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Annison, Carolyn Jill. "Probing probation : issues of gender and organisation within the probation service." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/423.
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This study focuses on the probation service and the changes that are impacting on this part of the criminal justice system. It develops a theoretically distinctive approach, drawing on the literature of gender and organisations, in order to investigate issues relating to the organisational structures and processes experienced by male and female probation officers in three disparate probation areas in England. The opening two chapters examine the development of the organisation in terms of the hierarchical roles within the service and the gendered distribution of probation officer staff across the various grades. This review provides a unique understanding of the changing composition of the probation service and enables a gendered perspective to be applied to its history. Within this context issues of professional identity and autonomy, the value base and working practices of probation officers, and the shift from local to centralised control are scrutinised from an analytic position which identifies the embeddedness of gender within this organisational setting. The framework of a reflexive approach interweaves gendered issues from the quantitative findings with qualitative responses from interviews with male and female probation officers and participant observation within different working environments. New perspectives are gained on the shift from local to Home Office direction of the service, and into the abandonment of the social work qualification and ethos. Moreover, the complexities of working relationships and professional identities are opened up from a gendered viewpoint. In this respect the study addresses the absence of gender within other research in this area and concludes that a gendered analysis is of critical importance in understanding the extent of organisational change within the probation service.
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Vale, Silvie. "Queering Family and Reproductive Law: : Kinship, Gender and Sexuality in the Portuguese Legislation on Surrogacy." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-177555.
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Foss, Lily M. "Mocking Equality: Reproduction of Gender Hierarchy In Collegiate Mock Trial." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/195.
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During the information sessions that the Scripps Mock Trial Team hosts at the beginning of the school year for those interested in mock trial, it's customary for all the returning team members to talk about why we decided to join mock trial in college. We had no team at my high school, but at the end of my senior year, my AP American Government teacher decided that having a mock trial in class would give us valuable insight into the American legal system. I was chosen to give the closing statement for the defense, and I found my calling. My competitive spirit had found an outlet where it was not hampered by the unathletic body that housed it: competitive arguing. I have not been able to find any scholarly text that examines the ways in which mock trial teams themselves adhere to gender-normative patterns. I believe that this thesiswill be invaluable to an understanding of how gender roles are performed in the legal profession
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Karnouskos, Stamatis. "The Interplay of Law, Robots and Society,in an Artificial Intelligence Era." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-150599.
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The rapid advances in Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Robotics will have a profound impacton the society and its laws. Robots, humanoid / anthropomorphic or not, e.g., selfdrivingcars, will have physical presence, take autonomous decisions and interact with allstakeholders in the society. While already some AI robots are available, e.g., self-driving cars,their intelligence is expected to skyrocket in the next decades, and many prominent scientistspredict that they will reach (and potentially surpass) human intelligence. The symbiosiswith robots, may lead to a civilizational change with far reaching effects. In a future society,where robots and humans are in a symbiotic relationship, philosophical, legal and societalquestions on consciousness, citizenship, rights and legal entity of robots are raised such as:Should robots be recognized as a legal entity? How should criminal and civil law deal withtheir decisions? What are the societal implications? etc. This work, starts from the theoreticalviewpoints pertaining law and society, is inspired by intersectional approaches, andutilizes existing literature in order to analyze the interplay of law, robots and society via differentangles such as law, social, economic, gender and ethical perspectives. In addition,a discussion, especially pertaining core elements of law and society provides new insightsand challenges that may emerge. The analysis and discussions presented here make it evidentthat although robots are inexorably integrated, the law systems as well as society arenot prepared for their prevalence. What is clear is that robots and AI will create a new erafor humanity. What that era might be, is still under discussion and not well understood. AsStephenHawking put it “The rise of powerful AI will be either the best or the worst thing everto happen to humanity. We do not yet know which”. Overall one has to consider that law ismeant to be proactive in nature and ideally be in place to prevent problems before they happen,and therefore it is now the time to start a detailed discussion, involving all stakeholders,and derive the necessary policies and frameworks, for the key issues that pertain law, robotsand society. This work makes a contribution towards the multi-faceted aspects that such adiscussion pertains.
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Villum, Aksel Reppe. "(In)equality before the law? : An analysis of the role of gender in sentencing in cases concerning welfare fraud tried in the Norwegian Court of Appeal." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155170.
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The fight against welfare fraud currently sees an increased focus from Norwegian authorities. This attention is connected to the narratives of real and perceived threats to the welfare state, where welfare fraud not only implies the misappropriation of government funds but may also be detrimental to the public’s support of the welfare state. This paper investigates the relationship between gender and sentencing in cases concerning welfare fraud tried in the Norwegian Court of Appeal (Lagmannsretten). Based on the literature on gender bias in sentencing, particularly from an American perspective, the main hypothesis proposed was that women received more lenient sentences than men. The secondary hypotheses proposed that aggravating and mitigating circumstances would correlate with the type of punishment being awarded, i.e. custodial, probation and community sentence. Further, mitigating circumstances would have a positive correlation with probation and community sentence, while aggravating circumstances would have a negative correlation on the same punishment categories. Finally, these correlations would correlate stronger in a positive direction for females, and stronger in a negative direction for males.SPSS was used to conduct descriptive and regression analyses on a data material which was organized in MS Excel. The data was collected through the online source Lovdata.no.Drawing on the research of Daly, 1989; Bickle & Peterson, 1991; Williams, 1999; Spohn & Holleran, 2002; Doerner & Demuth, 2012; Embry & Lyons, 2012; and Bontrager & Stupi, 2013, especially that of ”courtroom paternalism”, the findings of the thesis echoes that of previous work on the the field of gender bias in sentencing. The results showed a correlation between gender and type of punishment: females had a proportionately higher frequency of probation and community sentence than that of males. When taking into account aggravating and mitigating circumstances, strong correlations where identified between females and community sentence, and moderate so with probation and females. With regards to custodial, few differences between the sexes were found. However, one would benefit from further research into the aggravating and mitigating circumstances, for instance by conducting interviews.
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Lindskog, Anna. "The Invisibility of Economic Violence in Swedish Legal and Gender Equality Policy Discourse." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-173353.
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Smith, Ryan. ""Tempering the Gambler's Nirvanna" : A Review into to the issues and regulation of Third Party Funding in Investment Treaty Arbitration." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352300.
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Third party funding (TPF) is a method of financing legal proceedings, in which a party not directly connected to the proceedings funds one of the disputing parties, usually in return for a percentage of the final monetary settlement. The interests behind TPF are that the funded party will have the resources to pursue their claim, while the funder will be able to profit from a percentage of the final settlement. Traditionally, within common law-systems, TPF was excluded through application of the common law torts of “Champerty and Maintenance”.[1] However, in the second half of the 20th century, many common law systems[2] abolished the torts of “Champerty and Maintence”.[3]This effectively opened up TPF as a valid litigation option for many resource poor litigants and birthed a niche industry of litigation financiers[4]. There is debate on TPF in general, with some believing that it allows legal recourse to include those that do not have the means to reasonably finance and confront legal wrongs imposed on them.[5]Others state that there is a danger of letting the funder interests supersede the claimant’s, as exemplified by some retaliatory cases[6] proceeding the Chevron v Ecuador arbitration, in which the funders had veto power over such aspects as the choice of attorneys and priority in the disbursement of a monetary award.[7] However, issues with the general system of TPF is not the focus of this thesis. Instead, focus will be on the issues it brings to the system of investment arbitration. While its operation is largely the same as within national jurisdictions, it does have the potential for damage of distinct principles and procedure of investment arbitration. At first look, TPF seems to complement the system of arbitration as a whole. If one considers that, at its core, arbitration is a user determined dispute settlement system, then questions of funding should be determined by the parties themselves. This may suggest that due to its emphasis on “Party Autonomy”, TPF is more aligned with arbitration than it is with court-based litigation, where the principles of justice and fairness take a more preferential role. Nevertheless, “Party Autonomy” is not the sole principle of arbitration and does not mean that TPF is harmonious with either general arbitration or in particular investment arbitration. There is the general concern that a funder can actively change the process and end result of a dispute. This is seen through their influence over the funded party. As a funder will have a direct economic control over the funded party, they can dictate, as part of the funding agreement, outcomes such as early settlement, litigation strategies etc.[8] The choice of approach, and it is submission to a third party, however, is squarely within party autonomy and does not raise any fundamental concerns. What is concerning is affected parts of process that are out with party autonomy. One can see below that TPF can affect general trends and principles of arbitration, i.e. transparency and confidentiality , while also conflicting with core aspects of procedure such as jurisdiction and impartiality. This concern has given way to calls for regulation of TPF within the academic and global community. What was traditionally a “legal no mans land”[9] for investment arbitration, with little regard given to regulation, has now had extensive academic commentary and State reactions to regulating TPF. Yet, comprehensive regulation of TPF remains rare and piecemeal within the arbitral world. The majority of jurisdictions and arbitral institutions, while aware of the issues, have made no serious effort to remedy through regulation. That being said, there has been some work done in three distinct areas of regulation: (i) National laws (ii) Trade/Investment Treaties and (iii) Arbitral Rules. Each area’s success however can be described as mixed. Therefore, the topic of this thesis is to first explore the potential issues of TPF and investment arbitration and then to examine and analysis the response to these issues through regulation. [1] Steyn LJ, in Giles v Thompson [1993] 3 All ER 321 at 328, explained the doctrines thusly: “In modern idiom maintenance is the support of litigation by a stranger without just cause. Champerty is an aggravated form of maintenance. The distinguishing feature of champerty is the support of litigation by a stranger in return for a share of the proceeds.” [2] In Civil law systems, unless TPF was not expressly excluded, was mostly allowed. [3] For example see s.14(2), Criminal Law Act 1967 (England and Wales) or Maintenance, Champerty and Barratry Abolition Act 1993 (NSW, Australia) [4] There is now several prominent litigation financing companies such as: Burford Capital Ltd., Harbour Litigation Funding, IMF Bentham and Longford Capital. For a more in-depth review of the industry in general see Hancok, B, ‘Who Rules the World of Litigation Funding? ’March 30, 2017 , The American Lawyer. [5]Chen AD (2013), 'A Market For Justice: A First Empirical Look At Third Party Litigation Funding', at 1075 [6] Chevron Corp. v. Donziger, 800 F. Supp. 2d 484 (S.D.N.Y. 2011) [7] U.S. Chamber Institute for Legal Reform (2018), “Third Party Litigation Funding” [8] Shaw G (2017), ‘Third-party funding in investment arbitration: how non-disclosure can cause harm for the sake of profit’, at 12 [9] Van Boom WH (2011), ‘Third-Party Financing in International Investment Arbitration’, at 5
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Steiner, Elise. "European Union’s Gender-explicit PROVISIONS IN free-trade agreements and gender equality : An intersectional feminist approach to international law." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177319.
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The European Commission unveiled in February 2021 its updated policy regarding international trade. One of the key pillars of this strategy is the inclusion of gender equality within the EU trade policies. This inclusion is in line with the Gender Equality Strategy for 2020-2025. The latter sets that the Union must promote gender equality and women’s empowerment within its external relationship, notably in its free-trade agreements, which are international agreements aiming at reducing trade barriers and facilitating exchanges. This thesis provides an insight into the gender-explicit provisions that exist within European Union’s free trade agreements since 1958. It uses computational science coupled with text analysis to explore the general context in which they were concluded, but as well explores their wordings and their content. It provides then an analysis of the gender responsiveness of these gender-explicit provisions. Finally, this thesis provides recommendations on how to improve EU free trade agreements’ gender responsiveness.
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Fraga, Alexandria. "Gender Disparities in Criminal Sentencing: Assessing Three Decades of Change and the Impact of Women on the Bench." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1591967868311532.
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Havelkova, Barbara. "Gender in law under and after state socialism : the example of the Czech Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:257dea4e-40ea-4ca0-ae4b-4e99ad4b88a6.
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The thesis examines the expressions and origins of negative attitudes to gender equality in the Czech Republic, which have been noticeable especially in the process of implementation of the EU sex equality acquis. It asks whether and how they can be explained with reference to socio-legal developments that started during Czechoslovakia’s State Socialist past, but are still relevant today. In order to answer these research questions, the thesis examines how gender equality has been regulated through law and how it has been understood by law-makers, judges and legal scholars in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic during State Socialism (1948-1989) and Transition (1989-today). The thesis examines legal developments in gender-relevant areas, most importantly in antidiscrimination law. It also excavates the underlying, sometimes hidden, but crucial understandings of key concepts such as ‘women’, ‘gender’, ‘equality’, ‘discrimination’ and ‘rights’. The thesis argues that while formal legal guarantees for women have largely been satisfactory in the Czech Republic by international standards, the way these formal legal guarantees are understood, interpreted and applied has not been gender-progressive. It argues that the reasons for this are: (i) entrenched patriarchal ideas about women’s appropriate role both in private and public life; (ii) a failure to understand gender as a social construct and to recognize gender order as a pervasive social structure; (iii) an inadequate conceptualization of equality and a refusal to combat sex discrimination; and (iv) a limited understanding of the role of law and of rights in the shaping of social relations. It argues that these understandings have been considerably path-dependent on State Socialism, be it through a rejection of anything perceived as State Socialist (which has harmed redistributive policies), as well as through the mostly unconscious retention of ideas or their absence (which has led to a blindness to the cultural aspects of patriarchy).
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Sharafeldin, Marwa. "Personal status law reform in Egypt : women's rights : NGOs navigating between Islamic law and human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d389f66-f8f6-4c0a-8755-1f7d2186a1ba.
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This thesis explores the ways in which Islamic law and human rights interact within the work of women’s rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that advocate the reform of the Egyptian Personal Status Law (PSL) in the period between 2006 and 2010. The thesis shows the relevance of the human rights framework as well as the flexibility of Islamic legal discourse in the work of the NGOs. Drawing on both Islamic law and human rights enabled NGOs to develop a more gender-sensitive religious discourse, which supported their PSL reform demands. However the interaction between these two frameworks was largely affected by several important factors, which sometimes led NGOs to dilute some of their demands. These factors included the implications of the change in the form of Shari‘a as codified law under the modern nation-state; the Egyptian political context both internally and externally; the common local perception that human rights are a Western production and an extension of Western colonialism; the dominant religious but patriarchal discourse governing the PSL; the implications of activism through the NGO structure; and the personal religiosity of individual activists. The thesis explores NGOs’ PSL reform demands in depth bearing in mind these factors. It investigates NGOs’ discourse and shows its strengths and weaknesses. It shows that the interaction between Islamic law and human rights within NGOs’ work in this particular Egyptian context produced reform demands that were innovative and practically appealing on one hand, but epistemologically problematic in some instances, on another.
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Anderson, Megan. "Profiling Beyond Race: Characteristics Associated with Traffic Stop Outcomes." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3881.
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Research related to profiling and the outcome of traffic stops has generally focused on the race of the individuals involved. Little research has examined other characteristics, such as age and socioeconomic status, that may also play a role in traffic stop outcomes. The current study sought to address this limitation in two ways: (1) determine whether the characteristics of age, sex, race, social class, and demeanor are profiled during traffic stops and (2) whether these characteristics influenced the outcome of the traffic stops with regard to tickets and vehicle searches. Secondary data were utilized from the 2015 Police-Public Contact Survey. Findings revealed that not only race, but age, sex, social class, and demeanor of both the officer and the driver had an affect on the outcome of a traffic stops.
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Ljungström, Daniel. "Bad or Mad? : A Qualitative Study of How the Gender of a Perpetrator Affects Court Decisions." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-152445.
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The purpose of this thesis has been to analyze Court cases determined in a Swedish context which included the crime gross assault against a closely related victim. The purpose has also been to investigate the possibility of identifying differences in Court assessments in consideration of a gender perspective and to examine how female and male perpetrators are described and characterized by Courts. The study has had a qualitative orientation and assumed a constructionist and a socio-legal perspective. The data material, consisting of ten cases with male offenders and ten cases with female offenders, has been examined by using a thematic analysis approach, where the results have been related to Nils Christie`s ideal victim theory and to the concept of genus The results of the study showed that Courts were constant in their decisions regarding male offenders, while decisions concerning female offenders appeared to be more varied. All of the male offenders were sentenced to imprisonment, while Courts` choice of sanction regarding female offenders to a high degree consisted of different measures of care. The study claims that there is an indication of that violent male and female offenders are treated differently by Courts and, in accordance to this viewpoint, that criminal men are bad and criminal women are mad.
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Mezey, Anna. "Unveiling French Society - A qualitative study on young Muslim women's opinions and experiences regarding the law on religious symbols." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21973.
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Den långa traditionen av sekularitet i Frankrike har ett stort inflytande i den publika sfären och har därmed blivit djupt rotad i den franska identiteten. Den sekulära ideologin har resulterat i en lag som förbjuder religiösa symboler i skolan. Sedan hösten 2004 får muslimska flickor inte längre bära slöja i skolan. Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera unga muslimska kvinnors uppfattning och syn angående denna nya lag. Uppsatsen strävar efter att förstå hur lagen har påverkat dessa kvinnor. Arbetet betonar också unga muslimska kvinnors föreställning om slöjan såväl som deras erfarenheter av ett sekulärt samhälle. Essän är ett resultat av empiriskt arbete av kvalitativ karaktär byggd på ostrukterade intervjuer med sju muslimska kvinnor. Saids koncept orientalism och Foucaults teori om governmentality är centrala element i analysen. Analysen i sin helhet är baserad på olika begrepp. Arbetet konkluderar en ökning av muslimska kvinnors exkludering som en följd av lagen. Lagen har således fått effekter utanför skolans sfär. Muslimska kvinnor i den här studien är stigmatiserade på grund av deras slöja och lagen har plötsligt legitimerat diskriminering mot dem.The long tradition of secularism in France has a great influence in the public sphere. It is furthermore deeply ingrained in the French identity. Eventually the secular ideology resulted in a law against religious symbols in school. Since autumn 2004 Muslim girls are not any longer permitted to wear the veil in school. This thesis aims to present the perspective of young Muslim women in France regarding the new law. It seeks to capture how the law has had an influence on these women. Additionally it puts forward young Muslim women´s experiences of a secular society and their understandings of the veil. It is an empirical study of a qualitative character, based on unstructured interviews with seven Muslim women. Said´s notion of orientalism and Foucault´s idea of governmentality are central elements in the analysis. Further, the analysis of the empirical material is structured around a variety of concepts. The paper concludes that the law has contributed to an increased islamophobia in French society. Further, Muslim women are excluded to a greater extent due to the law. Hence the law has been extended beyond the educational sphere. Muslim women in this study are stigmatised due to their veil and the law has suddenly legitimatized discrimination against them.
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Almén, Mimmi. "Det är dags att vi bryter isen : Damhockey eller "hockey", den riktiga ishockeyn." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-68860.
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To create a successful development in sports, gender equality is required. The lack of gender equality within the sport as an organization is therefore a problem and historically, sports is characterized by a gender structure where women is subordinate to men. The purpose of this essay is therefore to increase the knowledge of the position of women within the field of ice hockey, and to open up for an analyzis of the gender equality within the rules of ice hockey using the theory of social constructionism. The theory makes it possible to highlight the meaning of commonly used concepts within the gender equality debate such as masculinity and femininity as social constructions depending on culture and history and how they change over time. This leads to the question of how the level of gender equality in the rules of ice hockey can be understood by using a social constructive theory. In order to achieve the purpose, the essay has the legal analyzis method as a basis to make the analyzis more nuanced. Interwiew as a method has also been used to create additional support for the conclusions. The study shows that there are significant differences in the rules of ice hockey that causes a problem with gender equality, but if you look under the surface, you could find that what seems to be natural, really is not. The rules of ice hockey, and the problem of gender equality are social constructions that changes under influence by the social environment.
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Dabbagh, Zahran. "The Discrimination in Workplaces : A Critical Discourse Analysis of the European Court of Justice Judgment about the Islamic Veil Prohibition." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-150600.
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The issue of the Islamic headscarf has been in the centre of the political debate whether it fits into the Western culture or not. Several member-states in the European Union have issued laws and regulations that impose restrictions on wearing the Islamic headscarf in the public sphere. Even some EU courts have ruled such restrictions imposed by member-states. Recently, this issue has been discussed in the context of the occupational life. In a dispute before the European Court of Justice, the ban was considered as legitimate. In this research, I analyse the judgment from a socio-legal perspective and analyse the intersectional identity of Mrs. Achbita who is a party in the dispute, considering that she belongs to the social category of veiled working Muslim women.
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Burnett-Cargill, Louise. "De psykosociala arbetsmiljöbrotten : En studie om straffrättsligt ansvar vid brister i arbetsmiljön." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-101569.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the nature of the work environment crime and how the principles of criminal law applies in psychosocial contexts. The principles are based on the general law of criminal procedure which requires a culprit, a crime, and a victim. The situation is rarely that simple when it comes to crimes in the work environment, which obstructs the confirming of penalization in organizations. The prerequisites within criminal law, put up demands on adequate causality, carelessness or intention, and the act must have caused the effect. The requirement for adequate causality and the direct cause of the effect is hard to determine when it comes to work environment crimes of a psychosocial nature. Work-related injuries which is caused by mental illness, often develop over a longer period, which obstructs the investigation of work environment crime. The complexity behind psychosocial health does not only lie in the work environment crime as such, it also tends to affect women to a greater extent than men. This circumstance is said to be the result of more women working in the health and care area of the public sector, which is highly affected by poorer working conditions because of unequal structures in society.
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Ivey, Madison. "It Takes a Village: An Analysis of Multilateralism and the Legal Mechanisms Designed to Prevent Violence Against Women." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1377.
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Treaties and international organizations work together to create a global environment that protects the rights of a person and actively promotes the well-being of society. However, they do not necessarily guarantee the rights of everyone. Since women are not explicitly named in human rights documents, they are often not granted equal human rights. Therefore, it takes more than just international legal instruments to guarantee women's rights as human rights. A combination of civil society (NGOs), International organizations (IOs), and domestic government creates a perfect coalition to beat the barriers that must be overcome to fully protect women from violence.
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Hamark, Frida. "Flexibilitet kontra anställningstrygghet : En studie av svensk rätt vid inhyrning av personal när återanställningsrätt föreligger." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90139.
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Because of the globalization, the labor market has been thru some changes and the need to be flexible has increased. The need of flexibility can be met by using temporary staff that is rent from a temporary-work agency. In Sweden the regulation in Section 25 of the Swedish Employment Security Act (LAS) give previous employees priority right to re-employment when the employer is hiring new staff. If the employer hire staff from a temporary-work agency instead of hiring new staff the priority right to re-employment is not applicable. The Swedish court of labor have judged that it is accepted to hire staff when there are former employees that have priority right to re-employment. In 2010 this was an issue surrounded by discussions from the trade unions. The result of the discussions in 2010 was regulations in collective agreements. This means that each sector has their own regulation. Because of a segregated labor market, the consequence can be unequal protection in this area. The purpose of this paper was to see if the protection is unequal and it might be. If you interpret the regulations in the collective agreements by just reading what they say the collective agreement that regulate female dominated sectors have a lower, if any special protection.
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Landin, Annelie, and Corinne Nilsson. "Pornografi och aggressioner : En kvantitativ innehållsanalys av aggressioner, förnedrande beteende och samtycke inom populär pornografi bland svenska män." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Kriminologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-33024.
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Consuming pornography is common among Swedish men. The content is often problematized in the public debate because of the common reflection of it containing violence against women as well as depicting women as the subordinate gender. By conducting a quantitative content analysis, the study intended to examine the extent of degradation as well as depictions of physical and verbal aggression in mainstream pornography. An attempt was also conducted to assess whether pornography can be claimed to counteract a functioning consent culture by examining the extent of orchestrated consent expressed by the participating women. Out of 200 videos that were analyzed, degrading behavior and verbal and physical aggressions occurred in 114 (57%) videos. In total, 746 individual cases of aggressions and degradation were observed. Men were mostly the perpetrator committing 96.7% of the actions, whereas the victims were solely female. Consent was observed in 85.5% of the videos and was expressed mostly through a positive or neutral behavior by the woman.Att ta del av pornografi är mycket vanligt bland svenska män. Innehållet problematiseras ofta i den offentliga debatten genom att det anförs innehålla våld mot kvinnor samt bidra till att reproducera föreställningar om kvinnors underordning. Med kvantitativ innehållsanalys undersöks i vilken utsträckning förnedring samt fysiska och verbala aggressioner förekommer mot kvinnor i pornografiska videor av konventionell karaktär. Dessutom gjordes ett försök att bedöma huruvida pornografi kan sägas motverka en fungerande samtyckeskultur genom att undersöka i vilken utsträckning kvinnan uttryckte ett iscensatt samtycke i det pornografiska materialet. Av de 200 videor som analyserades förekom förnedring samt fysiska och verbala aggressioner i 114 (57%) av videorna. Sammanlagt observerades 746 fall av aggressioner och förnedring. Män var majoriteten av förövarna och begick 96.7% av handlingarna där de utsatta enbart var kvinnor. Samtycke observerades i 88.5% av videorna och då främst genom att kvinnan gett uttryck för ett positivt eller neutralt beteende.
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Zisimopoulou, Sofia. "Våldtäkt och samtycke : Ett genuskritiskt perspektiv på sexualbrottslagstiftningen och förslaget till en samtyckeslag." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323212.
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The main purpose of this essay has been to discover shortcomings in the Criminal law conserning sexual offences and in the application of this law. The primary material of the study has therefore been two different government bills considering 2005 and 2013 years’ provisions on rape, three rape cases, and the proposal for a new provision on rape based on consent as the primary legal definition of rape. From gender theories about power, gender and sexuality I have used discourse analysis as a method to analyze the material to see how the government relates to these questions when reasoning around a new provision on rape. I have also tried to examine why there are so few rape cases that get convicted by analyzing the cases to see how the judges reason around the woman´s responsibility in the events. Another purpose has been to examine how the new potential provision on rape built on consent could change the situation for the woman in rape cases. My conclusions are that there are flaws in the way that the rape provision is built and that a new law built on consent probably won´t have a significant impact on the situation of the woman other than that it might have a normative effect. The study has also shown that the government doesn’t consider elements as male dominance, gender and sexuality when arguing for a new law, which undermines the women’s situation. The study has also shown that the judges in rape cases has indirectly put responsibility on the women, while the prosecuted is acquitted due to his lack of understanding of the women’s resistance.Huvudsyftet med denna uppsats har varit att synliggöra brister i sexualbrottslagstiftningen och tillämpningen av denna. Det primära materialet i studien har därför varit två propositioner som behandlar våldtäktsbestämmelsen, den ena från år 2005 och den andra från 2013, tre olika rättsfall samt det nya förslaget till en samtyckeslag. Utifrån genusvetenskapliga teorier om makt, kön och sexualitet har jag använt diskursanalysen som metod för att analysera materialet för att se hur regeringen förhåller sig till dessa typer av frågor när de resonerar kring en ny våldtäktslag. Jag har också försökt undersöka varför det är så få våldtäktsfall som får fällande domar genom att analysera de olika fallen för att se hur domarna resonerar kring kvinnan och hennes ansvar under händelserna. Ett annat syfte har varit att undersöka hur det nya samtyckesförslaget skulle kunna förändra kvinnans situation i rättsfall. Mina slutsatser är att det finns brister i de sätt som våldtäktsbestämmelsen är uppbyggd på och att en ny samtyckeslag förmodligen inte har någon större inverkan på kvinnans situation förutom att den kan ha en normativ effekt. Studien har också visat att regeringen inte tar hänsyn till frågor som manlig dominans, kön och sexualitet i argumenten för en ny lag, vilket leder till att kvinnornas situation undergrävs. Studien har också visat att domarna i våldtäktsmål ställer ansvar på kvinnorna, medan den åtalade frikänns p.g.a. dennes bristande förståelse för kvinnornas motstånd.
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Blunkosky, Sarah K. "Unlawful Assembly and the Fredericksburg Mayor's Court Order Books, 1821-1834." VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1730.
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Unlawful assembly accounts extracted from the Fredericksburg Mayor’s Court Order Books from 1821-1834, reveal rare glimpses of unsupervised, alleged illegal interactions between free and enslaved individuals, many of whom do not appear in other records. Authorities enforced laws banning free blacks and persons of mixed race from interacting with enslaved persons and whites at unlawful assemblies to keep peace in the town, to prevent sexual relationships between white women and free and enslaved black men, and to prevent alliance building between individuals. The complex connections necessary to arrange unlawful assemblies threatened the town’s safety with insurrection if these individuals developed radical ideas opposing the existing social order, the foundation of which was slavery. Akin to residents of areas where natural disasters like volcanoes always pose a risk of dangerous eruptions, those living in Fredericksburg lived their lives within the town slave society and its potential threats. In an area, state, and region where insurrections occurred, unlawful assembly, whether frequent or infrequent, mattered.
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Khanmohammadi, Niusha. "Frihet utan rättigheter? : En studie om rättslig pluralism i Libanon och hur det påverkar kvinnors rättsliga ställning." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353599.
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With Legal pluralism, a state has more than one legal system in which rights can be attributed to citizens through private or religious actors. Lebanon has established religious family law through the constitutional charter, in which personal status is delegated to the country’s different confessions to govern. Citizens of different confessions are thus assigned different rights which particularly tends to affect the rights of women. In this study, the impacts of Lebanon's legal pluralism on the legal status of women is being examined to give an understanding of how the legal system from a gender perspective, and to examine how the outcome affects women’s everyday life by the coexistence of religious and civil courts. The study also examines how Lebanon, with its current constitution, can fulfill the international law obligations stemming follow from the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Through legal methods and semi-structured interviews made with civil society, legal and academic persons in Beirut - the current laws in Lebanon were analyzed based on the concepts of gender, male dominance, and private and public sphere to visualize the relationship of gender and its significance in the Lebanese legal system. The results of the study show that legal pluralism in Lebanon can be understood in relation to how the complex history of the country has influenced the formation of the judicial system in which a male norm is dominating. The rights of women have been thrust to the private sphere and a masculine norm permeates the Constitution, family law and civil laws, which creates gender segregation in society. Thus, gender affects the legal status of women and the impacts of legal pluralism affect their daily lives negatively as their legal status is subordinate to men regarding marriage and its dissolution, custody of children, and nationality. Regarding the Conventional right, the study shows that the current constitution allows for space to fulfill CEDAW. Thus, the protection of the Convention is not being fully implemented in neither the personal status related laws or civil laws. However, Lebanon has reservations towards key articles of the Convention which result in that the full potential of the Convention is not maintained.Rättslig pluralism innebär att en stat har fler än ett rättssystem och att rättigheter tillämpas av statliga och privata aktörer. Libanon har genom konstitutionen etablerat religiös familjerätt som innebär att medborgare tillskrivs olika rättigheter efter trosbekännelse vilket särskilt påverkar kvinnor rättsliga ställning. I denna studie undersöks hur rättslig pluralism kan förstås ur ett genusrättsvetenskapligt perspektiv samt hur det påverkar kvinnors rättsliga ställning i Libanon. Studien undersöker även hur Libanon, med den nuvarande konstitutionen, kan uppfylla de internationella förpliktelser som följer av konventionen om avskaffande av alla former av diskriminering mot kvinnor (CEDAW). Genom rättsdogmatisk metod, genusrättsvetenskap samt semi-strukturerade intervjuer med civilsamhället, akademiker samt rättstillämpare i Beirut, har gällande rätt i Libanon analyseras utifrån begreppen genus, manlig dominans och privat och offentlig sfär för att visualisera förhållandet mellan kön och dess betydelse i det libanesiska rättssystemet. Resultaten visar att rättslig pluralism i Libanon kan förstås i förhållande till landets komplexa historia som har påverkat bildandet av det rättsliga systemet där en manlig norm präglar konstitutionen, familjerätten och civilrättsliga lagar vilket skapar könssegregering i samhället. Utfallet påvisar att det råder motsättningar mellan konstitutionella rättigheter vilket påverkar att kvinnors rättsliga ställning främst behandlas inom den privata sfären och blir undantaget som rättighetsinnehavare. I det dagliga samhället underordnas kvinnors rättsliga ställning avseende äktenskapet och dess upplösning, vårdnad av barn och nationalitet, i förhållande till den rättsliga ställning som män innehar. Avseende folkrättsliga förpliktelser visar studien att den nuvarande konstitutionen ger utrymme att uppfylla CEDAW. Dock följer av gällande rätt och Libanons reservationer mot centrala artiklar i konventionen hinder vilka innebär att konventionen inte upprätthålls.
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Browne, Arianna. "The Ill-Treatment of Their Countrywoman: Liberated African Women, Violence, and Power in Tortola, 1807-1834." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2021. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2307.
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In 1807, Parliament passed an Act to abolish the slave trade, leading to the Royal Navy’s campaign of policing international waters and seizing ships suspected of illegal trading. As the Royal Navy captured slave ships as prizes of war and condemned enslaved Africans to Vice-Admiralty courts, formerly enslaved Africans became “captured negroes” or “liberated Africans,” making the subjects in the British colonies. This work, which takes a microhistorical approach to investigate the everyday experiences of liberated Africans in Tortola during the early nineteenth century, focuses on the violent conditions of liberated African women, demonstrating that abolition consisted of violent contradictions that mirrored slavery.
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Zetterqvist, Jenny. "Visibility at risk for women as rights-holders : a study with regard to a refugee camp context." Licentiate thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-74329.
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By taking the recognition of persons as rights-holders in the framework of international human rights into account, this study directs its attention to women in protracted refugee situations, restricted to stay in camps also when their human rights are at risk due to various forms of violence. The question in focus is the following: To what extent may there be a risk that women in a refugee camp context, distinguished by a protracted refugee situation, do not become visible as rights-holders and entrusted to act with regard to international human rights and the problem of violence against women, especially domestic violence? The research process has taken the form of a continuous dialogue with the material for the study, a dialogue directing attention to material from an established international human rights system on one hand and material dealing with a local refugee camp context on the other. The study finds its entry-point primarily in the context of the international human rights treaty the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), including the work of the CEDAW Committee as a treaty body, and also the international mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, its causes and consequences. Due to the presence of a variety of justice mechanisms in the camps, certain aspects of a local customary law tradition are also addressed. The existence of an unlocked legal door for women to take actions in family law matters, or in cases of gender-based violence is something not to take for granted. The hindrances could lie deep in the legal system practiced. It could be an issue of not being entrusted by the structure of the system to act in person, as woman, with a legal capacity and by own right before the law. The study underlines the importance of sharpened awareness and analysis of the presence of a complex legal context and a variety of customary law traditions in the camps. It appears from the study that for women in a refugee camp to be able to act as rights-holders and claim human rights as laid down in human rights conventions, the issue of visibility is not only a matter of training in presenting facts on the ground in front of local authorities. To be visible in addressing the problem of gender-based violence and gaps in protection of human rights in a refugee camp context is first and foremost an issue for women to be recognized the right to act in legal matters. It is an issue of having the freedom of expression and to be recognized the social and legal status to act in their own capacity in front of the local legal structures, including the local customary law context, and to address international human rights monitoring mechanisms, such as the CEDAW Committee or the Special Rapporteur.
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Jansson, Karin Hassan. "Kvinnofrid : Synen på våldtäkt och konstruktionen av kön i Sverige 1600-1800." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-2729.
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The present dissertation deals with attitudes towards rape in early modern Sweden. The narratives from rape cases show certain similarities and differences, all of which provide a basis for a categorization. In somewhat generalized form, the documents identify a cast of six different-type characters: the unruly soldier, the despotic household head, the foul-minded hired hand, the honorable wife, the naive servant girl and the innocent under-aged girl. Reports by representatives of any one of these types, display a common view, judgmental elements often included. Views of rape between 1600 and 1800 were subject to changes of four kinds. One is, the woman is made an active subject, whose will and actions come under sharper focus in rape trials. A second type can be termed the sexualizing of the crime, where attack and assault aspects of a rape crime diminish, but purely sexual aspects increase, in importance. Amounting to a third change is growing interest in the remaining physical aspects of the rape crime. With this type as with the second type, brighter light falls on material and physical sides of the crime, while social matters and matters of honor became of less concern. A fourth change is that discussions of male authority run high at the outset of the period under study, but in time give way to talk of female qualities and morals. On the conceptual level the change can be interpreted as due to the shift which now linked violence and sexual practice directly to the individual and his/her morals, instead of as before to his/her social position in patriarchal society. On the immediate plane the actions of a single male individual were under review in a rape case, but on a larger scale the main issue was how much authority and power the male should have by virtue of the position he held. There was yet a scale where questions lurked concerning the legitimacy of the patriarchal system as a whole and of political power in any form.
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Andersson, Annie. "Religionsfrihet eller jämställdhet - vad väger tyngst? : En studie om hur den rättsliga avvägningen görs när två rättigheter kolliderar med varandra." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79032.
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Sweden has become an increasingly multicultural society where different religions and values meet. Recently, the Swedish Labour Court decided, whether a company´s policy that demands an employee to shake hand, prevent the employee´s freedom of religion or if the policy had a legitimate purpose since it was a way of achieving equality between men and women at workplace. The aim of this essay was to investigate how the court judges when the employer´s obligation not to discriminate on the ground of gender collides with an employee´s freedom of religion. In order to answer the question and achieve the purpose of this essay, the author has used a doctrinal method. By studying the current law, the author of this essay has concluded that freedom of religion is protected by European Convention on Human Rights, article 9. The right to believe is complete, and is called forum internum. The right to practice a religion through a religious manifestation, is called forum externum. This right is not complete and can be restricted. Freedom of religion has a strong legal protection, but there are situations where the right of others also must be considered. A employee has, in working life, not only rights, but also obligations towards the employer. This may imply restrictions on a employee's freedom of religion since the employer has the right to lead and distribute the work. An employer is obligated to work for an equal workplace. If the means used to achieve gender equality are appropriate and necessary, the freedom of religion in working life can be restricted.
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Zvan, Elliott Katja. "Women's rights and reform in provincial Morocco : from disenfranchisement to lack of empowerment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d016ef02-51b6-4745-927a-e286608c8a28.
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Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.
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Samar, Jabbar. "Krävs det en lag mot könsdiskriminerande reklam?" Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Handelshögskolan (from 2013), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-67871.
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En diskussion om könsdiskriminerande reklam har pågått sedan 1970 – talet. Än idag har det inte reglerats om könsdiskriminerande reklam och det har passerat ca 40 år. Det har pågått i sådan lång tid på grund av att experter i området har uttryckt att könsdiskriminerande reklam skyddas utav grundlagen. Könsdiskriminerande reklam anses skyddas av tryck- och yttrandefriheten på grund av att sådan reklam innehåller värderingar och åsikter. När det handlar om reklam, förväntas det omfattas av marknadsföringslagen, men lagen omfattar inte könsdiskriminerande reklam. Detta kom marknadsdomstolen (MD) fram i ett fall som heter MD 1976:8 och menade att marknadsföringslagen skyddar enbart konsumenter och näringsidkare, men inte konsumenternas integritet var för sig. För att handskas med könsdiskriminerande reklam har näringslivet skapat en självreglering, som heter Reklamombudsmannen (RO). RO har till uppgift att göra en bedömning om vad som kan uppfattas som könsdiskriminerande reklam enligt Internationella Handelskammarens regler. När RO kommer fram till att en marknadsföring är könsdiskriminerande, så är dessa besluten inte bindande. RO:s sanktioner är enbart att publicera överträdelsen. Uppsatsens uppgift är att antingen verifiera eller falsifiera argumenten om lagstiftning är möjlig och om RO:s arbete fungerar. Detta har skett i uppsatsen genom att ha frågeställningen, ”Skulle en lagstiftning mot könsdiskriminerande reklam strida mot grundlagen eller Marknadsföringslagen 2008:486 (MFL)?”. Denna frågeställning utreds med hjälp utav den rättsdogmatiska metoden. Problemen i att lagstifta om könsdiskriminerande reklam finna inte enbart i juridiken, utan det finns även ett problem ur ett samhällsperspektiv genom konsekvenser av en sådan lagstiftning. Enligt lag så får en sådan framställning fortfarande ske. För att utreda om samhället har ett behov av en lagstiftning i området har främst ett rättsociologiskt och en empirisk perspektiv använts. Att lagstifta i området skapar ett samhällspåverkan och samhällsmarkering. Könsdiskriminerande reklam motverkar exempelvis jämställdheten och dess utveckling. Uppsatsen kommer utreda om en lagstiftning kommer hjälpa eller hämma samhället. Det som sägs i uppsatsen är bland annat att det finns en riska att med en lagstiftning att färre ärenden prövas och att lagstiftningen inte skulle följa samhällsutvecklingen. Därav lyder den andra frågeställningen att ”Bör det finnas en lagstiftning om könsdiskriminerande reklam, eller kan samhället handskas med detta?”. Könsdiskriminerande reklam motarbetas genom näringslivets egenåtgärder, med andra ord RO. Men räcker det att enbart RO handskas med könsdiskriminerande reklam och att det inte finns en lagstiftning i området. Hur har det funkat för stiftelsen hittills. Här kommer det göras en sammanställning på vad som hittills har bedöms som könsdiskriminerande reklam, genom att ta upp flera exempel på marknadsföring. Detta för att få en förståelse kring hur RO arbetar i praktiken och för att besvara på frågeställningen ”Hur väl fungerar RO:s arbete emot könsdiskriminerande reklam?”. Reklam som är könsdiskriminerande skapar båda samhälleliga och juridiska problem. En diskussion pågår genom hela uppsatsen och det kommer inte finnas en enkel lösning till hands.
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Williams, Ja'nae A. "Silent Cries: Black Women and State-Sponsored Violence." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2019. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/177.
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The intention of this study is to contribute to research on Black women and to bring awareness to Black women's experiences, as they navigate social institutions. This study examines the perception of the intersectionality of race and gender impacts their awareness of police violence against Black women. Researchers measured respondent's perceptions/attitudes regarding intersectionality and their awareness of people who had been victimized by police violence. The quantitative study is comprised of statements regarding patriarchy and/or sexism and statements concerning racism and/or the lack thereof. The data analysis indicates that respondents' awareness and sensitivity to racism along with their perception of sexism and patriarchy is associated with their awareness of police victims. The researcher's findings found that the intersectionality of race and gender impacts their awareness of police violence against Black women.
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Röör, Malin, and Jonna Höök. "Man får inte slå den man älskar! : Fokusgruppsintervjuer med högstadieungdomar om våld i nära relation." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Kriminologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-27311.
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The purpose of the study was to examine the perception of female and male high school students regarding perpetrators and victims of teen dating violence. The purpose was furthermore to examine how the interviewees biological sex effects their description of the perpetrator and victim. The empirical material has been gathered through three groupintervies with a total of twelve interviewees. The main result shows that both girls and boys had easier to see boys as perpetrators and that high school students condemn teen dating violence. The high school students discussed the victims responsibility to handle the situation and that they diminishes the actions of the female perpetrator. The high school students also expressed that the victim may suffer negative consequences if he or she decides to leave the abusive relationship.Studiens syfte var att undersöka kvinnliga och manliga högstadieungdomars föreställningar om gärningsperson och offer gällande ungas våld i nära relation. Syftet var dessutom att undersöka hur respondentens kön påverkar beskrivningen av gärningsperson och offer. Insamling av empiri har skett genom tre fokusgruppsintervjuer med totalt tolv respondenter. Huvudresultatet visar att både tjejer och killar hade lättare att se killar som förövare och att högstadieungdomarna fördömde våld i nära relation. Högstadieungdomarna beskrev också att offer har ett ansvar för att hantera situationen och att dom förminskar den kvinnliga gärningspersonens agerande. Högstadieungdomarna uttryckte också att den våldsutsatta kan drabbas av negativa konsekvenser vid separation.
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Eidstedt, Rebecca. "Samspelet mellan förläggning av arbetstid och jämställdhet : En studie av skift- och nattarbetsregleringar." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-101480.
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This essay stresses the questions regarding whether or not the Swedish implementation of the European Union’s directive 2003/88/EG should be considered sufficient enough to fulfil the purpose of the scope of the directive. The essay will also consider the gender equality perspective regarding how different solutions concerning the organization of working time within two different collective agreements can give workers more or less favourable opportunities, amongst men and women. The study of the Swedish legislation in relation to the directive shows that the way the directive has been implemented into the Swedish judicial system must be interpreted so that it is compatible with the purpose set out by the European Union. Despite this, the study spots an issue. The issue regarding how the regulations in both the directive, but also throughout the Swedish law are enunciated. The way the regulations are phrased bring on questions considering how far the European Union should be allowed to go regarding their right to control the Member States when it comes to legislation within their own countries. This raise the question regarding the interpretation of the autonomy of the Member States. The study also shows that the regulations within the collective agreements does not, alone, indicate a difference regarding more or less favourable conditions for men or women. Despite this, the study did show a difference regarding how the collective agreements emphasize different characteristics of the regulations as the most important ones. Which collective agreement provides the most favourable conditions regarding the promotion of equal rights for men and women must therefore be answered by every single individual themselves. Based on how they define gender equality and how the characteristics of the different agreements promote those aspects of gender equality.
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Ibrahim, Jenny, and Marieke Thelander. ""Den stora ordlösheten" : Intervjuer med yrkesverksamma personer som kommer i kontakt med män som utsatts för våld i nära relation och/eller sexuellt våld." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-24080.
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Our purpose was that through semi-structured interviews with professionals from relevant organizations and an authority, which comes in contact with men who are victims of domestic violence and/or sexual violence, highlight and analyze their experiences and perceptions of these men's victimization. The organizations and the authority that they worked for was a non-profit organization, a hospital and the Swedish police. When it comes to these men it has emerged that they rarely contact support organizations and/or file a police report. The reason for this is, according to our study, among other factors the norms of masculinity that exist in society which claims that men can not be victims of neither domestic violence nor sexual violence, men are expected to be able to defend themselves or they are themselves the perpetrators.Genom intervjuer med yrkesverksamma personer från relevanta organisationer och en myndighet, som kommer i kontakt med män som utsatts för våld i nära relation och/eller sexuellt våld, var vårt syfte att belysa och analysera dessa personers erfarenheter av och uppfattningar om dessa mäns utsatthet. Organisationerna och myndigheten som de arbetade för var en ideell organisation, ett sjukhus samt Polismyndigheten. När det gäller dessa män har det framkommit att de sällan kontaktar stödorganisationer och/eller gör en polisanmälan. Enligt studien är anledningen till detta bland annat de maskulinitetsnormer som finns i samhället som menar att män inte kan bli utsatta för varken våld i nära relation eller sexuellt våld. Detta då män förväntas kunna försvara sig själva eller själva vara förövare.
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Lin, Lang. "Parents, Patriarchy, and Decision-Making Power: A Study of Gender Relations as Reflected by Co-residence Patterns of Older Parents in the Immigrant Household." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/16/.
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Svensson, Sanne. "Flickors rättigheter är mänskliga rättigheter : Världssamfundets (o)förmåga att skydda flickor associerad med väpnad styrka." Thesis, Enskilda Högskolan Stockholm, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ths:diva-247.
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The aim of this thesis is to inspect how international law tends to exclude girls’ as holder of their rights, when they are associated with armed conflict. From the view of a legal approach, different terms in conventions- optional- and additional protocols have interprets and systematizes to make de lege lata for girls’ in international law able to establish. From the theoretical sight of formal and substantial equality, which assume that equal rights do not function in a world build on the structure of a male, the research of the study shows a number of terms within international law that tends to exclude girls as holders of their rights. The result shows that those terms due to social construction, which express the differences between girls and boys, is overlooked in the international lege lata. The result makes therefore the male standard of the terms advantage for boys.
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Kennelly, Estelle M. "Culture of indifference : dilemmas of the Filipina domestic helpers in Hong Kong." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/509.
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In this study, an examination of the everyday experiences of the contract migrant Filipina domestic helpers exposes a culture of indifference which pervades the Hong Kong society on all levels--individual, community, and judiciary. At the centre of the abuses inflicted upon the Helpers is the employment contract with extraordinarily restrictive terms which promotes abuse by many employers. This study also looks at the transnational informal social infrastructure which has been organized by the Filipino community to mediate the hostile working environment engendered by the indifference of the global economic and political climate upon their lives. Faced with the task of implementing new policies for controlling labour migration into Hong Kong, the legislators have focused on the end result and finding the means with which to accomplish their goal. Embedded within this process are unexamined cultural mores and practices. Although the starting point is to benefit the community, by providing domestic helpers to serve the middle and upper class households, too often the abusive consequences to individual migrants are ignored as the women become the means to an end. Migration has often been viewed as an aberration to the notion of the sedentary community. Treated as an anomaly, it is the migrant who problematizes simple theoretical positions of social organization and structure. The migrant is always treated as the one who does not conform to the ideal community and is conveniently merged into existing social categories, such as the lower status of women in Hong Kong, and the lower status of domestic workers -- relegated thereby to the periphery of the society's consciousness.
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Umegaki, Hiroko. "Men and masculinities in the changing Japanese family." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270199.
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The shifting topography of contemporary Japanese society is engendering a significant reorientation of men’s family relations. However, exactly how Japanese men are adapting to these broad-based trends, including parent-child relations, demographics, marriage norms, care provision, residential choices, and gender roles, as well as in the decline of Confucian worldviews, remains relatively obscure. In this dissertation, I explore men’s everyday practices underpinning their family relations as husbands, fathers, sons-in-law, and grandfathers. I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in the summers of 2013 and 2014 in Hyogo, through narrative interviews and participant-observation. I find husbands’ view of their wives transitioning from having a culturally prescribed duty to perform domestic matters to simply having responsibility for domestic matters. This opens up space for negotiation within married couples, with my informants providing what I refer to as additional help, which offers new insight into charting the evolution of hegemonic masculinity. I evidence relatedness founded on exchange as an approach to understand relations across the extended family, which importantly involves additional help, financial resources, and intimacy. I underscore how men selectively seek intimacy in some family relations, notably as fathers and grandfathers. Provision of additional help and seeking of intimacy lead to men’s (re)construction of masculinities differing across family relations, with an important reason for men to select their practices so as to craft their family relations is to address their sense of well-being. Further, the pattern of men’s family relations reveals the emergence of substantially novel sons-in-law relations, as compared to that found in ie patriarchal norms. This evidence suggests a fundamental shift from a vertically-dominated set of family relations, as in the ie household, to a more horizontal, fluid set of relations across the extended family.
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Edmundson, Joshua R. "THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/399.
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The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history.
Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.
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Ezimoha, Stella. "Kunskapsbrist eller värderingstvist? : Den romantiska liberalismens frihetsideal i ett urval västerländska länders asylprövning då sexuell läggning eller könsidentitet åberopas som asylskäl." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412322.
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Då asylsökande åberopar sexuell läggning eller könsidentitet som asylskäl, är den egna berättelsen inte sällan den enda bevisning som finns att tillgå. Detta innebär att trovärdigheten i den asylsökandes framförande av sin berättelse tillmäts stor vikt. Tidigare forskning har funnit att trovärdighetsbedömningen i västerländska länders asylprövning påverkas av vilken handläggare som hanterar ärendet, och dennas stereotyper av sexuell läggning och könsidentitet. Förekomsten av stereotyper har härletts till kompetens- eller rutinbrist. Exempelvis har det anförts att asylprövande myndigheter och domstolar lider brist på normkritik och nyanserad kunskap i hbtq+-personers olika omständigheter och leverne. Denna studie erbjuder en annan hypotes, med utgångspunkt i etablerad politisk teori och samtida statsvetenskaplig forskning: Att ideologin romantisk liberalism präglar västerländska länders asylprövning. Det finns empiriskt stöd för att människor i västvärlden i allt större utsträckning värdesätter individuell frihet. Tidigare forskning har antagit att detta värdesättande leder till ökad tolerans och välkomnande av ökad mångfald. Ett sådant positivt förhållande ifrågasätts emellertid av flera statsvetare, däribland den svenska statsvetaren Gina Gustavsson. I en avhandling från 2014 presenterar Gustavsson en beskrivning av en romantisk gren inom liberalismen. Denna ideologi framhåller ett obevekligt, provokativt och kreativt uttryck för individens originalitet: både vad avser beskrivningar av vad människan är, och värderande utsagor om hur människan bör vara. En sådan syn, menar Gustavsson, är en förrädisk förståelse för frihet som kan urarta i intolerans, trots att den utges för det motsatta. Med ideologianalys prövas rätts- och myndighetsmaterial från ett urval västerländska länders asylprövning mot en idealtyp av den romantiska liberalismen. Resultatet är att den romantiska liberalismens frihetsideal i flera avseenden kommer till uttryck i urvalet västerländska länders asylprövning. Slutsatsen är att beslutsfattare och utredares upptagenhet av särskilda uttryck för den asylsökandes identitet, kan förstås som en manifestation av den romantiska liberalismens frihetsideal. Detta snarare än som uttryck främst för kompetens- och rutinbrist, såsom tidigare forskning konstaterat. Vidare förs en diskussion kring betydande spänningar mellan den romantiska liberalismen och mänskliga rättigheters universella anspråk. Detta särskilt avseende asylsökandes begränsade möjlighet eller avsikt att leva upp till romantiskt liberala frihetsideal.As asylum seekers invoke sexual orientation or gender identity as a reason for asylum, their own story is often the only evidence available. This means that the credibility of asylum seeker's presentation of their story, often is given great importance. Previous research shows that credibility assessments in Western countries can differ depending on the sexual orientation and gender identity stereotypes of the case officer who is handling the case. The existence of stereotypes has been related to lack of skills or routine. For example, it is in previous research stated that asylum reviewing authorities and courts suffer from a lack of norm criticism and nuanced knowledge of lgbtq+-persons' different circumstances and living. This study offers another hypothesis, based on established political theory and contemporary political science research: That the ideology romantic liberalism characterizes the asylum procedure in Western countries. There is empirical support for the fact that people in the Western world increasingly value individual freedom. Previous research has assumed that such values leads to increased tolerance and a welcoming of diversity. However, such a positive relationship is questioned by the Swedish political scientist Gina Gustavsson. In Gustavssons’ dissertation from 2014, a description of a romantic branch of liberalism is presented, which elevates a relentless, creative and provocative expression of the individual's originality: both in terms of descriptions of what an individual is, and evaluative statements about what an individual should be. Such a view, Gustavsson says, is a treacherous understanding of freedom that can degenerate into intolerance, even though it is issued to stand for the contrary. With ideology analysis, judicial and governmental material from a sample of Western countries' asylum procedures is tested against an ideal type of romantic liberalism. The results of the analysis show that the ideal of freedom of romanticism, in several respects, can be found in the asylum procedure in a sample of Western countries. The conclusion is that decision makers and investigators' preoccupation with specific expressions of the identity of the asylum seeker can be understood as a manifestation of the freedom ideals in the romantic liberalism. This rather than a lack of skills and routine, as previous research has found. Furthermore, a discussion is held regarding that there is considerable tension between romantic liberalism and the universal claims of human rights. This particularly regarding the asylum seekers' limited ability or intention to live up to the freedom ideals of the romantic liberalism.
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Roberts, Louisa Lisle Hay. "The Globalization of the Acceptance of Homosexuality: Mass Opinion and National Policy." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1494072688490484.
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Gardner, Kasey Christopher. "Ideology in California : the role of oppositional interaction as a strategy in the campaign for Proposition 8." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/718.
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This thesis analyzes the ideologies present the campaign rhetoric surrounding the 2008 California legislative initiative Proposition·8. Using Foss' method of ideological criticism the campaign is read prior after the opposition response to determine if an ideological shift occurs. The study is framed to identify this shift as a potential product of oppositional interaction, a characteristic of rhetoric defined by Smith and Windes.
The study concludes that the shift in ideology during the campaign by the supporters of Proposition 8 was a significant development. The response from the Proposition 8 campaign reframed the debate, making the electorate vulnerable to a different ideology. This new ideology places the state education apparatus, not the courts, in the spotlight as the state mechanism that is in dispute in the marriage controversy. When placed in .this context, theories of political economy are employed to explain how the electorate may have interpreted these arguments.
One. explanation offered is that the response ideology of the Proposition 8 campaign allowed voters to vote to outlaw gay marriages as a proactive response to a mistrust of education. The discussion section indicates that this could be an adjustment to existing ideologies, or development of an issues specific ideology that is only relevant for one issue in the mind of the individual. Ultimately, this study demonstrated the utility of ideology as a method to analyze political rhetoric and examines the role that oppositional interaction plays in the long-term development of public dialectic.
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Milongo, Moukongo Paterne Gervilen. "Comparaison du rôle de la société civile dans le processus de démocratisation en Namibie et au Congo Brazzaville au cours de la période 1989-1994»." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30005.
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On peut considérer que le démarrage du processus de démocratisation en Namibie a lieu en 1989 et au Congo Brazzaville en 1990 : pour le premier il s’agit, de la libération du joug sud-africain avec l’accession à l’indépendance et la mise en place d’un régime démocratique, pour le second la chute d’un régime de parti unique et l’instauration du multipartisme puis de la démocratie. Cette phase de bouleversement a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des forces sociales, notamment les organisations syndicales.La recherche consiste ici à considérer le rôle de ces forces sociales dans ce processus et à s’interroger sur leur nature, en particulier pour déterminer si elles constituent une société civile. Ainsi les Eglises jouent un rôle déterminant, et ce dans les deux pays. Au moment de l’ouverture démocratique, les associations se multiplient. La mise en place des premières institutions est marquée par une course au pouvoir, et se révèle la plus critique pour la société civile, dont le positionnement même est mis à mal ; les organisations sont soumises à rude épreuve. Certains meneurs des mouvements de contestations se retrouvent à la tête de partis politiques, dans un environnement à haut risque. Les rivalités ethniques ou tribales et le régionalisme s’enracinent dans la conscience populaire.Si la Namibie va poursuivre son chemin vers la démocratie, malgré la faiblesse de la société civile et les blessures du passé, le Congo va sombrer d’abord dans une guerre civile avant de chercher le chemin de la paix. La société civile anéantie au moment du conflit revient sur le devant de la scène à travers le Conseil œcuménique des Eglises mais échoue à consolider la démocratieOne can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy
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Dhai, A. "Gender reassignment surgery : medical issues and legal consequences." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3903.
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Gender reassignment procedures are performed for the treatment of the gender dysphoria syndrome (transsexualism). Although this modality of treatment is therapeutic in nature and therefore not contra bonos mores, the legal status of the post-operative transsexual remains that of his/her previous sex. The purpose of the gender reassignment procedures is that of acceptance within the community as a person of the sex indicated by his/her changed appearance. Nothing will be achieved by the successful completion of treatment if the person's changed sexual appearance is not recognised by the law as a change in sexual status as well. The law, by keeping aloof of the problem of the post-operative transsexual, has created a legal "vacuum" where there is social and judicial acceptance of reassignment procedures, but a refusal to give legal effect to the change in status that the transsexual obsessively desires and the operation simulates. This work will analyse the medical issues associated with gender reassignment procedures. The legal status of the transsexual after reassignment procedures will be explored, and in doing so, the human rights violations with which such people have to contend, will be highlighted. The constitutionality of the lack of a legal recognition of the post-operative transsexual's sexual status will be examined. It will be shown that there are compelling reasons for legislation to be introduced as a matter of urgency to safeguard the fundamental rights of the post-operative transsexual.Thesis (LL.M.)-University of Natal, 2000.
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Liao, Yun-yuan, and 廖運源. "Justice Issues in Pluralist Society: Taiwan Case Study after Abolition of Martial Law." Thesis, 1995. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/71750661967710947372.
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CHEN, YU-TZU, and 陳于慈. "The Gender Identity and Marriage Issues of the Transgenders in the Aspect of Law." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ay9x42.
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碩士國立雲林科技大學
科技法律研究所
106
In the modern society, “gender” is no longer viewed in duality terms. It’s no longer “black or white”, but like a spectrum. Some people’s gender identity is not consistent with their biological sex. In other words, for example, it is like a female soul inside a male body. Medical terms “gender dysphoria” and “gender noncomformity” are used to describe this kind of conditions. However, with the advancement of medical technology, these misplaced souls now have a chance for sex change, giving people the right to decide their own gender. Around the world, there are special regulations for sex reassignment surgery （SRS）. For example, the American Psychiatric Association established the basic conditions for SRS in the “Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders （DSM）”. In China, there is “Sex Change Operation Technical Management Standard （trial）” to provide improtatn conditions for SRS. In the aspect of gender recognition, there are also different regulations in various countries. For example, in Japan, there is “性同一性障害者の性別の取扱いの特例に関する法律”; in the UK, there is Gender Recognition Act 2004; and in Germany, there is “Gesetzüber die Änderung der Vornamen und die Feststellung der Geschlechtszugehörigkeit in besonderenFällen”, ensuring transgender people’s rights in relation to gender identify and sex change. However, in Japan and Germany, SRS is required for change of gender, while in the UK, one can change his/her gender without SRS. It is obvious that protecting the rights of transgender people has become a main issue around the world. Yet, Taiwan hasn’t been affected by this international trend of legislation. Currently, the laws in Taiwan provide no protection for transgender people, much less protection of marriage freedom, which transgender people care a lot about. With the focus on gender recognition and marriage freedom of transgender people, this study reviewed domestic and foreign articles in relation to transgender people and summarized and analyzed the data and information retrieved. In the aspect of gender recognition, this study suggested that in the future the legislators in Taiwan should specify the required conditions for sex change, gender recognition, and SRS to ensure transgender people’s right of SRS and gender freedom. In the aspect of marriage freedom, according to J. Y. Interpretation #362 and J. Y. Interpretation #748, the right to marry is everyone’s, not just heterosexual people’s. This study suggested that, besides the original marriage system, the government should refer to the “Pacte Civil de Solidarité in France” to establish a partnership system without any gender limitation, to protect people’s right to marry with different obligations and legal protections. Key words：transgender, gender identity, SRS, gender registration, marriage freedom.
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Cheng, Yu-Hsiu, and 鄭羽秀. "The Power of Civil Society---Take Gender Equality in Taiwan and Japan’s Family and Succession Law As an Example." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/86jg83.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
科際整合法律學研究所
106
Japan and Taiwan applied same law system during the Japan-Occupied Period; however, along with the end of World War Two, they went separate way. Japan enacted new constitution and modified other law stipulations around 1947, whereas at that time, Taiwan applied to the law system of Republic of China (ROC). Take this as a start point, this article observe the different development module of gender equality relevant law system in Taiwan and Japan. Japan has achieved formal gender equality in law system, however, experienced a hard time to trying to achieve virtual gender equality during 1947 to 2917. On the other hand, Taiwan’s Civil Law consists many gender inequality stipulations in 1947, but modified them rapidly after 1980s and only left few inequality stipulations nowadays. The article finds out it is the civil society that makes the development path of Taiwan and Japan so different. Both Taiwan and Japan’s courts is quite conservative when dealing with gender equality issues. The courts simply willing to guard formal equality but neglect virtual equality and this attitude outstands the important role of civil society. The development path of gender equality relevant law system in Taiwan and Japan proves this view point. It is the active female movement in Taiwan that pushes Constitutional Court to make a series of unconstitutional judgement, and also drives Legislation to enact and modified relevant laws. On the other hand, due to political, historical, and economical factors, the female movement in Japan is relatively inactive which slows up the development of virtual equality in Japan. Moreover, the article also observes the civil society of Taiwan, and finds out that what civil society can engage is not confined to a certain issue such as gender equality. Take kaohsiung incident(美麗島事件) and Sunflower Movement(太陽花事件) as an example, civil society even can engage in constitutional issues. On the other hand, due to economic, cultural, and labor factors, although gradually started to grow since 1990s, comparing with other developed countries, civil society in Japan remains relatively inactive since 1960s. Nevertheless, Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011 stimulated the growing of civil society. In the end, the article expects that the civil society both in Taiwan and Japan could keep growing and bring the countries into a better circulation.
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Anyanwu, Nkechi Winifred. "The Impact of the Practice and Administration of Customary Law of Inheritance on Gender Equality in Contemporary Igbo Society, Nigeria." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/43347.
Full textAbstract:
The topic for this study was the impact of the practice and administration of customary law of
inheritance on gender equality in contemporary Igbo society. The objectives of the study were, a)
to examine the economic status of the women of Igbo society b) to examine the two types of
laws which are used in Nigeria on matters of inheritance c) to look at the practices and
administration of the above laws in the cases of inheritance d) to establish the impact of the
negative inheritance practices on women in Igbo society e) to establish what could be done in
order to support women during the cases of inheritance.
The major findings of the study indicated that, inheritance of property, especially land was of
great importance in the Igbo society. A woman’s ability to inherit may depend on her marital
status and most importantly her ability to bear a male child. Young Igbo women have no rights to
inherit their fathers’ property unless they remain unmarried and bear a male child in family. Igbo
women, especially the traditional women were very hard working in their agricultural activities
where they pulled resources and produce together with their husbands without seeking separation
of possessions. However at the demise of their spouse, the pieces of land they had laboured on
are taken away by kinsmen and the fate of the women are left hanging on the goodwill of the
kinsmen. There was physical, psychological, social as well as economic humiliation during the
time of mourning the husband and thereafter. The duplicity of laws, being, the English common
law and the customary laws further complicated any chance a woman had to claiming
inheritance. The constitution on the other hand, was overriding the international treaties that
Nigeria has ratified, which could have supported the rights of women. From the point of view of
the study, the Nigerian government needs to revisit the constitution to amend it and also to
examine some of the customary laws that leaned strongly on traditional beliefs and practices.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014.
lk2014
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
Unrestricted
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Jalajel, David Solomon. "Women & Leadership in Islam." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3575.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThe present research examines the post-formative Islamic legal literature surrounding the question of women’s leadership to gauge whether and to what extent the development of Islamic legislation pertaining to women was determined by genderattitudes prevalent in Muslim society. There are three main theories to explain the prevalence of Islamic legal rulings divesting women of leadership roles. The first is the traditional view that these rulings are best explained by the application of the theoretical and hermeneutical approaches of classical Islamic legal theory to the Islamic source texts, the Qur’ān and Sunnah. The second is that the rulings are best explained as the consequence of the widespread gender attitudes in near-eastern society during the formative and early post-formative period of Islamic Law. The third is that legal inertia is the primary factor in explaining the existing post-formative Islamic legal corpus and little can be determined from it regarding the origin and early perpetuation of the laws. These competing theories are tested and explored by returning to a broad survey of Islamic legal texts from the four canonical schools of thought. The relevant passages from these texts are first translated and then examined according to three separate analytical approaches – a legal-hermeneutical analysis, an analysis of gender motifs, and a diachronic analysis of legal arguments – to explore the ways in which classical legal scholars arrived at and justified the prohibition of female leadership in politics, the judiciary, and congregational prayer. Key
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Koné, Ousmane. "La controverse autour du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali : enjeux et stratégies des acteurs." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/13576.
Full textAbstract:
L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser et de comprendre la dynamique de la controverse autour de l’adoption en 2009 du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali. Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux principaux enjeux, c'est-à-dire aux questions à l’origine de cette controverse ainsi qu’aux stratégies mises en place par les différents acteurs sociaux (les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés, d’une part, et d’autre part, les organisations féminines et les leurs) afin d’infléchir le processus. En plus du pourquoi et du comment de cette controverse, notre recherche visait à comprendre le bilan du processus tiré par les acteurs eux-mêmes, le sentiment qui les anime à l’issu de ce long processus, leur appréciation de leur expérience, et leur vision de l’avenir.
Pour étudier cette problématique, nous avons choisi l’approche de l’action collective protestataire, laquelle s’inspire à la fois des théories de l’action collective, et de celles des mouvements sociaux et des dynamiques contestataires. Afin d’analyser les enjeux au cœur de cette controverse, les stratégies utilisées par les acteurs ainsi que leur bilan du processus, nous avons opté pour une démarche qualitative. En plus de la littérature grise, des articles de presse, documents audio et audiovisuels sur le sujet, notre travail de terrain de quatre mois dans la capitale malienne nous a permis de réaliser plusieurs entrevues auprès des acteurs impliqués dans ce processus.
S’étendant de 1996 à 2011, soit seize ans, l’élaboration du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali fut un processus long, complexe, inhabituel et controversé. Les résultats de notre recherche révèlent que plusieurs enjeux, notamment sociaux, étaient au cœur de cette controverse : le «devoir d’obéissance » de la femme à son mari, la légalisation du mariage religieux, l’« égalité » entre fille et garçon en matière d’héritage et de succession et la reconnaissance de l’enfant naturel ont été les questions qui ont suscité le plus de débats. Si durant tout le processus, les questions relatives à l’égalité de genre, au respect des droits de la femme et de l’enfant, étaient les arguments défendus par les organisations féminines et leurs alliés, celles relatives au respect des valeurs religieuses (islamiques), sociétales ou socioculturelles maliennes étaient, par contre, mises de l’avant par les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés.
Ainsi, si le discours des OSC féminines portait essentiellement sur le « respect de l’égalité des sexes » conformément aux engagements internationaux signés par le Mali, celui des OSC islamiques s’est, en revanche, centré sur le « respect des valeurs islamiques et socioculturelles » du Mali. Quant aux canaux de communication, les OSC féminines se sont focalisées sur les canaux classiques comme la presse, les radios, les conférences, entre autres. Les OSC islamiques ont également utilisé ces canaux, mais elles se sont distinguées des OSC féminines en utilisant aussi les prêches. Organisés généralement dans les mosquées et autres espaces désignés à cet effet, ces prêches ont consacré la victoire des OSC islamiques. Les radios islamiques ont joué elles aussi un rôle important dans la transmission de leurs messages. Pour ce qui est des stratégies d’actions, l’action collective qui a changé la donne en faveur des OSC islamiques (renvoi du code en seconde lecture, prise en compte de leurs idées), a été le meeting du 22 août 2009 à Bamako, précédé de marches de protestation dans la capitale nationale et toutes les capitales régionales du pays. Quant aux OSC féminines, elles n’ont mené que quelques actions classiques (ou habituelle) comme les pétitions, le plaidoyer-lobbying, les conférences-débats, au point que certains observateurs ont parlé de « stratégie d’inaction » chez elles. L’analyse a également révélé l’utilisation de stratégies inusitées de menaces et d’intimidation par certains acteurs du camp des OSC islamiques à l’endroit des partisans du code. Si chaque groupe d’acteurs a noué des alliances avec des acteurs locaux, les OSC féminines sont les seules à reconnaitre des alliances avec les acteurs extérieurs. Aujourd’hui, si la plupart des membres des OSC islamiques ne cachent pas leur satisfaction face à leur « victoire » et se présentent en « sauveur de la nation malienne », la plupart des membres des OSC féminines se disent, quant à elles, très « déçues » et « indignées » face à l’adoption du code actuel. Elles ne comprennent pas pourquoi d’un « code progressiste », le Mali s’est retrouvé avec un « code rétrograde et discriminatoire » envers les femmes.
La thèse confirme non seulement la difficile conciliation entre droit coutumier, loi islamique et droit « moderne », mais également l’idée que le droit demeure l’expression des rapports de pouvoir et de domination. Enfin, notre recherche confirme la désormais incontournable influence des acteurs religieux sur le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques au Mali.The objective of this thesis is to analyze and understand the dynamics surrounding the controversy following the adoption of the Code of Persons and Family in Mali in 2009. It is particularly interested by the main issues, that is to say, the questions at the root of this controversy and the strategies implemented by different social actors (Islamic organizations and their allies, on the one hand, and women's organizations and theirs, on the other) in order to influence the process. In addition to the “why” and the “how” of this controversy, our research focuses on the understanding of the process assessment made by the actors involved, the feeling that animates them at the end of this long process, their appreciation of their experience, and their vision of the future. To investigate this issue, we have chosen collective action protest's approach, which inspired both theories of collective action, and those of social movements and protest dynamic. In order to analyze the stakes of this controversy, the strategies used by the actors and their assessment of the process, we opted for a qualitative approach. In addition to the gray literature, newspaper articles, audio and audiovisual materials on the subject, our field work during four months in the Malian capital has allowed us to make several interviews with the actors involved in this process. Stretching from 1996 to 2011, namely for sixteen years, the redaction of the Persons and Family Law in Mali was a long, complex, unusual and controversial process. Our research findings reveal that several issues, notably those social, were at the heart of this controversy: "duty obedience" of the wife to her husband, legalization of religious marriage, gender "equality" with regard to inheritance, and recognition of the illegitimate child were the questions that have generated the most debate. If during the whole process, questions related to gender equality, respect for women and children’s rights were the arguments defended by women's organizations and their allies, those relating to the respect of religious (Islamic), societal or sociocultural values of Mali were, on the contrary, put forward by Islamic’s organizations and their allies. Thus, if the discourse of women's organizations focused mainly on the "respect of gender equality" in accordance with international commitments signed by Mali, the discourse of Islamic organizations has, however, focused on the "respect of Islamic and socio-cultural values" of Mali. As for communication channels, women's CSOs have focused on traditional channels like press, radio, conferences, among others. Islamic CSOs have also used these channels, but they have distinguished themselves from women's CSOs by using also sermons. Generally organized in mosques and other spaces designated for that purpose, these sermons have consecrated the victory of Islamic CSOs. Islamic radios have also played an important role in the transmission of their messages. Concerning the strategies of action, the collective action that changed the situation in favor of the Islamic OSCs (resending the code for a second reading, inclusion of their ideas) was the meeting of August 22nd, 2009 in Bamako, preceded by protest marches in the national capital and all regional capitals of the country. As for women's CSOs, they have only carried out some classic (or usual) actions like petitions, advocacy-lobbying, conferences and debates, to the point that some observers spoke of "inaction strategy" on their part. The analysis also revealed the use of unusual strategies of threats and intimidation by some actors of Islamic camp towards to the supporters of the code. If each group of actors has formed alliances with local actors, women's CSOs are the only ones to recognize alliances with external actors. Today, if most members of Islamic CSOs don't hide their satisfaction with their "victory" and present themselves like "savior of the Malian nation", most members of women CSOs, meanwhile, say that they are very "disappointed" and "indignant" against the adoption of the current code. They don’t understand why from a "progressive code ", Mali ended up with a "retrograde and discriminatory code" towards women. The thesis confirms the difficult reconciliation of customary law, Islamic law and modern law, but it also suggests the idea that the law remains an expression of power relations and domination. Finally, our research confirms the now unavoidable influence of religious actors on the public policy making process in Mali.
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Kruss, Julie L. ""Country women are resilient but....” : family planning access in rural Victoria." Thesis, 2012. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/21315/.
Full textAbstract:
Most women use family planning services during their reproductive lifetime, but many lack ready access to such services, particularly in a rural area. The aim of this study was to document and thus develop an understanding of the facilitators and barriers to accessing three types of family planning services (emergency contraception, termination of pregnancy, and options counselling) within a particular rural area of Victoria, Australia, and how these might affect women’s psychosocial health and their ability to make timely decisions about continuation of a pregnancy.