Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Law, nicaragua'

In Marxist and Dependence theories, revolution has been prescribed as a panacea for developing countries' social evils. However, there is little work dedicated to evaluation of the results of those events that permit the validation of theory. Therefore, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the outcomes of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979-1990) and test this assumption. The assessment was made according to Edward Muller's theoretical framework. It is centered in the idea that revolutions destroy social capital. Their successes depend on the skill of revolutionary leadership in distinguishing obsolete from other forms of valuable social capital. The latter has to be fostered as the base of the revolution's future development. The indicators used were: (1) The extent at which the revolutionary leadership keeps its promises and delivers public goods; (2) The evaluation of power, strength, and centralization of the revolutionary state vs. the ancient regime; (3) The performance of the revolutionary economy; (4) The extension of the policies of land distribution, and; (5) The effects of the revolutionary policies in income distribution, inequality, and the creation of new opportunities for the citizenry. The conclusions were: (1) The Sandinista leadership did not deliver the promises of mixed economy, political pluralism and on alignment; (2) The revolutionary state was: strongest, more centralized and powerful than the Somoza regime; (3) The economic performance was poor, and unable to meet the needs of the people; (4) The policies of land reform were effective in distributing land, but failed in the creation of a new social class of farmers. It became a counterinsurgency land reform directed to create an available political clientele for the ruling party; (5) The contradiction between macroeconomics and distributive microeconomics policies, canceled out the effect of the latter, inducing a process of income concentration; (6) The insertion of the Nicaraguan crisis in the East-West confrontation accentuated dependence; (7) The empirical evidence supports Moller and Weede's theoretical assertion (1995) in the sense that the Sandinista leadership was not able to discriminate between obsolete social capital from valuable social capital, that existed embedded in pre-revolutionary institutional structure. Its attempt to subordinate civil society and substitute it with a spurious civil society ended with the destruction of valuable social capital needed for growth and development.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze laws that completely prohibit abortion through a legal philosophical perspective. To demonstrate that abortion blanket bans cannot be seen as legally legitimate, the author has completed a literature study where she uses Robert Alexy’s “Concept of Law” to analyze abortion laws both in general, and in Nicaragua in particular. Based upon Alexy’s “Concept of Law” the author has identified three relevant key elements – social efficacy, the argument from injustice and correctness of content - which she uses in her analysis. In order to apply these three elements on the total abortion ban, she then uses four different analysis tools - feminist theory, Human Rights, deontology analysis and right analysis. This has enabled a thorough analysis of the total ban on abortion that has demonstrates that such laws cannot be considered legitimate. By highlighting the human rights violations the law entails, one can conclude that the law has a social impact. Using MacKinnon's theory "experience as a woman" the author had been able to demonstrate how the law should be considered as a gender equality issue, and that it is sexist in nature. Based on the argument from injustice and the legal norms about equal treatment and non-discrimination, the blanket ban can be considered extremely unfair for the women concerned. Based on deontology- and rights analysis, one can conclude that the Catholic Church's stance does not hold for the conservative position that excludes abortion in all circumstances. Thus, the normative arguments from the Christian abortion ethical and conservative position that is basis for the law is not coherent. These three indicators demonstrate that the law in Nicaragua has a social efficacy that is both extremely unfair, violates Human Rights and its application sexist with normative argument and content that is not coherent. It would therefore be entirely justified to thwart the legitimacy of such total abortion ban, as in Nicaragua

Relations among states are permeated by basic legal concepts which comprise the international legal system. The existence of this system helps maintain some level of international order. So long as states feel that it is in their interest to act according to the norms of international law, order is preserved. When a state believes, however, that it is to its advantage to disrupt the order, then the international legal system can do very little to prevent that state from acting contrary to the norm and, for instance, resorting to the use of force to achieve its goal. The actions of the United States, as a major power, are very significant in this respect since many smaller countries look at the United States as a role model. Yet, in many cases, the United States has acted in a manner which seems to contradict the established norms of international law. To determine to what extent international law is a factor in US policy making, it is best to focus on the relations of the US with countries of one specific region in order to avoid sweeping generalizations. The relationship of the US with Central American countries has always been a matter of controversy because the United States sees itself as the protector of these states. On numerous occasions, the US has intervened (directly and indirectly) in Central America to secure its own perceived interests. Two of the most recent examples of US intervention occurred during the Reagan Administration. They are: the 1983 invasion of Grenada, and intervention in Nicaragua from 1981 to 1984. After the decisions to intervene were made, United States' officials offered legal justifications for their actions. A close look at these explanations, however, reveals that the Reagan Administration was not truly concerned with the norms and principles of international law. The Administration believed that it had the military and political power to circumvent into international legal obligations without the fear of sanctions. The real rationale for the interventions lies in the fact that the US had the opportunity to try to overthrow an adversarial regime which was seen as a threat to hemispheric security and solidarity.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

For decades LGBTQ rights have been approached purely by a legal strategy, in particular advocating for the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, discrimination and violence against the LGBTQ community continues to be a major issue in Latin America because of cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that uphold a standard of and, in turn, have control over people’s sexuality. Using a human rights approach towards the politics of sexuality, LGBTI activists in Costa Rican and Nicaragua have been successful in transforming public opinion about sexuality and more importantly, sexual diversity. As a result of their egalitarian framework and efforts to educate people about sexual diversity, they have made great advancements toward achieving acceptance and equality for LGBTI people. This study focuses on how Costa Rican and Nicaraguan LGBTI activists have worked around traditional cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that prevent people from accepting and tolerating LGBTI people. The examples of LGBTI activists in these two countries have important implications for other LGBTI activists and the strategies they use to try to achieve full equality (social and legal) for people whose sexual identity differs from the conventional.

This thesis analyzes the consequences of property confiscations and redistribution under the Sandinista (FSLN) government in Nicaragua of the 1980s. It covers the period from the overthrow of Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979 to the February 1990 FSLN electoral defeat and the following two months of the Piñata, when the outgoing Sandinista government quickly formalized possession of property by new owners, both formerly landless peasants and the elite. It also examines subsequent efforts to resolve outstanding property claims, with the focus on the Chamorro and later presidential administrations to 2007, when Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega and the FSLN returned to power. The main argument is that Sandinista leaders, largely from the same families that have dominated Nicaragua since the Colonial period, followed Nicaraguan traditions of using influence to distort the legal and political system to gain title to valuable properties. In contrast to partisan arguments in favor of one regime or another, here the methods of property transfer are analyzed by investigating in detail documentary evidence of illustrative cases that show the steps and individuals involved in these transactions, as well as more generally surveying other cases and the overall situation with property. The argument is tested by examining how the selected claimants’ properties were taken and who obtained them. The results indicate that Sandinista elites did obtain properties for their personal benefit, often in violation of their own legislation, but that this was largely consistent with the practice of other, non- Sandinista governments. After their electoral defeat, ongoing Sandinista influence in the organs of government influenced the restitution process, with claimants typically settling for compensation at a fraction of the market value, with the Nicaraguan state and people bearing the cost of paying for compensation bonds over the coming decades. Political influence undermined the restitution mechanism.

The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.

Magíster en Gestión y Políticas Públicas
¿Qué factores hacen viable la conformación y permanencia de unidades especializadas de género en las instituciones públicas? Esta es la pregunta central que motiva y orienta el presente estudio de caso, la cual se procura responder a través de inquietudes más específica relacionadas con ¿Qué capacidades se requieren desarrollar para incorporar la perspectiva de género en las instituciones públicas?, ¿Cómo incide la asignación de recursos en la conformación y fortalecimiento del proceso de transversalización de género? y ¿De qué manera incide la configuración organizacional presente en las instituciones públicas en la aceptación de nuevas estructuras especializadas de género?. Para acercarnos a responderlas, se seleccionó como experiencia singular la creación de Unidades de Género en instituciones públicas de la República de Nicaragua acotándolo al periodo 2007-2013 por concentrarse los eventos relacionados con el desarrollo de la experiencia bajo estudio. La metodología utilizada se basa en la guía práctica para la elaboración de estudios de caso , desarrollada por Michael Barzelay y Juan Carlos Cortázar (2004), que implicó entrevistar a diez Coordinadoras de las Unidades de Género de distintas instituciones públicas del Estado y revisión de documentos para construir el relato del caso. Luego se realizó un análisis a la luz de las funciones gerenciales, llegando a conclusiones, entre las cuales destacan: el contar con lineamientos claros, pero sobre todo con la disposición de recursos financieros, personal estable y capacitado mayormente en gestión de instituciones públicas, transversalización de género y negociación de conflictos- son condiciones que marcan profundamente el desarrollo de los procesos de implementación de políticas públicas. Más aún la gestión del entorno político interno y la configuración que adquieren las instituciones junto con las reglas y rutinas presentes, marcaran la apertura o bloqueos a las nuevas iniciativas de políticas públicas, sobre todo las que consideran la creación de nuevas estructuras especializadas en materia de género. Se llega a comprender también, que la sola creación de una Unidad de Género no asegura la transversalización de este enfoque en las instituciones, pues el éxito de esta depende de factores como la preparación profesional de las/los encargados, la voluntad o apertura política de los funcionarios y personal operativo/técnico que son los que al final implementan y concretan las disposiciones políticas. Otro elemento es, que el Estado al asignar recursos a nuevas iniciativas le conviene pensar en la sostenibilidad de las acciones a largo plazo, sobre todo cuando la cooperación externa dispone recursos, pero luego estos fondos se terminan y con ello aparece la necesidad de financiarlos desde el presupuesto público, es evidente entonces pensar en la capacidad del Estado para sostenerlas pues los recursos son escasos y este distribuye según sus prioridades más inmediatas.

Magíster en Gestión y Políticas Públicas
Este estudio de caso analiza los procesos de participación ciudadana que se han implementado en el Distrito VI del Municipio de Managua, por considerarse uno de los distritos más grandes de la capital, con mayor importancia demográfica, económica y por su rol de representación y proximidad con la ciudadanía, tratando de destacar los aspectos relevantes, extraer las experiencias valiosas y recoger las recomendaciones planteadas por los ciudadanos, líderes y funcionarios entrevistados para fortalecer la participación ciudadana en la formulación de políticas públicas y la gestión municipal. Específicamente se examina, cómo funciona y se operativiza el marco del nuevo modelo de participación ciudadana (Gabinetes de la Familia la Comunidad y la Vida) implementado por decreto presidencial 112 -2007, y la manera en que éstos contribuyen desde el distrito a los diseños de políticas públicas locales. Desde esta perspectiva, esta investigación se propuso de manera general, analizar el proceso de participación ciudadana en la formulación de las políticas públicas locales y las interrelaciones de la ciudadanía con el Distrito VI del municipio de Managua, en el periodo 2007-13. Esta investigación corresponde a un caso único y fue desarrollada a partir de un enfoque cualitativo de tipo descriptivo en tanto se propuso conocer, analizar y extraer aprendizajes del proceso de la participación ciudadana desarrollados en el Distrito VI, del municipio de Managua con énfasis en la formulación de las políticas públicas. A la luz de los resultados obtenidos se vislumbra un proceso de participación que se construye desde las bases territoriales, con una organización relativamente joven y en evolución, que funcionan más como un mecanismos de articulación y gestión institucional para adecuar la oferta pública a las necesidades de las comunidades, cuyos alcances están orientados a apoyar la auto gestión de las comunidades, en la búsqueda de un ciudadano cada vez más propositivo y no demandante y de un gabinete que coordina y articule con la comuna los temas que atribuyen al desarrollo de su comunidad. En este sentido se reconoce el aporte de la participación ciudadana y la idea de un gobierno relacional, que implica a la ciudadanía en las decisiones ya que ellos dentro de la comunidad son los que mejor saben lo que acontece en su territorio y por lo mismo pueden formar parte de las propuestas de la solución a sus problemas. No obstante las evidencias encontradas mediante las entrevistas, muestran que pese al involucramiento de la ciudadanía en los temas sociales, está aún se ubica en el nivel de información y consulta, puesto que los gabinetes comunitarios funcionan como facilitadores de información y los insumos para que la alcaldía tome su mejor decisión. La limitación más importante de estos procesos participativos es que están fuertemente concentrados en la fase de información de la política pública, lo cual indica una tendencia a utilizar estos mecanismos en las fases previas de información y planificación.

Magíster en estudios de Género y Cultura, mención Ciencias Sociales
La presente investigación se centra en las vivencias de las 06 protagonistas, integrantes de dos grupos solidarios que son parte del Programa de Micro Crédito Usura Cero del municipio de Managua, el cual tiene como objetivo principal lograr el empoderamiento y la autonomía económica, como estrategia para que sus protagonistas salgan de la condición de pobreza. El micro crédito es utilizado como una herramienta para la erradicación de la pobreza, en países sub desarrollados, en el caso de Nicaragua el micro crédito se acompaña además de capacitaciones que permiten mejorar, perfeccionar habilidades y destrezas de sus protagonistas para superar su condición, inyectando un pequeño capital que les permita mejorar o crear pequeños negocios. Desde un enfoque de género se analiza si dicho programa está promoviendo cambios estratégicos de género o solamente logran cubrir necesidades básicas y prácticas de las protagonistas y sus familias en condiciones de pobreza. Según Magdalena León el empoderamiento desde un enfoque de género, implica el desarrollo de una conciencia crítica en las mujeres, para que de esta manera logren identificar las relaciones de poder que han sido naturalizadas y lograr generar cambios sustanciales en las estructuras de dominación y en la designación de roles por género

The socioeconomic context of many biodiversity rich countries is argued to be heavily dwarfed in current conservation and development debate, resulting in that projects that intersect complex issues of development and conservation are often simplistically deemed as being unsuccessful. The aim of this research has therefore been to attain a more profound understanding of how socioeconomic conditions and local neoliberal contexts effect ICDP projects and to an extent also agroecological transition. In this case study ten qualitative life-story interviews were carried out during a minor field study in rural Las Pavas, Nicaragua. These were further analyzed through the use of the sustainable livelihood approach in order to identify what impacts the local socioeconomic contexts had on participant livelihoods and also what prospects and challenges C.I.P.P’s permaculture project presented in this regard. The empirical evidence shows that participant livelihoods were subjected to several constraints that were buttressed by the neoliberal development context which signified a great reliance on cattle raising as main financial activity at the expense of other important natural assets such as forest and water. Furthermore, demonstrating that permaculture projects had to provide the widest range of benefits with the least amount of risk in order to be adopted.

This master's thesis is based on a Minor Field Study (MFS) and conducted in Nicaragua during seven weeks in the spring of 2011. Nicaragua has since 2006 been given international attention due to the National Assembly's decision to criminalize the previously allowed therapeutic abortion. The procedure could be used by women whose pregnancies turned out to be life threatening is now considered illegal and can result in years of imprisonment, both for women and doctors.This study focus upon the perception and opinions regarding this law among women living in Nicaragua. Distinction was made between women living in rural and urban settings. Further, women employed within organizations were chosen as a final group of interest. The aim of the study has been to explore if these women's perception have resulted in different levels of frustration and further how this variation in frustration can be explained. The study is mainly based on interviews conducted with these three groups of women. Relative deprivation was used as an analytical framework in order to explain how women's frustration could vary.It can be concluded that there were large differences in women's awareness and knowledge of the law and rural women appeared to have a rather small perceived frustration. The deprivation increased among women in urban areas, but became most intense among women active within organizations. The study has shown that religiosity, awareness and information about the law and its consequences, organization activity and to some extent level of education have the possibilities of affecting the level of frustration. The present frustration towards the law which criminalize therapeutic abortion is however not sufficient to cause collective violence or a similar reaction.

La presente Tesis Doctoral es un estudio comparativo del control de las normas internas efectuado por el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en los casos sometidos contra España y Nicaragua. La comparación de la actividad jurisdiccional de los dos tribunales regionales parte de la progresiva expansión de sus ámbitos competenciales en el control de los sistemas jurídicos internos de los Estados partes del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos y la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, sobre la base de ciertos elementos configuradores definidos en el marco normativo convencional y su jurisprudencia. En ese sentido, la Tesis se articula alrededor del control de convencionalidad ejercido bajo el parámetro de juicio de compatibilidad de los actos normativos con las disposiciones convencionales, a partir de los límites y permisos contenidos en las obligaciones positivas y negativas conectadas con los derechos sustantivos contenidos en los textos internacionales. Por tanto, el estudio es también sobre el desarrollo de las disposiciones convencionales efectuado por el Tribunal Europeo y la Corte Interamericana en el enjuiciamiento de los sistemas jurídicos internos, sobre la base de una comunicación normativa y jurisdiccional entre tales tratados y ambos tribunales, pero además de éstos con los tribunales internos por virtud de la proyección de los textos internacionales y la jurisprudencia en los ordenamientos internos. Adicionalmente, se aborda el tema de los límites del control de convencionalidad para anular o expulsar una norma legal o constitucional declarada incompatible con el Convenio Europeo y la Convención Americana. La Tesis está compuesta por cuatro capítulos. El primero es un estudio comparativo descriptivo de la composición orgánica y funcional del Tribunal Europeo y la Corte Interamericana, en torno al despliegue de su función jurisdiccional, en particular, de los elementos configuradores del control de las normas internas y los tipos de control. Asimismo, comprende un estudio de los criterios interpretativos de ambos tribunales empleados en el control de convencionalidad. El segundo está enfocado en el estudio de los fundamentos normativos del control jurisdiccional, el Convenio Europeo y la Convención Americana, la proyección de los mandatos de concreción de las mismas en los sistemas jurídicos internos. El tercero y cuarto son un estudio comparativo del control de las normas en los casos sometidos contra España y Nicaragua, a partir de los elementos configuradores identificados. En ese sentido, el análisis del control comprende un estudio de los contenidos vertidos en las sentencias sobre las declaraciones de incompatibilidad normativa y las medidas generales estimadas para la reparación de los daños o la no repetición de los hechos. Por último, el cuarto capítulo comprende un análisis de las implicaciones del control interno de convencionalidad a partir del marco convencional y constitucional en el caso de Nicaragua y España.
This PhD thesis is a comparative study of the judicial review of national rules and practice carried out by the European Court of Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, in particularly in cases brought against Spain and Nicaragua. The thesis compares the progressive expansion of the international judicial review of the two regional Courts in controlling the domestic legal systems of States party to either the European Convention on Human Rights or to the American Convention on Human Rights. The bases of this comparison are the elements defined in the conventional normative frameworks and jurisprudence of the Courts. In that respect, the thesis is articulated around the control of conventionality that is realized by the two Courts. Based on this conventionality control, the Courts examine the compatibility of national rules and acts with the applicable treaty provisions that hold both positive and negative obligations in connection to the individuals’ rights contained in these international instruments. In that regard, this thesis also concentrates on the interpretation given by the European Court and the Inter-American Court to these treaty provisions when reviewing domestic legal systems. The basis hereof is a judicial communication between these treaties, the Courts, and primarily with domestic courts. In that sense, the impact of the international texts and jurisprudence on the national legal orders is considered. Finally, this thesis presents the restrictions of the conventionality control by the two Courts to annul or expel a domestic legal or constitutional provision when found incompatible with the European and American Convention. The thesis consists of four chapters. The first chapter is a descriptive comparison of the organic and functional composition of both the European Court and the Inter-American Court, their implementation of their judicial functions, and the identification of the elements of conventionality control. Moreover, chapter one includes a study on the interpretational criteria used by both Courts in their conventionality control. The second chapter focuses on the normative foundations of judicial review. In that sense, the chapter looks at both the European Convention and the American Convention and the impact of their mandates on the respective domestic legal systems. Finally, chapters three and four are a comparative study of the cases brought before the European Court and the Inter-American Court against Spain and Nicaragua, applying the lens of the identified elements on conventionality control. The analysis includes a study of the identified incompatibility between the international texts and the domestic rules and practice as mentioned in judgments of the Courts. Moreover, it looks at the implementation of the foreseen legal remedies to repair damages and ensure non-repetition. It also includes an analysis of the implications of conventionality control for Nicaraguan and Spanish authorities from a conventional and constitutional perspective.

El presente trabajo académico denominado “Las estrategias de enseñanza lúdica como herramienta para elevar el nivel de desempeño en la resolución de problemas de cantidad en los estudiantes del III ciclo de la I.E. N° 1027 Republica de Nicaragua” surge al analizar los bajos resultados obtenidos por los alumnos de la I.E en el área de Matemática en las pruebas estandarizadas ECE. Tiene como principal objetivo mejorar las prácticas pedagógicas para que que contribuyan a mejorar los niveles de desempeño de los estudiantes en la resolución de problemas referidos acantidad. El proyecto se sustenta en las contribuciones de autores como Gamader (1979) quien afirma que el juego cumple una función elemental en la vida humana, y por lo tanto, no se puede pensar la cultura humana sin él. Para el desarrollo del proyecto, se realiza el Árbol de Problemas, el Árbol de Objetivos, el análisis FODA, la matriz de consistencia y se investiga la teoría que lo sustenta. Al finalizar la implementación, se busca haber generado en el III ciclo de la institución educativa ambientes motivadores e interesantes, propicios para los aprendizajes significativos que incrementen mayores logros en la competencia de resolución de problemas referidos a cantidad. Finalmente, podemos afirmar que las estrategias lúdicas responden a las características de los estudiantes y promueven el interés, el afecto y la motivación hacia la Matemática.
Trabajo académico

碩士
國立政治大學
國際經營管理英語碩士學位學程(IMBA)
106
“Las Colinas Estates” is a high-quality coffee exporter family business that has its origin in the passion for coffee developed by its owners 30 years ago. Nowadays, taking advantage of the international market conditions, the family’s second generation is pursuing to change the business model from coffee producers to coffee exporter, targeting Taiwan as the first country to enter into levering on the Taiwanese market potential and the trade relationships between Nicaragua and Taiwan. “Las Colinas Estates” products are high-end coffee better known as specialty coffee. The coffee comes from two coffee estates located in the most famous coffee producing region in Nicaragua. However, “Las Colinas Estates” offer goes beyond the high-quality of its products; it also sell the story and mystique that is behind each coffee lot, the innovative practices performed in the farming activities and the social and environmental responsibility in place throughout the production process. Producing and exporting specialty coffee is the best way to enter in a sophisticated market such as Taiwan. Twelve specialty coffee importers were identified as the target customers. To ensure the success of the business idea, “Las Colinas Estates” must build strong relationships with its coffee buyers and roaster and its positioning aims to be recognized as a secure source of high-quality coffee. The financial analysis shows that it is good to develop the brand and to get into the international market as a direct exporter. Taking a conservative approach, in the first year of operations the bottom line is profitable. This is a strong evidence that “Las Colinas Estates” is the next step for the family to put all their effort and passion to make it happen.

El principal objetivo de este trabajo consiste en investigar los efectos de las restricciones de liquidez sobre la inversión en capital humano en un país en desarrollo. La metodología y los datos empleados permiten identificar a los individuos y hogares restringidos de una manera directa, mediante definiciones alternativas de restricción financiera. Los datos provienen de la Encuesta Nacional de Hogares y Medición de Nivel de Vida (ENMV) de Nicaragua para los años 1998 y 2005. Las estimaciones respaldan la hipótesis de que las restricciones de liquidez y de acceso al mercado de préstamos reducen la asistencia escolar de los hijos de 6 a 23 años de los hogares de Nicaragua. Los efectos marginales de vivir en un hogar restringido sobre la probabilidad de asistir son mayores en los niveles educativos superiores. A su vez, las variables adicionales arrojan los signos y significatividad esperados. En particular, el ingreso permanente y las características propias del hijo aparecen entre los principales determinantes de la matriculación escolar.

Différents organismes internationaux se sont penchés sur l’école rurale des pays en émergence. La plupart de ces travaux de recherche montrent que ces écoles n’offrent pas une éducation adaptée au milieu dans lesquelles elles sont situées, du fait essentiellement qu’on y a implanté la structure administrative et pédagogique des écoles urbaines sans tenir compte des caractéristiques de la population infantile des zones rurales. Afin de tenter de remédier aux difficultés identifiées, ces organismes ont proposé diverses solutions ou préconisé des politiques adaptées à ce contexte particulier. Le but de cette recherche est d’étudier comment ces recommandations convergent-elles avec les politiques éducatives et dans le quotidien des écoles en milieu rural de deux pays de l’Amérique centrale, le Costa Rica et le Nicaragua. À cette fin, comme cadre d'analyse, nous avons établi six catégories : condition socio-économique, plan d'études et pédagogie, relation école et communauté, enseignants, technologie et finalement, gestion et gouvernance. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les recommandations globales formulées par diverses organisations internationales et d’autres organismes des pays développés à propos de l'éducation rurale. Nous comparons ensuite ces informations avec les décisions politiques prises ces dernières vingt années, dans les deux pays sélectionnés afin de favoriser le développement éducatif des zones rurales. Pour finir, nous observons sur le terrain le quotidien de quelques écoles rurales des deux pays retenus. En partant de l’hypothèse qu’il existe suffisamment d’information et de recommandations permettant l’élaboration des politiques éducatives appropriées pour améliorer les conditions des écoles rurales, le travail présente une analyse multiniveaux (recommandations globales, politiques nationales et pratiques scolaires) en établissant la convergence ou la divergence dans chacune des catégories. Les principaux résultats de la recherche démontrent qu'il existe une convergence entre les pratiques scolaires et les politiques éducatives émises par les pays étudiés, avec quelques exceptions. Quant à la convergence entre les recommandations globales et les politiques émises par ces pays, on ne peut pas parler de convergence de façon générale. La recherche propose l'élaboration de profil de politiques nationales pour chaque pays, en fonction de la manière par laquelle ils abordent la problématique de l'éducation rurale : soit par l’assignation des ressources pour étendre les services éducatifs normalisés pour tous les enfants, ou en produisant des politiques focalisées, créant des programmes spécifiques, faisant remarquer la différence du monde rural.
Various international organizations have studied rural schools in developing countries and the majority of the research shows that these schools do not offer an education adapted to the community in which they are located. This is primarily due to the fact that the schools are integrating administrative and teaching structures of urban schools without taking into consideration the characteristics of child populations in rural zones. In response to the identified difficulties, these organizations proposed various solutions or recommended policies adapted to this particular context. The goal of this research is to study how these recommendations translate into educational policies and their impact on daily life of rural schools in two Central American countries, Costa Rica and Nicaragua. For this purpose, we’ve created an analysis framework with six categories: socio-economic status, curriculum and pedagogy, school and community relationships, teachers, technology, and lastly, management and governance. With this intention, we’ve analyzed the recommendations made by various international organizations and other organizations from developed countries related to rural education. We’ve compared this information to the political decisions on educational development in rural communities made in the last twenty in these two countries. Lastly, we’ve completed the research with field observations, studying the day-to-day work in rural schools. Working from the hypothesis that there exists sufficient valid information and recommendations to issue appropriate policies that improve conditions in rural schools, this work presents a multi-level analysis (global recommendations, national policies and school practices) by determining convergences and divergences in each of these levels. The main results of the research show that there is a convergence between school practices and education policies created by the countries, with some minor exceptions. When it comes to convergence between global recommendations and the countries’ policies, we cannot speak of convergence in general. This research proposes the use of national policy profiles for each country, depending on how they deal with the challenges of rural education: assigning resources to extend standard educational services to all children, or generating targeted policies, creating specific programs that highlight the difference of the rural world.