphology and Phonology have extended the prosodic hierarchy to solve recalcitrant problems in a number of areas and, more recently, work on phonological acquisition has determined that a prosodic template is a basic organizing unit for the acquisition of features and generalizations across the lexicon. While synchronic phonological theory in general has long exploited such higher prosodic entities, little has been done along these lines in historical phonology. This paper extends that template to another kind of change across states in time, namely to the analysis of a set o

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32

Moosmüller, Sylvia, and Ralf Vollmann. "„Natürliches Driften" im Lautwandel: die Monophthongierung im österreichischen Deutsch." Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 20, no. 1 (2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfsw.2001.20.1.42.

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33

KEETMAN, JAN. "Der Verlust der „Kehllaute" im Akkadischen und der Lautwandel a>e." Altorientalische Forschungen 31, no. 1 (2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/aofo.2004.31.1.5.

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34

LUTZ, ANGELIKA. "LAUTWANDEL UND PALÄOGRAPHISCHE EVIDENZ DIE WIEDERGABE VON /h/ (< GERM, /x/) IN DER LINDISFARNE-GLOSSE." Anglia - Zeitschrift für englische Philologie 1993, no. 111 (1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/angl.1993.1993.111.285.

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