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1
Asselin, Pierre. "Le Duan, the American War, and the Creation of an Independent Vietnamese State." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10, no. 1-2 (2001): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656101793645605.
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AbstractSince the end of the Vietnam War thirty years ago, Western scholars have made countless attempts at explaining that conflict's course and rationalizing its outcome. These attempts have considered a wide variety of elements ranging from the personalities of those involved in the decision- making process in Washington to the technologies used by American forces against their enemies in Indochina. Ironically, few scholars have considered the element that may have been most important in determining the outcome of the war, mainly the North Vietnamese leadership. As a result, little is known about the nature of that leadership. For many Western scholars, Ho Chi Minh inspired the North Vietnamese war effort, Vo Nguyen Giap coordinated it, and Pham Van Dong, as prime minister of the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam (DRVN), supervised the implementation of Ho and Giap's policies. That others may have been involved and influential in the decision-making process in Hanoi is rarely considered in Western scholarship. We accept the notion that the Ho-Giap-Dong axis led the effort against the United States, and the zeal of the North Vietnamese people carried Hanoi to victory.
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Saunders, Elizabeth N. "Transformative Choices: Leaders and the Origins of Intervention Strategy." International Security 34, no. 2 (October 2009): 119–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.119.
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When and why do great powers seek to transform foreign institutions and societies through military interventions? What role does executive leadership play in influencing the choice of intervention strategy, especially the degree to which an intervention interferes in the domestic institutions of the target state? A typology of political leaders based on whether they believe that the internal characteristics of other states are the ultimate source of threats indicates that these threat perceptions shape the cost-benefit calculation leaders make when they confront intervention decisions; they also have important consequences for how states intervene. A comparison of the beliefs of President John F. Kennedy and President Lyndon B. Johnson, as well as their decision-making during the Vietnam War, illustrates how the theory operates.
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Truong, Thang Dinh, Philip Hallinger, and Kabini Sanga. "Confucian values and school leadership in Vietnam." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 45, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143215607877.
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There is an emerging global consensus that the knowledge base in educational leadership and management must offer a deeper examination of leadership practice across a more diverse set of national contexts. Nonetheless, a recent review of the literature in this field concluded that this challenge has yet to be adequately addressed with respect to research in Asia. This study was an in-depth, qualitative examination of how the decision-making practices of Vietnamese school principals respond to their socio-cultural context. The study employed Hofstede’s ‘dimensions of national culture’ to aid in this analysis of Vietnamese school leadership. Qualitative data were used to construct case studies of principal decision-making in three Vietnamese schools. The findings highlight the strong influence of power distance and collectivism on the decision making of Vietnamese school principals. The results illuminate the value of adopting an ‘indigenous perspective’ on school leadership. Our description of how socio-cultural values shape the practice of school leadership in Vietnam offers a useful contrast with descriptions from mainstream research on educational leadership and management.
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Hsu, Jinn-yuh, Dong-Wan Gimm, and Jim Glassman. "A tale of two industrial zones: A geopolitical economy of differential development in Ulsan, South Korea, and Kaohsiung, Taiwan." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, no. 2 (November 25, 2016): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16680212.
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Much scholarship on East Asian development has sidelined the crucial role of geopolitics by insisting that wars such as the Vietnam War had limited effects on industrial development and economic growth patterns. We find such arguments unpersuasive, and also unduly reductionist. The Vietnam War, in particular, had unambiguously powerful effects on industrial development in South Korea; but even in cases where the direct effects of war were somewhat less spectacular, such as Taiwan, the reasons for the differences were themselves deeply geopolitical and expressive of decision-making processes centered on the Vietnam War. In this paper, we explore the differential effects of such geopolitical decision-making by contrasting the development trajectories of the Ulsan and Kaohsiung industrial zones during the war period. We show, in addition, that the subsequent development of industrial projects in South Korea and Taiwan has continued to bear some of the marks of Vietnam War-era geopolitical economy.
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Pureber, Tjaša. "War against the experts: The 2020 staff tsunami in culture." Maska 36, no. 201 (June 1, 2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska_00057_1.
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The Slovenian government changed the leadership of several state museums in 2020. Highly politicized changes in cultural insti-tutions were happening in the past as well, but never before have we seen such systematic pushing out of experts. The Ministry of Culture declared a war on expertise. With their methodology of leadership changes, they reinforced a tectonic break with expert based decision making, to a cultural policy that prefers decision making based on highly politicized opinions of politicians. I am researching the latest wave of leadership changes through concrete case studies.
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Burke, John P., and Fred I. Greenstein. "Presidential Personality and National Security Leadership: A Comparative Analysis of Vietnam Decision-making." International Political Science Review 10, no. 1 (January 1989): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218901000105.
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Zhang, Xiaoming. "Deng Xiaoping and China's Decision to Go to War with Vietnam." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 3 (July 2010): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00001.
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The decision by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to launch a war against Vietnam in early 1979 has not been subject to scrutiny until now. The decision was shaped in part by the deteriorating relationship between Beijing and Hanoi, by Vietnam's new alliance with the Soviet Union, and by Vietnam's regional hegemony, but it also stemmed from the PRC's effort to improve its strategic position in the world. Three events took place in Beijing in December 1978 that also had an important impact on China's decision to go to war: Deng Xiaoping's reascendance to the top leadership at the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Beijing's adoption of economic reform as the highest national priority, and the normalization of China's relationship with the United States. Deng Xiaoping, as a chief architect of China's national strategy in the immediate post-Mao era, played a dominant role in China's decision to go to war.
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Jian, Chen. "China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964–69." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 356–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034974.
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The Vietnam War was an international conflict. Not only were the Americans engaged in large-scale military operations in a land far away from their own, but the two major Communist powers, China and the Soviet Union, were also deeply involved. In the case of China, scholars have long assumed that Beijing played an important role in supporting Hanoi's efforts to fight the United States. Due to the lack of access to Chinese source materials, however, there have been difficulties in illustrating and defining the motives, decision-making processes, magnitude and consequences of China's involvement with the Vietnam War.
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Dalvinder Singh Grewal. "Leadership qualities needed in pandemics: a critical analysis." Journal of Management and Science 10, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/jms.2020.2.
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Globally, the pandemic caused by COVID-19, has put in brakes to activities in the entire world. As on 3 July 2020 world has 34,45,519 cases affected by virus and a death toll of 2,42,623. Except few countries like Nepal, Bhutan,Vietnam and North Korea almost all other countries are affected. The death toll varies from country to country; US having the maximum 65,960 deaths while Nepal, Bhutan, Vietnam. North Korea do not have any deaths so far.The control under certain conditions has been the most important factor in a nation and the strategies adopted by the leaders have played the crucial role. In China itself, it was controlled with a heavy hand. In India too the control has been very significant for low number of affected and deaths.The leadership qualities such as deep vision, formation of strategies, timely decision making, control of manpower, health administration, lockdowns,curfew and financial aspects to ensure minimum damage to men andeconomy. He has to maintain strict discipline to ensure lockdowns and curfews and also have to keep in mind the needs of the lower strata. He has multifarious task for which he has to select suitable persons to manage the affair and control. This paper does the critical analysis of the leadership qualities needed in pandemics and the strategizing, decision making and effective application of the decisions.
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Siegel, Sarah. "“Dominant Decision-Making Authority”: Resident Leadership in St. Louis, Missouri, Model Cities Planning." Journal of Urban History 45, no. 2 (March 7, 2018): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144218757498.
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When federal policymakers created Model Cities in 1966, they envisioned it as an innovative approach to urban renewal. Part of the War on Poverty, Model Cities combined slum redevelopment, an expansion of social services, and citizen participation. Understanding community action as a critique of and attempt to reorient decades of failed urban policy, this article spotlights efforts by residents to seize and maintain control of urban improvement programs. Residents claimed expertise in urban planning by virtue of their experience living in impoverished neighborhoods. Their vision for their community suggested an alternate path for city planning that supported poor residents’ influence to achieve a more democratic society. This article traces how community leaders in St. Louis, Missouri, briefly achieved resident-controlled urban planning within Model Cities. Although residents’ ideas were never implemented as they hoped, these plans expose the opportunities and constraints of neighborhood activism in the War on Poverty.
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Herman Finley. "Chinese Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Decision-Making: Confucianism, Leadership and War (review)." China Review International 16, no. 2 (2009): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2009.0036.
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Welch, David A. "Chinese Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Decision-Making: Confucianism, Leadership and War - By Huiyun Feng." Political Psychology 29, no. 6 (October 23, 2008): 953–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2008.00677.x.
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Walton, C. Dale. "A Review of “Chinese Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Decision-Making: Confucianism, Leadership and War”." Comparative Strategy 30, no. 1 (March 4, 2011): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2011.545693.
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Grossheim, Martin. "The Lao Động Party, Culture and the Campaign against “Modern Revisionism”." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, no. 1 (2012): 80–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.1.80.
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The article tries to make a contribution to the reassessment of the Second Indochina War and of the significance of culture in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam before and during the conflict. By making use of as-yet untapped sources from the German Democratic Republic archives, DRV periodicals and interviews with Vietnamese informants, I highlight the cultural dimension of the campaign against modern revisionism in 1964, and thus present the Lao Động leadership as an actor on the cultural front of the Vietnam conflict. Moreover, I show that even after the beginning of the war an anti-revisionist undercurrent in cultural policy persisted and that the anti-revisionist campaign in 1964 was closely related to the Anti-Party Revisionist Affair in 1967. The article also sheds light on the impact of the Sino-Soviet conflict on North Vietnam.
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Tran, Dong Mai, Wayne Fallon, and Margaret H. Vickers. "Leadership in Vietnamese state owned enterprises (SOEs)." Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Administration 8, no. 1 (April 4, 2016): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/apjba-10-2014-0116.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore multiple stakeholders’ perceptions of leadership in Vietnamese state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Design/methodology/approach – The paper presents findings from semi-structured interviews that were conducted in Vietnam, with seven different stakeholders who had varying understandings of Vietnamese business leadership within the Vietnamese business context. All interviews were transcribed, then translated into English, and thematic analysis of the interview data undertaken. Findings – The paper suggests that there was a significant variation in Vietnamese leadership perceptions when compared to Western leadership practices, especially when considering the perceptions of those stakeholders with regard to business leadership in the Vietnamese collectivist cultural context. The themes presented include: SOE decision making and responsibility; SOE promotions and appointments; and SOE performance. Research limitations/implications – In the absence of studies of leadership in Vietnamese SOEs, and leadership studies in the Vietnamese culture in general, this research was deliberately exploratory and qualitative. Future mixed methods or quantitative studies are recommended to offer more generalizable conclusions. Practical implications – Implications are discussed that point to leadership changes in Vietnamese organizations, and at the individual level, to assist the Vietnamese government, SOEs, and future leaders. Recommendations are also made that are intended to assist foreign business investors and multinational companies operating in Vietnam, now and in the future, to improve their leadership capacity within this context. Social implications – Vietnam is a country in social and economic transition. Understanding the leadership practices and perceptions, especially how that might differ from leadership in Western nations, is critical for the success of organizations in Vietnam and, in turn, for the economic and social prosperity of the Vietnamese people. Originality/value – The paper contributes perceptions of business leadership in Vietnamese SOEs that have not previously been explored and should be, especially given this critical time of economic and social transition for the Vietnamese nation and economy.
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Logevall, Fredrik. "Bringing in the “Other Side”: New Scholarship on the Vietnam Wars." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419529.
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The literature on the Vietnam War is large and getting larger. Much of it is ex-traordinarily valuable to students of the conflict. Until recently, however, the literature suffered from a U.S.-centric focus and a tendency to look solely at decision making in Washington. Too few studies have placed U.S. decision making into its wider international context;fewer still have given a voice to the “other side,” the Vietnamese who fought so long and hard to defeatfirst the French and then the South Vietnamese government and its American al-lies. The picture is beginning to change, however, and this article examines several new books that illuminate the Vietnamese side. Although many of the most important findings in these works come not from Vietnamese docu-mentary sources but from Western archives and publications, the authors ap-pear to have made effective use of what Vietnamese material is available. The volumes are worthy entries in the international history of the Indochina wars, and they help set the agenda for future research.
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Watters, Bryan SC. "Leadership in the ‘Wicked’ Problem of Bosnia’s civil war: A case study examining ethical decision making under duress." Leadership 15, no. 1 (September 5, 2017): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715017725641.
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The author, as a UN Commander in Bosnia in the early 1990s, faced what he believed to be an ethically insoluble dilemma entangled in the Wicked Problem of Bosnia’s civil war. Bosnia’s civil war was a Wicked Problem constructed by history, the warring factions and the UN’s policy of neutrality. The moral uncertainty of leading in Bosnia’s Wicked Problem generated a tendency to construct Tame Problems enabling forthright action guided by deontological principles of moral certainty. The reality of the Wicked Problem required leaders to adopt Utilitarian judgements based on projected consequences, as in Bosnia’s grey zone the Deontological certainties did not appear valid. When a Wicked Problem morphed into a crisis or Critical Problem requiring direct action, the morally correct course had to be instinctive aligning with Virtue ethics, the ethical character of the actors. This article is an attempt at reflective learning through post hoc sense making of events portrayed in a case study, the events fractured relationships, changed lives and provided stark lessons.
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Huong, Vu Thi Mai. "Factors Affecting Instructional Leadership in Secondary Schools to Meet Vietnam’s General Education Innovation." International Education Studies 13, no. 2 (January 29, 2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v13n2p48.
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Currently, there is a huge demand for secondary school education worldwide especially in the developing countries such as Vietnam. School leadership is occupying a central position in educational reform. In order to meet this for the secondary school education, the Vietnamese government tries to develop effective school leadership in its education policy agenda. The aim of this study is to investigate the influence of factors on instructional leadership of principals in lower secondary education. The study was completed with 97 secondary public schools teachers and principals in the North of Vietnam. A quantitative research design was used to conduct this study. The data was analyzed through factors such as internal and external from the role of principal in instructional leadership. Research findings underline that instructional leadership is had directly by external such as “The degree of autonomy of the school for instructional activities”, “Awareness of the managers and teachers about leading teaching activities” and “education innovation” more internal such as “System of guiding documents of management levels on teaching activities”; “Conditions of facilities and finance for school teaching activities” and “Principal’s training level” Principals should recognize the change of the context and enhance the improvement of teachers’ shared responsibility and partnership in school decision making. Therefore, the Vietnamese government should make sure to have many positive issues that may have effective instructional leadership capacity in order to improve the culture of teaching and learning in Vietnames secondary schools.
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Levy, Jack S. "Learning and foreign policy: sweeping a conceptual minefield." International Organization 48, no. 2 (1994): 279–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028198.
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Do political leaders learn from historical experience, and do the lessons of history influence their foreign policy preferences and decisions? It appears that decision makers are always seeking to avoid the failures of the past and that generals are always fighting the last war. The “lessons of Munich” were invoked by Harry Truman in Korea, Anthony Eden in Suez, John Kennedy in the Cuban Missile Crisis, Lyndon Johnson in Vietnam, and George Bush in the Persian Gulf War. The “lessons of Korea” influenced American debates about Indochina, and the “lessons of Vietnam” were advanced in debates about crises in the Persian Gulf and in Bosnia. Statesmen at Versailles sought to avoid the mistakes of Vienna and those at Bretton Woods, the errors of the Great Depression. Masada still moves the Israelis, and Kosovo drives the Serbs. Inferences from experience and the myths that accompany them often have a far greater impact on policy than is warranted by standard rules of evidence. As J. Steinberg argues, in words that apply equally well to the Munich analogy and the Vietnam syndrome, memories of the British capture of the neutral Danish fleet at Copenhagen in 1807 (the “Copenhagen complex”) “seeped into men's perceptions and became part of the vocabulary of political life,” and it influenced German decision making for a century.
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Huang, De Chun, Quang Dung Tran, Thi Quynh Trang Nguyen, and Sajjad Nazir. "Initial Adoption vs. Institutionalization of E-Procurement in Construction Firms." International Journal of Enterprise Information Systems 10, no. 4 (October 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijeis.2014100101.
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This study explores the role of government in fostering construction firms move from initial adoption to institutionalization of e-procurement in developing countries' context. It proposes the research model that consists of five external environmental constructs that are considered as factors influencing the different levels of e-procurement adoption. It uses PLS-SEM to analyze the data collected from 112 construction businesses in Vietnam in 2012. It finds that the role of government has an extremely significant influence on a decision of initial adoption of e-procurement in construction enterprises through government leadership, legal and regulatory infrastructure, information and technology infrastructure (ITI), and socio-economic and knowledge infrastructure. However, the role of government is less important to a decision of institutionalization of e-procurement when only ITI significantly influences on the decision-making. As a result, useful theoretical and practical implications are proposed.
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Givens, Adam. "“The Enthusiasm Expressed by Our Industry Friends”." Vulcan 8, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 100–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-08010005.
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Abstract This article analyzes the groundbreaking 1952 plan by US Army leadership to develop a sizeable cargo helicopter program in the face of interservice opposition. It examines the influence that decision had in the next decade on the Army, the helicopter industry, and vtol technology. The Army’s procurement of large helicopters that could transport soldiers and materiel was neither a fait accompli nor based on short-term needs. Rather, archival records reveal that the decision was based on long-range concerns about the postwar health of the helicopter industry, developing the state of the art, and fostering new doctrinal concepts. The procurement had long-term consequences. Helicopters became central to Army war planning, and the ground service’s needs dictated the next generation of helicopter designs. That technology made possible the revolutionary airmobility concept that the Army took into Vietnam and also led to a flourishing commercial helicopter field.
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Dewachter, Wilfried. "De moeilijke voorwaarden voor een democratisch partijcongres." Res Publica 45, no. 1 (March 31, 2003): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v45i1.18425.
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Although communication and discussion between rank and file members and the party leadership are at the heart of party congresses, most parties meet a lot of difficulties in organising truly democratie party conferences.The party leadership has a natural tendency to try to influence the decision-making process. In this article, we identify thirteen conditions fora democratic party conference. They vary from the decision whether or not to organise a conference, over the conference' s theme and the designation of the chair of the conference on to the electoral formula to accept amendments to the proposed resolutions (e.g.simple majority or two-third majority). The thirteen conditions stem from avery long and extensive participatory observation, combined with the analysis of numerous party conferences in Belgium, over the last couple of decades. This enables also to point out some shifting tendencies in the Belgian party congresses since World War II.
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Wang, Chia-Nan, Van Tran Hoang Viet, Thanh Phong Ho, Van Thanh Nguyen, and Viet Tinh Nguyen. "Multi-Criteria Decision Model for the Selection of Suppliers in the Textile Industry." Symmetry 12, no. 6 (June 8, 2020): 979. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/sym12060979.
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In recent years, the market of textile and garment materials has been volatile, and the ongoing US-China trade war is creating good opportunities for other markets such as Vietnam, Bangladesh and Mexico to continue to expand their market share in the United States. Vietnam is expected to have great advantages thanks to cheap labor cost and strong production capacity. Raw material supplier selection in a volatile competitive environment is crucial for a company to succeed, and supplier selection is a complicate process in which decision-makers must consider multiple quantitative and qualitative features, along with their symmetrical impact, in order to achieve an optimal result. The purpose of selecting the right supplier is to improve competitiveness and product quality, while satisfying customer demand at a minimum production cost. The aim of this paper is to propose a multicriteria decision making model (MCDM) for garment and textile supplier selection. In the first stage, all criteria affecting this process are defined by using the supply chain operations reference model (SCOR) and experts’ opinion. Incorporating hybrid fuzzy set theory into the analytical network process (ANP) model is the most effective tool for addressing complex problems of decision-making, which has a connection with various qualitative criteria; thus, the Fuzzy Analytical Hierarchy Process (FAHP) was applied for determining the weight of all potential suppliers, and the preference ranking organization method for enrichment of evaluations (PROMETHEE II) was used for ranking the supplier. The results of this research will assist researchers and decision makers in identifying, adapting and applying appropriate methods to identify the optimal material suppliers in the textile and garment industry. This research can also be used to support supplier selection decisions in other industries.
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Pham, Nhung Tuyet Thi, and Binh Thanh Thi Nguyen. "Internal Quality Assurance of Institutional Learning Outcomes: United States Case Study and Implications for Vietnam Higher Education." Vietnam Journal of Education 5, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52296/vje.2021.56.
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Higher education institutions (HEIs) are under pressure to provide evidence of student success. In addition to traditional performance indicators such as GPA, grades, and rates of retention, graduation and employment, stakeholders also required institutions to provide evidence of institutional learning outcomes (ILOs). ILOs encompass the knowledge and skills that all students regardless of disciplines from a specific university are expected to demonstrate upon their graduation. This case study examines a complete internal quality assurance (IQA) cycle from a U.S. comprehensive university, including the adaptation of national authentic assessment measures, the use of technology in data analysis, the best practices to communicate assessment results to multiple internal stakeholders to facilitate leadership decision-making, the challenges encountered, and the improvement plans to sustain the procedure. Researchers also make recommendations to Vietnam HEIs that want to adopt IQA of ILOs for both quality improvement and accountability purposes.
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Pham, Nhung Tuyet Thi, and Binh Thanh Thi Nguyen. "Internal quality assurance of institutional learning outcomes: United States case study and implications for Vietnam higher education." Vietnam Journal of Education 5, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52296/vje.2021.93.
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Higher education institutions (HEIs) are under pressure to provide evidence of student success. In addition to traditional performance indicators such as GPA, grades, and rates of retention, graduation and employment, stakeholders also required institutions to provide evidence of institutional learning outcomes (ILOs). ILOs encompass the knowledge and skills that all students regardless of disciplines from a specific university are expected to demonstrate upon their graduation. This case study examines a complete internal quality assurance (IQA) cycle from a U.S. comprehensive university, including the adaptation of national authentic assessment measures, the use of technology in data analysis, the best practices to communicate assessment results to multiple internal stakeholders to facilitate leadership decision-making, the challenges encountered, and the improvement plans to sustain the procedure. Researchers also make recommendations to Vietnam HEIs that want to adopt IQA of ILOs for both quality improvement and accountability purposes.
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Reich, Bernard. "JOSEPH HELLER, The Birth of Israel, 1945–1949: Ben-Gurion and His Critics (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000). Pp. 379. $49.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802321068.
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Joseph Heller, associate professor of international relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who has previously written about the transition from the Palestine Mandate to Israel (including a study of the Stern Gang and of Zionist politics in the pre-state period), examines a period of great interest to students of contemporary Middle Eastern history and politics, as well as to those who focus on Zionism, Israel, and the Arab–Israeli conflict. He analyzes the internal decision-making of the Zionist Yishuv (Jewish community in Palestine) leadership in Jerusalem from the end of World War II until the armistice agreements at the termination of the first Arab–Israeli War (the Israeli War of Independence; al-Nakba for the Arabs)—in other words, the events leading to and immediately following the creation of the State of Israel.
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Jinlin, Gao. "Metaphors in the Reports on the Reform and Opening-up Policy in China." Studies in Linguistics and Literature 5, no. 2 (May 28, 2021): p93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sll.v5n2p93.
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This study, based on the BCC (Beijing Language and Culture University Corpus Center) corpus, systematically analyzed the metaphorical reasoning of the Reform and Opening-up in China. It finds a tendency of concentration for the sources. The top four sources (Journey: 83.14%; Nature: 8.16%; War: 6.31%; Building (1.15%) contributed 98.76% of the resonance among all the 16 source domains. These four sources highlight two important aspects: Events (Journey, War and Building) and Conditions (Nature). The different sources share some highlights such as leadership, participant, places, result and process, but they also have specific foci: Journey on decision making, destination and motivations; War on risks, conflicts and tactics; Building on complex structure of the project. These productive sources can reveal the ideologies promoted by the government which inspired people’s devotion, patience, openness, tactics, alertness, sense of honor and morale.
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Akhtar, Muhammad Shakeel, Aftab Ahmad Gilani, and Khurshid Ahmad. "The Kargil Adventure and Its Political Consequences." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).06.
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This paper studies the pre and post Kargil war events. It also elaborates the calculation and miscalculations of Kargil adventure from the top military brass and the Kargil clique. This paper also describes the question of civil military relations in Pakistan and actual corridor of the decision making. It also Provides Knowledge about the plan of Kargil war, doctrine of secrecy, the aftermath of that adventure, the big bang between the civil-military leadership, the failure of diplomacy, the impact of Kargil war on political system. This paper also highlighted the attempt to get Kargil at the rate of Kashmir. It is assessed that the kagril episode had some precious consequences related to the battlefield, warfare and the supremacy of army as an institution. This paper also showed the activities happened on the freeze heights of Kargil seriously affect, politics and civil-military relations in Pakistan.
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Ivanov, V. V. "MILITARY INTERVENTION OF THE USA AND SOUTH VIETNAM IN LAOS IN JANUARY-APRIL 1971 ACCORDING TO THE MEMOIRS OF THE VIETNAM AND AMERICAN PARTICIPANTS OF THE WAR." History: facts and symbols, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 130–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2021-28-3-130-140.
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The article is devoted to the history of the planning and making of intervention of USA and South Vietnam into Laos in February-April 1971. The operation was named «Lam Son 719». The invasion group was to destroy the infrastructure of material support of People‟s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) – «Ho Chi Minh Trail». The work is built with the assistance of a memoir – translations memories combatants in Laos, soldiers and commanders of Army of United States America, South Vietnam and Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The materials housed in the monographs of American and Vietnam researchers of the Indochina conflict, 1960–1970-s.In 1971 amid the withdrawal of US troops from Indochina, American administration made a decision to invade Laos. The main target of the intervention was destroying the objects of «Ho Chi Minh Trail» in the southeastern regions of the kingdom. With a success of ARVN in Laos, the PAVNs combat effectiveness is seriously reduced. This operation was critical test of Vietnamization. «Lam Son 719» had to demonstrate high combat capability of ARVN. The victory was supposed to strengthen international credibility of USA. In 8 February 1971, Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) invaded into kingdom. The command of PAVN, having guessed the enemy's plan, pulled together large forces in Lower Laos. Supported by U.S. artillery, helicopters, fightersbombers and B-52s, South Vietnamese troops advanced fought heavy battles with the enemy. The author paid attention to some military and political aspects of intervention into Laos. The article deals with the problems of South Vietnamese troops. Special attention is paid by the author to the analysis of the morale and combat effectiveness units of ARVN during invasion into Laos. The author concluded, that the intervention of ARVN and U.S. Army ended in complete failure. The main objectives of the invasion were not achieved.
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Perwita, Agung Banyu, and Marella Putri. "The Making of China's Foreign Policy Towards Vietnam in the South China Sea Dispute: The Analysis of the Idiosyncratic Factors of Xi Jinping in Considering China's Strategic Environment (2012-2016)." Verity: International Relations Journal 9, no. 17 (September 11, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v9i17.576.
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<p>The South China Sea dispute has its roots decades ago, but tensions have been increasing among the six claimants in recent years, based on each claimants own foreign policy claiming overlapping territory with each other and claimants conducting military activities in the area. Xi Jinping, the leader of the People’s Republic of China, takes a major role in making China’s foreign policy, including the territorial dispute in the South China Sea. Since his leadership, reportedly, more assertive measures had been taken by China, especially with Vietnam as one of the most vocal claimants. This paper explains China’s strategic environment focusing on China's foreign policy planks and U.S. Rebalance Policy in the Asia-Pacific, China’s foreign policy purpose in the South China Sea dispute, and finally analyzes how they are processed by Xi Jinping’s idiosyncratic factors in making the most rational decision of foreign policy towards Vietnam regarding the South China Sea dispute (2012–2016). This research finds that the influence of external parties in the region has resulted in Xi Jinping resorting to making foreign policy – from being assertive to more cooperative – which has the purpose of maintaining its bilateral relations with Vietnam as it is a rational decision to maintain China’s status quo in the dispute.</p><p><strong>Bahasa Abstrak: </strong>Perselisihan di Laut Tiongkok Selatan telah berakar sejak beberapa dekade yang lalu, namun ketegangan telah semakin meningkat dalam beberapa tahun terakhir ini, dimana masing negara ‘claimants’ memiliki kebijakan luar negerinya sendiri untuk mengklaim wilayah yang saling tumpang tindih dan di saat bersamaan juga melakukan aktivitas militer di daerah tersebut. Xi Jinping, Presiden RRT, memiliki peran yang sangat besar dalam pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok, termasuk dalam perselisihan teritorial di Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Sejak kepemimpinannya, tindakan yang lebih tegas telah dilakukan oleh Tiongkok, terutama terhadap Vietnam sebagai salah satu penggugat yang paling vokal. Tulisan ini menjelaskan lingkungan strategis Tiongkok yang memfokuskan pada kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok dan Kebijakan “Rebalance” AS di Asia Pasifik, tujuan kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok dalam perselisihan Laut Tiongkok Selatan, dan akhirnya menganalisis bagaimana faktor-faktor tersebut dipertimbangkan oleh Xi Jinping dalam pembuatan rasionalitas kebijakan luar negerinya terhadap Vietnam dalam perselisihan Laut Tiongkok Selatan (2012 - 2016). Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa pengaruh pihak luar di wilayah tersebut telah mengakibatkan Xi Jinping beralih untuk membuat kebijakan luar negeri - dari bersikap asertif hingga lebih kooperatif - yang bertujuan untuk mempertahankan hubungan bilateralnya dengan Vietnam yang menjadi keputusan paling rasional untuk mempertahankan status quo Tiongkok dalam perselisihan tersebut.</p><p> </p><p><br /><br /></p>
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Zelik, Raul. "Nach dem Kapitalismus: Warum der Staatssozialismus ökonomisch ineffizient war und was das für Alternativen heute bedeutet." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 39, no. 155 (June 1, 2009): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v39i155.430.
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In the 20 th centmy, different types of socialist societies failed - not only because of an evident lack of democracy, but also due to their economic inefficiency, Apart from the historical underdevelopment of Russia and other socialist countries, there could be given three main reasons for this inefficiency: 1) Based on the Leninist concepts of party and leadership, the socialist states were characterized by new social contradictions that led the majorities to a kind of silent resistance to central planning, 2) The socialist model of development and modernization didn't offer a real alternative to the economic paradigms in capitalism. Socialist countries turned out to be incomplete copies of fordist societies, 3) The socialist countries didn't find answers to some fundamental systemic problems of planning, as there are: decentralization of decision-making and scope for a self-determined reorganization of working processes,
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Raymond, Gregory V. "Strategic Culture and Thailand's Response to Vietnam's Occupation of Cambodia, 1979–1989: A Cold War Epilogue." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (February 2020): 4–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00924.
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Thailand's role in the Cold War is often seen through the prism of its support for U.S. operations during the Vietnam War. Yet after the departure of U.S. troops from Thai territory in 1976, the Thai government was largely left to fend for itself. Soon after the U.S. withdrawal, a serious crisis arose for Thailand: Vietnam's invasion and occupation of Cambodia from 1979 to 1989. Scholars have examined Thailand's diplomacy during this period but have devoted scant attention to Thailand's defense planning. This article considers both the strategic and the operational dimensions of that planning. The analysis shows that Thailand's strategic culture can explain its adroit strategic-level decision-making and its ability to use its relationships with China, the United States, and the Association of South East Asian Nations to make the costs of Vietnam's occupation unsustainably high. In contrast, Thai military organizational culture can help explain why, at the operational level, Thailand's defense planning was compromised by unclear and incoherent military doctrine, materiel procurement, preparedness planning, and resource allocation.
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Lemon, Edward, and Omid Rahimi. "Exclusion, Enmity, and the Normalization of the Exception: The September 2015 Incidents and the Development of Sovereign Dictatorship in Tajikistan." Central Asian Affairs 7, no. 3 (September 22, 2020): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22142290-bja10009.
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The armed rebellion of Deputy Defense Minister Abduhalim Nazarzoda in September 2015 was a critical moment in the post-war history of Tajikistan. The rebellion, which the government blamed on the Islamic Renaissance Party, formed the justification for the Supreme Court to classify the party as a terrorist organization and arrest its leadership. While the government framed the events as a coup attempt, supported by the IRPT, the narrative had inconsistencies and Nazarzoda had been loyal to the state since the end of the civil war. Using the ideas of Carl Schmitt, who argued that sovereignty lies in the ability of a strong executive to monopolize decision-making, define when there is an emergency, and how to resolve it. In this case, president Rahmon used the the sense of emergency and threat created by the “coup” attempt to dismantle the IRPT and then have himself legally declared “Leader of the Nation.”
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Vinogradova, Natalia A., and Mikhail V. Levner. "Activities of the Bibliographic Commission of the USSR Academy of Sciences during the Great Patriotic War." Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science] 69, no. 2 (July 20, 2020): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2020-69-2-191-201.
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On the eve of anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War, the authors turned to the previously unexplored subject, namely, the work of bibliographers of the USSR Academy of Sciences for the defence of the country. Before, the professional work of bibliographers during the War was not studied in this aspect that determines the relevance and scientific novelty of the topic under consideration. The purpose of the article is to show that during the War bibliography turned from ideological tool of the Party to form a new type of person into the only reliable information tool for solving the most important warfare and national economic problems in the wartime conditions.The article describes the work of the Commission for compilation of bibliography by countries, which was formed under the Section of the special libraries network of the USSR Academy of Sciences in May 1942. Based on the unique archival documents, the authors show for the first time how bibliographers of the libraries of the USSR Academy of Sciences in cooperation with colleagues from the V.I. Lenin State Library of the USSR, the Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov, the Central Polytechnic library and other major libraries of the country managed to provide the military leadership, scientists and specialists of the national economy with reliable timely information on problems that arose in wartime, up to making strategic decisions in the field of planning defence, offensives and radical reorganization of industry and agriculture. The authors conclude that the decent work of bibliographers in the war years, providing information for any level of decision-making, played its role in approaching the Victory. This is the basis for understanding the current role of library specialists, their professionalism and responsibility in the information support for the development of Russia.
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Tin-Bor Hui, Victoria. "Chinese Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Decision-Making: Confucianism, Leadership, and War. Huiyun Feng. London and New York: Routledge, 2007. x + 185 pp. $120.00. ISBN 0-41541815-1." China Quarterly 191 (September 2007): 782–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741007001981.
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Datsishina, Marina V. "Place Renaming and German Policy-Making in Temporarily Occupied Soviet Territories." Вопросы Ономастики 17, no. 1 (2020): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.1.006.
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The article discusses the transfer of territory-remapping strategies by Nazi Germany from Europe to the occupied territories of the USSR, with a particular focus on place renaming. Measures concerning toponymy and onomastics were generally well-rooted in the policy of the Third Reich. In the year of 1942, as the German occupation zone in the Soviet Union reached its peak for the whole period of the war, specific guidelines for renaming were issued to secure the acclaimed territories. On the functional side, the guidelines were to eliminate confusion in the correspondence between administrative bodies of the occupied lands and their Berlin leadership. The author shows that each renaming decision could be due to several factors, but ultimately these were meant to contribute to further legal and cultural appropriation of the occupied territories and their subsequent Germanization. Renaming of places in the German way took different forms. Most commonly, it went through the integration of the Nazi ideology into the context of European and world history. The national socialists declared themselves heirs to Germany’s great past, the successors of its best traditions. The “Germanization” of place names in different occupation zones had different dynamics. Logically, the farther the occupied territories were from the Western border of the USSR, the fewer German names they featured. The article showcases how the “derussification” policy was used to disrupt the links with the Soviet past, to foster separatist tendencies, and ultimately to verbalize the expectations of a “blitzkrieg” victory. Renaming of toponymic objects also aimed to reduce the population’s resistance to occupation, as well as increase the loyalty to the occupiers. The paper builds on archival documents, the occupation press, eyewitness accounts.
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KONG, TAT YAN. "The Advance of Marketization in North Korea: Between political rigidity and economic flexibility." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 830–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000550.
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AbstractNorth Korea is a unique regime that has not followed the ‘mono-transition’ path (economic reform under modified one-party rule) of other surviving communist regimes (China, Vietnam, Cuba) in the post-Cold War era. Debates over North Korea's unique features (reluctance in economic reform, absence of political modification, international troublemaking) have generated two contending interpretations. The mainstream interpretation attributes North Korea's uniqueness to its regime's highly rigid political system (‘monolithic leadership system’). For the alternative interpretation, structural pressures and political calculus have driven the monolithic regime towards economic reform (‘marketization from above’), making it more convergent with the ‘mono-transition’ regimes, at least in the economic aspect. In support of the latter interpretation, this article will delve further into three contentious issues that represent the most common doubts about the advance of marketization in North Korea. First, how can the regime reconcile marketization with the interests of its ‘core constituencies’? Second, since ‘crony socialism’ exists, how does it influence distribution and productive activity? Third, how does marketization advance in view of the persistence of monolithic rule? In so doing, it will show how the sources of economic reform (structural factors and political calculus) have enabled the marketization constraints to be overcome.
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Shumov, Vladislav. "Analysis of the function of victory based on experience of strategic operations of the Great Patriotic War." Вопросы безопасности, no. 3 (March 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2020.3.33092.
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The object of research is the combat and military operations. The subject is the dynamic models of combat operations and functions of victory in the conflict. The first combat model was developed by M. P. Osipov in 1915 based on the analysis of military battles for the hundred-year period. He was first to formulate the principles of combat operations modelling. In recent decades, the economists also joined the analysis of conflicts (contests and auctions). The goal of this work lies in analysis and unification of the two indicated approaches, and provision military leadership with quantitative grounds for decision-making in preparing to the combat operations. Leaning on the statistical analysis of offensive and defensive strategic operations during the Great Patriotic War (forces and means of the parties by the beginning of operation and its outcome), the author verifies the original expansion of conflict model – the function of victory in combat operations and assesses the parameters of the form of model. The scientific novelty of consists in establishing a close connection and dependence between the two approaches to combat operations modeling: based on dynamics of the averages (classical approach) and modeling with the use of conflict functions (econometric approach). The advanced function of victory in combat operations is easy to use and complies with the provisions of military science and the theory of combat potentials.
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Korsak, A. I. "Military Burials of the Great Patriotic War on the Territory of the Belarusian-Latvian- Russian Border in the Soviet Practice of Immortalization of Memory." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 1 (2021): 174–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.111.
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Using archival materials from the National Archive of the Republic of Belarus, the State Archive of Vitebsk region, the Polotsk Zonal State Archive, and the Daugavpils Zonal State Archive of the National Archive of Latvia, as well as published documents of Russian archives and works of historians, this article examines the process of preserving the memory of the fallen soldiers of the Red (Soviet) Army on the territory of the Belarusian- Latvian-Russian border in the post-war Soviet period. The main conclusion is the correctness (incorrectness) of decision making by Soviet authorities at the level of districts and cities in relation to immortalization of the memory of fallen soldiers of the Red (Soviet) Army and partisans. One example of the primary analysis of a common grave in the village of Shevelevo in the Palkinskiy district of the Pskov region. The comparative analysis of the policy of preserving the memory of those who died during the Great Patriotic War, by taking into account military burials and their further memorialization at the Belarusian-Latvian-Russian border in the post-war period, gives us the opportunity to ascertain the specifics of the Soviet republics in this direction. The actions of the Soviet leadership depended on the time of liberation of the territory from the Nazis, as well as the quality of work of the “funeral teams” that were to perform the function of burial of the bodies of the Red (Soviet) Army soldiers after the end of the battle.
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Muharremi, Robert. "Establishing Institutions under International Administration." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 20, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.20.1.1.
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The international community, led by the United Nations, created Kosovo’s new post-war institutions and continues to influence them, even after Kosovo declared independence in 2008. One of the very first priorities of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was to establish the rule of law and to develop institutions and legal frameworks for a normally functioning economy. However, after almost two decades of internationally led institution-building, Kosovo is still, measured by European standards, a poor country with weak institutions. This paper shows that the creation of institutions does not follow a rational decision-making model, even when, like in Kosovo, institutions are created under direct international involvement and with the intention to develop the rule of law and facilitate economic development. The garbage can model approach to governance and decision-making provides a better explanation of the formation of governance institutions and why institutions, despite perhaps the best intentions, do not produce the desired results; failing to solve the underlying policy problems. The case studies on the privatisation of socially owned property and the development of contract law show that, in the case of Kosovo, adopting the best international and European standards almost always meant adopting a decontextualised solution promoted by an international actor. It did not really matter if that solution indeed solved the problem. In fact, in most cases the problem remained, with new problems being created because of the inadequacy of the imported ready-made solution. The conclusion is that sometimes less international assistance is more. In the absence of so much international financial and technical assistance, Kosovar leadership would have been required to assume more ownership of the policy-making for solving their problems. Less international assistance would also have meant less competition between international actors and less pressure to adopt ready-made decontextualised solutions.
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BESENYO, JANOS. "REVIEW HOW SHOULD WARS BE FOUGHT? MILITARY STRATEGY VS POLITICAL DECISIONS." NOVA VLOGA OBOROŽENIH SIL KOT ODZIV NA ASIMETRIČNE GROŽNJE/THE NEW ROLE OF ARMED FORCES AS A RESPONSE TO ASYMMETRIC THREATS, VOLUME 2020, ISSUE 22/3 (September 30, 2020): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.3.rr.
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An extremely interesting read can be had by any reader who buys Professor Donald Stoker’s most recent book Why America Loses Wars – Limited War and US Strategy from the Korean War to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), which analyzes the wars and conflicts fought by the United States of America since the Korean War. After the provocative title of the book, the reader begins to read with some suspicion, as it does not fit into the image of the United States as the world's leading power, one which can persuade almost all the countries of the world to deal with it either in political or economic or military cooperation. This is why it is shocking to face how differently the leaders of American and Western countries think about war; in many cases they do not even know exactly what it means, and what the consequences of its outbreak and the fighting can be. In several conflicts it can be seen that in the world’s leading power, the political decision-makers thought in a completely different way in a given situation, often leading to conflicting decisions. This is not primarily due to political affiliation, but to the fact that the various actors involved in conflicts – politicians and soldiers – do not have a common vision of the goals and the results to be achieved or the strategies to be used. In many cases, it has led to unnecessary losses and wars that have gone on far longer than they needed to – see Iraq and Afghanistan. Policymakers are often unaware of the old wisdom of Carl von Clausewitz – often quoted by Stoker – formulated in his book On War, “War as Politics by other Means”. This assumes that politicians start a conflict with clear objectives, knowing exactly what results they want to achieve. In addition, they are aware that the success of a war, however short-term or limited, may be influenced by factors such as the geographical environment, economic background, logistical capabilities, social support, historical and cultural background, and so on. However, some of these factors may change during the conflict, so the objectives and strategies need to be reviewed from time to time and, if necessary, redesigned according to the realities of the time. Jordan Ellenberg took a similar view of these old truths in his book, How Not to Be Wrong: The Power of Mathematical Thinking; he said “Countries don’t win wars just being braver than the other side, or freer, or slightly preferred by God. The winners are usually the guys who get 5% fewer of their planes shot down, or use 5% less fuel, or get 5% more nutrition into their infantry at 95% of the cost. That’s not the stuff war movies are made of, but it’s the stuff wars are made of. And there’s math every step of the way” . Even so, these things are constantly forgotten by most political decision-makers who lead their countries into endless wars, the consequences of which are suffered by the soldiers fighting the battles and the civilian population in the areas affected. Therefore, Stoker can rightly hold these decision-makers accountable for their lack of the proper application of strategic thinking. This is particularly important in view of the fact that the period of “limited war” which has characterized the last two decades is coming to an end, and the US may face increasingly equal opponents like China or Russia. The conflict against them is expected to be conventional, for which the American political and military leadership, accustomed to anti-insurgency operations and rapid success, is unlikely to be properly prepared. From this point of view, the book could even act as an alarm bell, so that leaders can begin preparations for the later period, although the author did not suggest how what he had articulated could be put into practice. One of the major strengths of the book is that it clarifies commonly used political and military concepts such as unilateralism, multilateralism, types of political objective, strategy, tactics, objectives, operations, pre-emptive and preventive war, gray zone war, limited war, little war, nested war, victory and peace. The other serious strength of the book is that it almost fanatically emphasizes the need for more active, effective dialogue and cooperation between the political and military sides, as a result of which interpretation problems between different groups and actors can be significantly reduced and cooperation can be improved. It was particularly interesting to me that the author presented several political and military events – not only from American but also from international environments – and the decision-making processes leading to them and their background, which many historians and military historians are not fully aware of. In addition to describing historical events, the author lists a large number of military and political strategists, such as Sun Tzu, Carl von Clausewitz, or Bernard Brodie (better known in the United States), and others, and he also outlines their thoughts – even if he disagrees with some of them – which in some way still have an impact on warfare to this day. However, in addition to the many positives, I missed the fact that although the author presented almost every American conflict in recent decades, he only talked about the US “getting into endless wars”, and not how on several occasions the war – as in Grenada, Panama, or the Balkans – also achieved its goal. Here, perhaps, it would have been worthwhile to take a closer look at what these successes were due to and to draw conclusions from them. However, this does not detract from the value of the book. I especially liked that Stoker stayed true to his university teaching past and built his book in a way that even those who are less familiar with the subject could profit from. This is aided by clear explanations and extensive discussions of the various concepts. This helps readers from different backgrounds get a unified picture of how political decision-making takes place, what a war is, how to fight it and, most importantly, how to finish it, what the different actors think about it, and the differences in the way of thinking of politicians and soldiers involved in war. On the other hand, it could also be extremely useful to political and strategic decision-makers, who often make decisions that have a very serious impact with minimal knowledge and a lack of adequate background information. As a veteran of 31 years as a professional soldier, one who began his career as a sergeant in the troops and finished as a colonel on the General Staff, I fully agree with the author's book, which should be read not only by American but all other countries' political and military leaders, as a kind of basic strategic course material to know how to make informed decisions on military issues, how to communicate successfully and intelligibly between political decision-making and the military communities implementing them, and what the consequences of the decisions they make may be.
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Lufi, Simon, and Marsel Nilaj. "The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 17 (June 29, 2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.
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The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.
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Kuroda, Tomoya. "Institutionalisation of the Relations between the EC and the ASEAN: Analysing an Origin of the EU-Asia Relationship, 1967–1975." World Political Science 13, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0004.
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AbstractIt seems that the current relationship between the European Union (EU) and Asia is at a turning point. During the Cold War era, the status gap between the European Community [(EC), formerly European Economic Community (EEC)] and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was quite large. In fact, the EC was considered a highly institutionalised and developed region, while ASEAN was considered an association of developing countries; however, in the post-Cold War era, the status of Asia compared to that of Europe has significantly risen. The establishment of the Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996 among heads of states as “equal partners” is a striking example. In addition, ASEAN will have a community in place by the end of 2015, while Europe has struggled from its sovereign debt crisis to such an extent that it has shown its eagerness to learn even from Asian countries. Finally, the EU is now expected to play a role as a “soft power” ally with ASEAN. Based on multiple archives (French, German, and EC archives), this article retraces the course of EC/EU-ASEAN relations from the origins of ASEAN until the establishment of the Joint Study Group (JSG) of 1975, considered as a formal institutionalisation of EC–ASEAN relations, although informal dialogue between the EC and ASEAN began in 1972. This article aims to clarify why and how this formal institutionalisation occurred. In June 1975, the regional organisations established the JSG between the European Commission and the ASEAN member states. The JSG can be interpreted as a precursor to the EEC-ASEAN co-operation agreement signed in 1980, in that this event is in certain times considered as a “turning point.” EC/EU-ASEAN relations have been widely discussed. The existing research derives mainly from political scientists. Most early research has stressed ASEAN as a “stepping stone” to the “Asia-Pacific” region; in other words, an economic valuation of ASEAN is offered as the reason why the EC deepened its relationship with ASEAN. Later studies have underlined ASEAN’s value as a reliable partner to break an impasse in the North-South negotiations; however, existing literature ignores a strategic aspect. This article establishes the decisive strategic reason for the EC to have chosen a formal relation with ASEAN: to establish a substantial presence in a region where US presence declined after the Vietnam War. This viewpoint is especially supported by Sir Christopher Soames, British Vice-President of the European Commission and commissioner for external relations. Focusing on this strategic aspect and based on the method of diplomatic history, this article also tries to analyse the impact of international contexts such as the Asian Cold War and North-South affairs on the EC’s decision-making process.
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LIVSHIN, A. Ya. "Communist Party in the Power System of the USSR." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-13-35.
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In this article major mechanisms and different stages of the Bolshevik party’s transformation into a “party-state” are examined. The Communist party has been brought to the surface of political life and power by the Russian revolution; the organizational principles of the Party along with its approaches to political process have to a larger extent evolved as results of the revolution. Therefore the system of power which has reached its peak during Stalin’s rule has both been the product of continuity as well as change of the Russian political tradition. The Communist ideology has served as main instrument of communication between the authorities and the people. The Party occupied central position in that system of communication; one of the most important tools of the Party’s control over the Soviet society was propaganda. However the process of the communist regime acquiring legitimacy has been rather lengthy; it was completed only by the late 1920s. The basic principles of “unity” within a ruling group were rejected when rivalry for power ended in Stalin’s favor. The central element in the Communist party’s system of power was the ruling elite – nomenclature. During World War II the institution of “party- state” has reached the highest degree of centralization; but on the other hand, the decision-making system was rather flexible and adaptable as compared with the previous period. After the War even within Stalin’s dictatorship the contours of oligarchic “collective leadership” were emerging. N. Khrushchev used the same instrument as Stalin did – control over the Party apparatus – while consolidating his power. One of the important results of Khrushchev’s rule was the institutionalization of the ruling bureaucracy. Maintaining “stability” became the slogan for the new stage of the Communist regime’s evolution. Socio- economic system was getting increasingly complex and less manageable; different hierarchies, including local and industrial elites, have been failing to make timely and correct decisions due to their rigidness and sluggishness. The Party was attempting to compensate those deficiencies, but was less and less capable of doing so. Gorbachev’s “Perestroika” which was based on the idea of democratic socialism has finally ended the rule of the “party-state”. Having lost its internal integrity the system of power has rapidly deteriorated.
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Butorina, O. V. "EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS: DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-71-81.
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The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.
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Amurov, M. A. "Political Elite as Key Resource of Military Security in Contemporary Society." Administrative Consulting, no. 6 (August 8, 2020): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-6-21-29.
Full textAbstract:
Justification of the political elite as the key socio-political resource of military security is the purpose of this article. The method of research is structural and functional analysis of mili tary security through the prism of activating its socio-political resource. As a result of the research, a new approach to classifying the functions of modern political elites as a key resource of military security has been proposed. The article concludes that military security today should be understood as all actions of power structures of the military organization, authorities at all levels of government, as well as public organizations, which are aimed at preventing and neutralizing real and possible threats and dangers of military nature. The problem of military security is one of the central issues for any modern state, since, along with the process of universal globalization, the authorities continue to be the guarantor of the rights and freedoms of their people. Military security is considered to be actions of power structures of the military organization, authorities at all levels of government, as well as public organizations. These institutions and structures aim at preventing and neutralizing any possible threat that is military in nature. Military security and its effectiveness depends on the activities and ideology of political elites in identifying, preventing, eliminating or minimizing of threats. Decision-making on military security takes place with the participation of the entire military and political leadership of the country, which is part of the political elite, and with direct or indirect influence of the wider political elites. The article substantiates the main functions of modern political elites. They include geopolitical function (formation and reproduction of geographic and political-communication borders); normalization function (interpretation of the “normality” of the state in the context of war/world); communication function (ability to understand social interests, values and demands). The author comes to the conclusion that the basis of modern domestic political effectiveness is the stable character of the formation and functioning of the elite, i. e. overcoming its internal fragmentation and fragmentation.
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Yushkevych, V. V. "US participation in IGCR activity during 1943." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 10 (November 9, 2018): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718029.
Full textAbstract:
The article covers the resumption of the active work of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees through the prism of US activity within this structure. Created on the initiative of American leader F. Roosevelt in 1938 to help refugees from Austria and Germany, IGCR in reality appeared dysfunctional with the outburst of the Second World War. The article examines factors that revitalized activities of the defined structure. It was emphasized that the organization’s revival was made possible by appropriate initiatives originating from the British and American parties in early 1943. It was determined that strategic and tactical tasks were discussed and adopted on the basis of the results of an Inter-allied Bermuda Refugee Conference. Special mention was made to the work of American representatives of the American delegation headed by the Rector of Princeton University - Harold Dodds.The article reveals agenda of the resumed meetings of the Executive Committee of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees, analysis its results. The main range of issues that the Directorate of the IGCR had to deal with: the renewal of the membership of twenty-nine countries and the further expansion of the organization through the invitation and involvement of twenty new member states, the co-optation of new representatives of the new member states into the governing and executive body of the organization, changing approaches to funding, and introduction of the principle of “binding decisions”, preparation for the convening of a General congress.The questions, which were separately considered at the meetings of the Executive Committee - expansion of the territorial mandate of the IGCR, Soviet-Polish contradictions, the definition of the representative of the French delegation in connection with the struggle for leadership in the resistance of Russia, the creation of refugee camps in North Africa. It has been evaluated the influence on decision-making process of American representatives in the Executive Committee of the IGCR - Patrick Malin and John Winant.During the preparation of the article a potential source as the diplomatic correspondence of documents of the American foreign policy department are researched. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this matter in the investigations and research work of foreign historians. The article clarifies that the formation of a new system of international protection of refugees proclaimed F. Roosevelt in 1938 took place in complicated foreign policy circumstances. The change of the situation on the fronts, the emergence of public opinion and the new approaches of the British government allowed in the first half of 1943 to return to the development of instruments and mechanisms to conduct relief work and assistance to war refugees through the implementation of IGCR’s projects.
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Hunter, Alex. "The Cycles of Defense Acquisition Reform and What Comes Next." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no. 1 (October 2018): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i1.3.
Full textAbstract:
Many aspects of war and national defense appear to run in cycles. Indeed, the identification and explanation of these cycles is a favorite pastime of military scholars. Historians and political scientists characterize war as alternating cycles of offensive and defensive dominance. The idea of cyclicality may in fact be hardwired into academic discussions and understandings of war. For example, early war theorist Carl von Clausewitz described an ever-changing character of war undergirded by war’s fundamentally unchanging nature. Because the dominant theoretical understanding of war is that it holds a mixture of both fixed and constantly evolving elements, our concept of war may inherently lend itself to the idea of cycles. At the same time, however, the identification of cycles in war and national defense can be seen empirically. For example, the United States defense budget since World War II is notoriously cyclical, running through peaks and troughs in constant dollar terms roughly every fifteen to twenty years. Since peak defense funding periods do not always align with periods of war, it is not the dynamics of war alone that drive cyclical United States defense budgets but a mix of phenomena that includes economic cycles. Hence, in noting the cyclical nature of many aspects of defense, historians must further investigate to determine what dynamics and constraints may be at play in driving the cycle. While commercial technology continues as a driver of acquisition speed, especially for IT; the decentralization of acquisition decision- making and the delegation of decision authority to the military de- partments will likely encourage different priority balances to emerge in different sectors of the acquisition system. The delegation of acquisition authority to the United States Army has resulted in a significant internal reorganization of its acquisition functions. The Army is, for the first time, establishing a command focused on bringing together the wide variety of acquisition stake- holders in one structure, the Army Futures Command. Army Futures Command will bring the system for deciding requirements for new capabilities together with the acquisition process. In effect, the Army consolidates acquisition responsibilities within the service more closely under the control of the Army Chief of Staff, to whom the commander of Army Futures Command will report. The Army Futures Command will pursue a new modernization strategy, built around six major priorities, and hopes to significantly accelerate the delivery of new capability. By centralizing responsibility for requirements setting and acquisition execution in one command, the Army hopes to reduce the friction (and timespan) of coordinating across the Army’s multiple major communities. By contrast, the United States Air Force plans to extend its delegation of acquisition authority from OSD by redelegating this authority down to program executive officers and empowering program managers. This redelegation may reflect the relative maturity of the Air Force’s major programs, such as the KC-46 tanker and the B-21 bomber, where the high level strategic issues are decided (notably in both cases with cost control as the major priority), and the focus is on program execution. Matters of program execution are often best handled at the program level or as close to it as possible. However, less mature parts of the Air Force acquisition portfolio, such as recent efforts to design new systems for command and control and systems de- signed to approach space as a warfighting domain, may use the same decentralized authority to achieve different objectives. Notably, Air Force acquisition executive Will Roper is using the prototyping authority granted by Congress to rapidly demonstrate critical high-performance technologies, such as hypersonic strike systems called for in the National Defense Strategy. Decentralizing and distributing acquisition authority within military departments may lead to a variety of microcosms within the acquisition system where the balance of acquisition priorities is different. Other trends, however, will impact the acquisition system across its entire scope. Another major trend is the increasing functionality of weapon systems defined by software over hardware. The capability seen in the Air Force’s flight lines, in the Army’s motor pools, or in the Navy’s homeports is increasingly determined by lines of code rather than steel and aluminum. This trend has major implications for the acquisition system because it presents challenges to its basic structure, which was originally de- signed around an industrial production model. Software-defined systems break down the boundaries around which many organizations and processes are organized. Software-based systems don’t graduate from development to production to sustainment like hardware-based systems, presenting challenges to government budgeting mechanisms that are leading to calls for new funding categories that can deal with the iterative nature of software development and production. Consider the idea that a system which can send and receive electrons may serve many purposes, such as a communications device, a sensor, a weapon, and an electronic defense system. Software-based capabilities are steadily spreading, and they are a powerful reason why Under Secretary of Defense Ellen Lord appointed a special assistant, Jeff Boleng, for software acquisition. Boleng will “help oversee the development of software development policies and standards across DoD and offer advice on commercial software development best practices to Pentagon leadership . . . .” Perhaps the perfect embodiment of this trend towards software-driven capabilities is in artificial intelligence. How this trend will affect the balance of acquisition priorities in the future is difficult to predict, but one thing seems likely: change will remain dynamic rather than static, leading to continuous acquisition reform cycles for the years to come.
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Cherkasov, P. "IMEMO in early 1990s (continued)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-105-117.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes the debate on foreign policy of the post-Soviet Russia, which took place at the Academic Council of IMEMO in 1992–1994. What are the national interests of the Russian young democracy? What should be Russian foreign policy in the new geopolitical situation, after the collapse of the USSR? To what extent the transformation of socio-political system in Russia changed the nature of its foreign policy? What should be its principles and priorities after the end of the Cold War? All these and other questions were in the focus of IMEMO experts immediately after the collapse of the communist regime in 1991. From the outset, the discussions were marked by different approaches to the issues. Some experts put forward as a priority the relations with the U.S. and the West in general, some put Europe in the first place, and others  - the Commonwealth of Independent States, which brought together some of the former Soviet republics. But all IMEMO experts in general agreed on the negative evaluation of the new Russian foreign policy quality: the default of a senior management for clear understanding of strategic and tactical foreign policy goals, low professional level of those who were called to form and implement foreign policy, the absence of a single center for decision-making, the lack of coordination between various authorities involved in the development of a foreign policy strategy  - Presidential Administration, Security Council, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense, Parliament, etc. As mentioned in the discussions, the initial stage of idealistic notions and expectations of the West prevalent in Russian society and in the new ruling elite circles after the fall of the Soviet regime was soon replaced by disappointment and even irritation towards the West. Both of these trends were equally dangerous to the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which was in great need of a pragmatic, professional understanding of realities. This policy had to achieve two main objectives  - full integration of Russia into the world community of developed democracies, and protection of its own national interests within this community. One should have been inextricably linked with the other. Academic understanding of national interests in the field of foreign, defense and economic policies, the development of specific proposals and recommendations on these issues for the state leadership has become one of priorities for IMEMO analysts. Acknowledgements. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientific schools NSh-6452.2014.6.
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ГЕРАІМЧУК, Ігор. "Stress (PTSD) as a natural mechanism of situation solution and personal changes in conditions of the abrupt change of circumstances." EUROPEAN HUMANITIES STUDIES: State and Society 1, no. II (March 30, 2019): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.38014/ehs-ss.2019.1-ii.07.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the concept of stress as a mechanism of decision-making, situation solving and "ineffective personality" changing in contexts of the abrupt change of conditions and circumstances of habitation. When circumstances appear to be unsolvable by ordinary measures, i. e., a person cannot handle them; the extreme decision-making mechanism is activated, which in essence is a holisticinsight mechanism. More precisely, the mechanism hidden behind the holistic insight of creativity, allowing by inspiration comprise and combine enormous volumes of material, as we show in [1], may have roots in the holistic insight mechanism of solving ambiguous, complex and deadly situations. This "mechanism", including deep delta rhythms and involving a holistic system in solution of the situation through hyper attention or hyper concentration, may also include, as in hypnosis, the mechanisms of identity change (you are the painter Repin, you are fearless warriors, berserks, etc.). We assume that this is not a pathological mechanism, but an insuperable mechanism of development and survival, which blockade is caused by culture sets. If an individual continues fighting, the insight mechanism and mechanism of personality transformation are actuated. This may be achieved by a holistic coverage of personal experience. If an individual fails to solve the situation, then it may result in a blackout, when a person imitates the others, not remembering it afterwards, running with others, etc. If there is no such example, then various scenarios may exist; with the "blackout", the searching may be carried out appropriate of behavior patterns in the person's memory and abrupt change of personality to a completely different one (Napoleons, fearless movie warriors, some dreams, etc.). The delta state is related to some sleep phases in brain waves (delta rhythms as in a deep sleep), and as of in sleep we can be different personalities, so in the delta state a person can experience other personalities in reality. In the state of sleepwalking a person can walk in a night of sleep without remembering it. We believe that the delta state of stress is the same mechanism as in sleep, only the body is completely subordinated to a sleeping or new personality. As sleep is the processing of daily information, so the delta state of stress is the processing and determination of information in reality. In a state of heightened danger, you actually get direct access to this “processing center”. But you need to be able to use it. It is possible to easily imitate the majority of stressful disorders with sleep deprivation or prolonged sensory deprivation (resulting in a direct request). But since there is no real reason, some disorders will cease manifesting when the normal regime is restored. With creativity, we generally see the direct control of the "processing center" (the same as in a night of sleep and in deadly danger) without side effects. Anxiety, or more properly, attention and concentration on a problem, are consciously arisen in creative work. And all processes, like in a sleep being controlled, are controlled in the creative work: instead of flashes ‒ flashes of ideas; instead of hallucinations ‒ control of auditory, visual, tactile images; instead of chaos ‒ sounding music or pictures; instead of compulsive thoughts ‒ concentration; instead of manias ‒ super concentration; instead of “dissociation” of personality ‒ almost living heroes of literary writings; instead of torn feelings ‒ strong rueful feelings; instead of uncontrollably rushing thoughts ‒ unprecedented speed of creativity, etc. A controlled analogue corresponds to each disorder, which is the most complex evolutionary advantage of species and achievement of humanity. In essence, stress is the same attempt to solve a problem, especially when the problem cannot be solved by the means of a given personality. PTSD is apparently the same attempt to solve a problem by anxiety on the problem and other remedies of the organism to draw attention, typically, to the unresolved and previously unfinished problem, especially when it cannot be solved. Frequently, PTSD occurs when the problem has not been resolved by one or another way, even post factum. Most commonly, a person with PTSD did not take actions against its repetition: he/she did not conquer an enemy, did not learn to win, does not have experience and protective measures, etc. Winners who do not want to change the past, allegedly, were out of PTSD (compare the World War II (better the Great Patriotic War for Russia) and the Vietnam War when it was first diagnosed PTSD: those who wanted to replay, change or abolish the past, experience variants of PTSD; those who are proud of victory or of themselves call the same situation the best time of life). The rider recalls with tenderness children's falls from a horse. PTSD is essentially an open problem for those who could not solve the problem at that time (young children, women), or cannot solve the problem (injured or maimed, have a moral problem or injury), or do not want to solve the problem. In essence, the work with PTSD should begin with a problem solving, temporary or artificial, ensuring security, changing a person so that he/she can cope with the problem, and providing him/her with remedies to cope with the problem, directing activity to the problem, getting used to think about the problem ‒ the person must solve the problem inside oneself, be prepared for solving this or a similar problem outside, prepare ways to to solve the problem. In other words, create a positive view of the problem means solve the problem. In essence, PTSD is a challenge that must end with the renewal of person and the creation of a new one, as in creativity.