Journal articles: 'Lebanon – History – 1990-'

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Sayigh, Rosemary. "Palestinian Camp Women as Tellers of History." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 2 (1998): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538283.

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This paper points to the value of personal narratives as a source for historians of the Palestinian people, arguing from the need to revise concepts of national history to include the experience of nonelite classes, women, localities, and the diaspora. Life stories recorded between 1990 and 1992 with women of different generations from Shatila camp in Lebanon are used to support this argument.

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Saadawi, Ghalya. "A Book Review in the Form of a Polemic Chad Elias's Posthumous Images: Contemporary Art and Memory Politics in Post-Civil War Lebanon and the Old New World Order." ARTMargins 9, no. 3 (2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00273.

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Chad Elias' 2018 book Posthumous Images: Contemporary Art and Memory Politics in Post-Civil War Lebanon attempts to deal with the question of post-civil war representation, image-making and contemporary art from the perspective of memory studies in Lebanon. Dealing with a particular group of artists working since the 1990's in installation, video, film, and performance, the book attempts to create a relation between their artistic propositions and narratives on the one hand, and the post-war reckoning with the missing and disappeared, the history of former Leftist combatants, neglected space programs, reconstruction and urban space, on the other. The book has a series of shortcomings and structural, theoretical blind spots that this review essay attempts to redress. For instance, Posthumous Images has no framework for the notions of communities of witnessing, collective memory, or post-war amnesia that seems to underpin its claims, as they seem to figure only nominally. In these theoretical omissions, the essay argues, the book adopts and furthers the ideology human rights as this relates to the politics of remembrance, as well as to Lebanon's neoliberal post-war realities. Moreover, it lacks a rigorous art historical frame to study the given artworks formally, or theoretically, leaving the book open to a post-historical method that disavows a critical, social history of art needed for an analysis of post-civil war and post-Cold war art forms in Lebanon and beyond.

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AIT IDIR, Lahcen. "Remembering the Lebanese Wars in Abbas El Zein’s Leave to Remain (2009)." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 2, no. 4 (2020): 280–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v2i4.467.

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Soon after the Civil War’s end in 1990, the state in Lebanon has engaged in a discourse of amnesia, in a bid to proscribe any heed to the question of the war. The purpose is to conceal this dark chapter of the Lebanese history through the repression of memory. Through different practices of remembering, diaspora writers have tried, however, to offer alternative narratives of the Lebanese history. In so doing, they engage in resisting the official dominant ideologies through producing what Micheal Foucault would label as “insurrection of subjugated knowledges” (Foucault, 81). In studying Abbas El Zein’s memoir Leave to Remain, the article sets out to explore how and in what ways post-war Lebanese Diaspora literature can be categorized as a form of history writing about war. This article focuses the Civil War (1975-1990) and the July War in 2006.

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Salem, Paul. "EDGAR O'BALLANCE, Civil War in Lebanon, 1975–92 (London: MacMillan Press, 1998). Pp. 257. £22.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (2000): 313–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380000249x.

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Edgar O'Ballance is a military journalist and historian who has covered more than twenty wars and insurgencies and written more than fifty books or monographs on conflicts in the Middle East, North Africa, Central Europe, and Asia. His book is a chronological blow-by-blow account of the Lebanese War (1975–90), including a brief account of the events leading to the breakdown of April 1975 and the events immediately following the conclusion of the war in October 1990. Strangely, the title of the book describes the Lebanese War as having extended until 1992. There is no explanation for this odd dating, although it is clear that the author concluded his research in 1992; the book itself ends its chronological accounting in late 1991.

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Jones, Clive. "‘A reach greater than the grasp’: Israeli intelligence and the conflict in south Lebanon 1990–2000." Intelligence and National Security 16, no. 3 (2001): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520412331306190.

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Baroudi, Sami E., and Paul Tabar. "Spiritual Authority versus Secular Authority: Relations between the Maronite Church and the State in Postwar Lebanon: 1990–2005." Middle East Critique 18, no. 3 (2009): 195–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436140903237038.

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Daou, Dolly. "Sahat al-Borj: A Feminine City Square as a Container of Events." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 5 (2016): 795–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216629930.

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Beirut’s city center, Sahat al-Borj, has been the receptacle to many historical events, which shaped its current identity, such as repeated wars and other violent events such as tsunamis and earthquakes. These events affected the Square’s identity and the national identity and culture of Lebanon, and led to the creation and evolution of Sahat al-Borj from a cosmopolitan city center in the 1950s and 1960s, to a demarcation line between East (Christians) and West (Muslims) during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) to an abandoned city center since 1990. Like Derrida’s khōra, the sites of Beirut and Sahat al-Borj both have interior qualities and are receptacles of repeated wars and violent events. In Lebanese, both the city and the city Square are referred to with a feminine pronoun: hiyeh or “she” in Lebanese and elle in French. In Arabic and Lebanese, the nouns Sahat (a square, is an open space; open to a diversity of activities) and Mdineh (city) are feminine, giving both feminine connotations. This gendered pronoun accruing to cultural practices humanizes the Square and personalizes its identity and its occupation by referring to the city and its center as “she” or “her.” In Anglophone societies, city squares are usually referred to as “it” in English and do not have feminine or masculine genders or “character” attributed to them, unlike French, Arabic, or Lebanese. Through a series of historical cartographic maps and images collected from different library archives in France and Lebanon, this article will explore the human occupation of the Square throughout history and will examine the urban site of Beirut as a container of events and a transitional “non-place” with feminine and interior qualities with a specific reference to Derrida’s khōra. Although there are many interpretations of Khōra, like Derrida’s Khōra, in this article, the interior is explored as a receptacle associated with the feminine, the container, which receives human’s occupation.1

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HAFEZ, MOHAMMED M. "ANDREA NÜSSE, Muslim Palestine: The Ideology of Hamas (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1998). Pp. 203. $22.00 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801321062.

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In a modest but original contribution to the literature on the Islamist movement in the West Bank and Gaza, Andrea Nüsse explores the ideology of the key player in this movement: Hamas. Nüsse analyzes Hamas's system of thought, particularly how it frames its struggle against Israel; the arguments it employs to oppose the peace process; and its use of Qur[ham]anic exegeses to underpin its militant, or jihadist, stance. The author avoids such issues as the structure of the organization and the social base of its constituency, which have been explored elsewhere. Instead, she relies on primary material to address the goals, strategy, ideological foundations, self-image, and perceived enemies of the movement. In addition to these themes, the author presents Hamas's perspective on contemporary historical events and developments, including the Gulf War of 1990–91, the mass deportation of Islamists to South Lebanon in 1992, and the Hebron massacre of 1994. The aim throughout the book is to shed light on an under-studied aspect of the movement, leaving it up to the reader to seek out other writings that give a more comprehensive analysis.

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Jaran, Mahmoud. "Beirut e la guerra: Elias Khuri e Oriana Fallaci." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (2015): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340073.

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“Switzerland of the Middle East” and “the oriental Paris” are some of the names that the beautiful city of Beirut had earned before the disasters of the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990). This historical event is considered the most important one in the contemporary history of Lebanon, not only because it marks the end of a difficult peaceful coexistence among the various ethnic and religious groups during the period between the Independence (1943) and the beginning of the conflict (1975), but also because it made radical geopolitical changes to the entire region. At the end of the “Swiss epoque”, the city of Beirut begins to undergo a series of transformations in terms of urban planning, landscape, etc. This paper aims to study the literary representation of Beirut during the conflict, taking as examples two authors, one Lebanese, Elias Khuri, who shows, in his novel The Journey of Little Gandhi, the irrationality of war and its effects on the city and on the inhabitants; the other one is the Italian writer, Oriana Fallaci, who describes in his novel Inshallah the experience of the Italian contingent in the peacekeeping mission in Beirut. Despite the considerable differences between the two authors, the papers shows the narratives’ affinity which highlight the transformation of Beirut, the image of its citizens and the problematic of the assimilation process between them and their city.

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Dabbous, Yasmine. "The Runaway to the Future." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 7, no. 3 (2014): 310–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00703004.

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Between 1920 and 2000, Lebanon’s national currency changed both in shape and form over six times, the last being during the post-civil war era of the 1990s. But despite their eventful chronicle, the country’s banknotes preserved the same oriental ornamentation and theme of cultural tourism. It was not until the 1990s, with the end of the civil war and the advent of a new non-feudal leadership, that the iconic character of the Lebanese pound changed completely. This paper explores the currency change using semiotic analysis developed by Barthes and Baudrillard in order to compare the currency designs of the 1960s and the 1990s. It proposes that the postwar replacement of national currency reflects, among other things, a conscious effort on the part of the new Lebanese leadership to change Lebanon’s national identity and slowly deemphasize sectarian tensions in the collective memory of its people. To achieve this objective, the postwar government resorted to postmodern banknotes, almost void of social and political meaning. However, as this paper argues, the effort to overcome the divisive issues of the war was attempted solely at the level of the simulacra. The new Lebanon—as reflected in the new currency—is void of history, sectarian tensions and divisive issues; it only exists on the banknotes.

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Schlaepfer, Aline. "Sidon against Beirut: Space, Control, and the Limits of Sectarianism within the Jewish Community of Modern Lebanon." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 3 (2021): 424–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000180.

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AbstractWhen the State of Greater Lebanon was established in 1920, the Jewish Community Council of Beirut was officially recognized as the central administrative body within Lebanon, and although smaller communities such as Sidon and Tripoli also had their own councils they were consequently made subject to the authority of Beirut. In this context of political overhaul, I argue that some Jewish actors made use “from below” of political opportunities provided by sectarianism “from above”—or national sectarianism—to garner control over all Jewish political structures in Lebanon. But by examining in particular activities in and around the Israelite Community Council in Sidon (al-Majlis al-Milli al-Isra'ili bi-Sayda), I show how and why these attempts to practice new forms of sectarianism were met with resistance, despite connections that tied Lebanon's Jews together administratively in one community.

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Slyomovics, Susan. "MEMORY STUDIES: LEBANON AND ISRAEL/PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (2013): 589–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381300055x.

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Why are humans fated to remember and forget? For Plato, it is because we are wounded by our memory of a previous existence, namely the Platonic “realm of ideas,” to which we forever long to return. In the social sciences, especially history and anthropology, burgeoning cross-disciplinary methodologies and approaches have emerged to study the ways in which humanity remembers and forgets; “cultural memory studies” and the “anthropology of memory” constitute a contemporary realm of ideas concerned with discursive contestations over memory and history. The books under review here, all of which relate to the study of collective memory in Lebanon or Israel/Palestine, have recourse to French theories, despite time lags due to delayed English translation. Foundational writers of a field loosely grouped under the rubric “memory studies” include French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, whoseLes cadres sociaux de la mémoire(1925) and posthumously publishedLa mémoire collective(1950) both appeared in English in 1980, under confusingly similar titles. The English-language publication of Halbwachs’ corpus on the individual in relation to “collective memory” coincidentally corresponded with the American Psychiatric Association's 1980Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Third Edition, in which categories of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) extended collective memory into collectivetraumaticmemory, through the notion that “Post-traumatic disorder is fundamentally a disorder of memory.” Another seminal thinker in this field is Pierre Nora, especially the multivolume, multiauthored essays produced under his direction entitledLes Lieux de mémoire, which appeared in French between 1984 and 1992.

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Shaery-Eisenlohr, Roschanack. "POSTREVOLUTIONARY IRAN AND SHIءI LEBANON: CONTESTED HISTORIES OF SHIءI TRANSNATIONALISM". International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, № 2 (2007): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070109.

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In 2002 the Cultural Center of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Beirut invited Mehdi Chamran to visit Lebanon. Chamran's late brother, Mustafa, was a member of an anti-Pahlavi opposition movement with bases in Lebanon from 1970 to 1979. During his visit, Chamran was to meet several Lebanese Shiءi personalities and to visit Shiءa-run institutions in South Lebanon, including institutions affiliated with the Lebanese Shiءi political party Amal (Afwaj al-Muqawama al-Lubnaniyya), which is headed by the current speaker of the Lebanese Parliament, Nabih Berri, in order to speak about his late brother. In fact, many of the Lebanese Shiءa attending the speech had personally known Mustafa. He had, after all, offered military training to many active in Lebanon's first Shiءi militia, which subsequently became the Amal movement. On February 15, at the Nabih Berri Cultural Complex (Mujammaʿ Nabih Berri al-Thaqafi), in Tallat al-Radar, a town near Nabatiyya, in South Lebanon, Chamran began a speech by reading passages from his brother's letters and notes from 1973 that described the political atmosphere in South Lebanon amid Israeli military attacks. Chamran went on to discuss the relationship between the Islamic Revolution and Lebanese Shiءa, emphasizing the theme of closeness and unity. For a moment, as he read these passages, Chamran implied that Iranian and Lebanese Shiءa had been moving back and forth for centuries between their respective countries and hence were what one scholar calls “distant relations.”

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Spagnolo, John P., and Engin Deniz Akarli. "The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1920." American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (1995): 1269. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168274.

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Davidson, Lawrence. "Lebanese Political History: The War for Lebanon, 1970-1983. . Itamar Rabinovich." Journal of Palestine Studies 15, no. 4 (1986): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1986.15.4.00p0329o.

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Bryant, F. Russell, and A. B. Gaunson. "The Anglo-French Clash in Lebanon and Syria, 1940-1945." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (1989): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862199.

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Gendzier, Irene L., and Laura Zittrain Eisenberg. "My Enemy's Enemy: Lebanon in the Early Zionist Imagination, 1900-1948." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 3 (1997): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205963.

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Soukarieh, Mayssun. "Speaking Palestinian: An Interview with Rosemary Sayigh." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 4 (2009): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.38.4.12.

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This interview is part of a longer conversation that independent researcher Mayssun Soukarieh conducted with Rosemary Sayigh in Beirut during the summer of 2008. Sayigh, an anthropologist, oral historian, and researcher, was born in Birmingham in the United Kingdom and moved to Beirut in 1953, where she married the Palestinian economist Yusif Sayigh. She earned her master's degree from the American University of Beirut (AUB) in 1970 and was awarded a PhD from Hull University in Yorkshire in 1994. Since coming to Beirut fifty-six years ago, Sayigh has dedicated her life to writing and advocating for the Palestinians in Lebanon and elsewhere. She is the author of two groundbreaking books: Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries; A People's History (Zed Books, 1979) and Too Many Enemies: The Palestinian Experience in Lebanon (Zed Books, 1993). Although these conversations focused on Sayigh's scholarly work rather than her personal history, it became clear that the two are inextricably linked.

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Shaery-Eisenlohr, Roschanack. "POSTREVOLUTIONARY IRAN AND SHIءI LEBANON: CONTESTED HISTORIES OF SHIءI TRANSNATIONALISM". International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, № 2 (2007): 289a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070420.

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In this article I address the transnational dimensions of memory production. In particular, I analyze how interpretations of past events define Shiءi relations across borders in the Middle East. Focusing on how the Lebanese Shiءi political party of Amal and the current Iranian government remember the figure of Mustafa Chamran—an Iranian Shiءi anti-Shah activist based in Lebanon from 1970 to 1979—I discuss the debates that inform the creation of such contested memories and reasons for and consequences of their divergence. Participants' ideas about the history and characteristics of this transnational network cannot be understood separately from their claims to political and religious authority in the Shiءi world. Thus, transnational Shiءi networks do not self-evidently reproduce themselves based on a shared sense of religious identity and history. It takes ideological work both to construct differences and to create solidarities across borders among Shiءa. This ideological work must be situated within larger political, religious, and socioeconomic contexts.

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Tuson, Penelope. "Inventing home: emigration, gender, and the middle class in Lebanon, 1870-1920." Women's History Review 12, no. 4 (2003): 679–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020300200729.

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Kunz, Diane B., John P. Glennon, Louis J. Smith, Suzanne E. Coffman, and Charles S. Sampson. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 11: Lebanon and Jordan." Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (1993): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080013.

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Kaufman, Asher. "BETWEEN PERMEABLE AND SEALED BORDERS: THE TRANS-ARABIAN PIPELINE AND THE ARAB–ISRAELI CONFLICT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2014): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381300130x.

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AbstractThe Trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline), which extended from Dhahran in Saudi Arabia to Zahrani in Lebanon and operated from 1950 to 1982, was haunted by the Arab–Israeli conflict throughout the years of its operation. The route of the pipeline—which traversed Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon—was chosen so as to circumvent Palestine/Israel. However, following the Israeli occupation of the Golan Heights in the 1967 war, Israel became an active participant in this project, with the full consent of the transit states and Egypt. This article uses Tapline as a means to analyze the interconnected world facilitated by oil pipelines, which defies common wisdom about state sovereignty or the function of interstate boundaries. In addition, Tapline demonstrates how this interconnected network created possibilities for Arab–Israeli cooperation that might have seemed inconceivable initially, given the hostile dynamics of the conflict.

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Millett, Allan R. "Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Korean War: Cautionary Tale and Hopeful Precedent." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10, no. 3-4 (2001): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656101793645515.

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AbstractLike most real history, the Korean War left ambiguous, selective, and complex lessons for the policymakers of the Eisenhower administration. The president himself, to borrow Dean Acheson’s phrase, had been “present at the creation” of the war in 1950. He had then distanced himself from it as Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) and as a presidential candidate. He inherited the conflict—a war to be ended—as president. Yet the war never became a defining experience for Dwight D. Eisenhower, nor did it play an inordinate role in his foreign and defense policies. His geo-strategic views had developed well before 1950, most obviously during World War II. The Korean conflict, a post-colonial civil war that became an internationalized regional conflict, was not even unique enough in its own time to dominate the national security conceptualization that became “the New Look” or “the Great Equation.” It might have encouraged a “Great Evasion,” an unwillingness to deal with instability in the Middle East and Asia, but instead the Eisenhower administration coped, more or less successfully, with comparable turmoil in the Philippines, Thailand, Iran, and Lebanon. It is true that the next land war in Asia—to be avoided at all costs according to the Korean “never again” strategic gurus—awaited a change of presidents, but President Eisenhower committed an Army-Marine Corps expeditionary force to Lebanon in 1958. So much for avoiding the use of American ground forces in local wars.

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El-Masri, Maha. "Terracotta oil lamps from the excavation at the Bey 004 site (Beirut, Lebanon)." Ancient lamps from Spain to India. Trade, influences, local traditions, no. 28.1 (December 30, 2019): 423–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam28.1.24.

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The excavation of site Bey 004 in the urban center of Beirut was done as part of a major salvage-archaeology operation in the 1990s, in reparation for the redevelopment of the city after the Lebanese Civil War. War destruction had given archaeologists the opportunity to investigate the topography, history and everyday life of Beirut over the millennia since its establishment and before a new city would be built on top of the ruins in the 21st century. Terracotta oil lamps, like tableware, are a sensitive guide to the passage of time and cultures, spanning the ages the 5th century BC through the 9th century AD, from Persia to Islam. The article reviews the assemblage from the Bey 004 site, broken down by a local site typology that reflects major periods of occupation, and relates it to existing typologies of ancient Near Eastern lamps from the Canaanite to the Islamic.

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Abisaab, Malek Hassan. ""Unruly" Factory Women in Lebanon: Contesting French Colonialism and the National State, 1940-1946." Journal of Women's History 16, no. 3 (2004): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2004.0056.

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Bokhari, Kamran Asghar. "Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (2002): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1958.

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Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of nationalism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime discussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pessimism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civilization and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...

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Thompson, Elizabeth. "Reviews of Books:Inventing Home: Emigration, Gender, and the Middle Class in Lebanon, 1870-1920 Akram Fouad Khater." American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (2002): 1328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532837.

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Naor, Dan. "The Path to Syrian Intervention in Lebanon on the Eve of Civil War, 1970–1975." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 2 (2014): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2014.884319.

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Schumann, Christoph. "THE GENERATION OF BROAD EXPECTATIONS: NATIONALISM, EDUCATION, AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY IN SYRIA AND LEBANON, 1930-1958." Die Welt des Islams 41, no. 2 (2001): 174–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570060011201277.

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Chow, Rey. "Between Colonizers: Hong Kong’s Postcolonial Self-Writing in the 1990s." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 2, no. 2 (1992): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.2.2.151.

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Most debates on postcolonial politics center on issues that are by now familiar to those working in cultural studies. There are, first, the disputes and conflicts concerning the ownership of particular geographical areas, an ownership whose ramifications go beyond geography to include political representation as well as sovereignty over ethnic and cultural history. Though these “postcolonial” disputes and conflicts date back to the days of territorial colonialism, they remain the reality of daily life in places like South Africa, Israel, Lebanon, and Jordan. Second, there are the debates around reclaiming native cultural traditions that were systematically distorted by the colonial powers in the process of exploitation. In the case of India, for instance, historians argue for the need to wrest India’s past from colonialist historiography—that is, from the ways in which India was ideologically as well as economically and territorially dominated by the British. In other words, even though India has been territorially independent since 1947, the Indian people’s “postcolonial” struggle against British colonialism remains an urgent cultural task. Third, there is the question of neocolonialism in countries that were once European colonies and that, after national independence, have been targeted for aggression and exploitation by the United States during its period of global power. We think here especially of its “client states” in Central and Latin America, and the Middle East.

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Baroudi, Sami E. "Lebanon's Foreign Trade Relations in the Postwar Era: Scenarios for Integration (1990–Present)." Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 2 (2005): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200500035165.

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Chatty, Dawn. "Review: Inventing Home: Emigration, Gender and the Middle Class in Lebanon, 1870–1920 Akram Fouad Khater." Journal of Islamic Studies 14, no. 1 (2003): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/14.1.79.

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Buchakjian, Gregory. "Beirut by Night." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 8, no. 2-3 (2015): 256–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00802006.

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Over the past century, Beirut has acquired a reputation as the nightlife destination of choice in the region. Photography was and remains a privileged witness of the proverbial ‘Beirut nights’. In this essay I trace the history of the genre of nightlife photography in Beirut over the past century, from the grand ball era of the Mandate period to informal underground nightlife during the civil war and its aftermath; to the rise of the nightlife image-making industry in the 1990s and 2000s. I pay particular attention to the ways in which technological developments interplayed with historical and social contingencies in Lebanon—such as the Lebanese civil war and the disintegration of barriers between private and public spheres in the age of social media. Recast as art, digital nightlife photography is responsible for the erosion of ‘vulgarity’ as a social category under the twin pressures of neoliberalism and technological development; it also plays a major role in the contemporary branding of Beirut on a global scale.

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Kaufman, Asher. "‘Too Much French, but a Swell Exhibit’: Representing Lebanon at the New York World's Fair 1939–1940*." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 1 (2008): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530190801890253.

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Biondo III, Vincent F. "A Community of Many Worlds." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 4 (2005): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i4.1669.

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This edited collection complemented a March 2001 museum exhibit and isbased upon a February 2000 Columbia University conference and a threeyearFord Foundation-sponsored research project. It provides a generaloverview of the history and diversity of Arab Americans in New York Cityand is particularly strong in the area of the arts, featuring several chapters onliterature and music, including several first-person narratives. This two-partbook, which surveys both the historical and the contemporary scenes, isfurther enhanced by forty black-and-white photographs, including thirteenby Empire State College’s Mel Rosenthal.New York contains the third largest Arab-American community, afterDearborn (Michigan) and Los Angeles. In the first chapter, Alixa Naffexplains that the community was formed around 1895, when Christian missionaries in Syria encouraged Arab Christians near Mount Lebanon to workin New York for a couple of years to make money for their families. Syrianand Lebanese immigrants initially gathered at Washington Street in LowerManhattan and soon moved to Atlantic Avenue in the South Ferry portion ofBrooklyn. From 1899-1910, 56,909 Syrian immigrants arrived in New York.In the book’s first part, two historical chapters are followed by entrieson literature, music, photography, and first-person accounts. Philip Kayalpoints out that Arab-American is a cultural and ethnic – but not a religious– category, for most Arab Americans are Christian, not Muslim. JonathanFriedlander reveals that the first Arab-American immigrant, AntonioBishallany, visited from Lebanon in 1854 to gather evangelical teachings foruse back home. This four-page and six-photograph entry on representationsin historical archives could be expanded into a larger work ...

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Salibi, Kamal. "Engin Akarli, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). Pp. 306." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060256.

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Kabha, Mustafa, and Haggai Erlich. "AL-AHBASH AND WAHHABIYYA: INTERPRETATIONS OF ISLAM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 4 (2006): 519–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412459.

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Islam is a universal religion and culture. Scholars who tend to focus on Islam in specific societies may overlook connections that, over the centuries, were important in shaping various Islamic intercultural dialogs. One case in point is the role of Ethiopia in the history of Islam. Although situated next door to the cradle of Islam, Ethiopia conveniently has been perceived by many Western historians of the Arab Middle East as an African “Christian island,” and as largely irrelevant. In practice, however, the Christian-dominated empire has remained meaningful to all Muslims from Islam's inception. It has also been the home of Islamic communities that maintained constant contact with the Middle East. Indeed, one of the side aspects of the resurgence of political Islam since the 1970s is the emergence in Lebanon of the “The Association of Islamic Philanthropic Projects” (Jamעiyyat al-Mashariע al-Khayriyya al-Islamiyya), better known as “The Ethiopians,” al-Ahbash. Its leader came to Beirut from Ethiopia with a rather flexible interpretation of Islam, which revolved around political coexistence with Christians. Al-Ahbash of Lebanon expanded to become arguably the leading factor in the local Sunni community. They opened branches on all continents and spread their interpretation of Islam to many Islamic as well as non-Islamic countries. This article is an attempt to relate some of the Middle Eastern–Ethiopian Islamic history as the background to an analysis of a significant issue on today's all-Islamic agenda. It aims to present the Ahbash history, beliefs, and rivalry with the Wahhabiyya beginning in the mid-1980s. It does so by addressing conceptual, political, and theological aspects, which had been developed against the background of Ethiopia as a land of Islamic–Christian dialogue, and their collision with respective aspects developed in the Wahhabi kingdom of the Saudis. The contemporary inner-Islamic, Ahbash-Wahhabiyya conceptual rivalry turned in the 1990s into a verbal war conducted in traditional ways, as well as by means of modern channels of Internet exchanges and polemics. Their debate goes to the heart of Islam's major dilemmas as it attracts attention and draws active participation from all over the world.

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Sayed, Linda. "Education and Reconfiguring Lebanese Shiʿi Muslims into the Nation-State during the French Mandate, 1920-43". Die Welt des Islams 59, № 3-4 (2019): 282–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05934p02.

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AbstractThis article explores how educational reform became a primary concern for Shiʿi scholars and religious leaders as a means of integrating the Shiʿa of Lebanon into the broader national project during the French Mandate (1920-43). According to these Shiʿi writers, the lack of education contributed to their political and social marginalization as a community. This was the impetus for the development of the ʿĀmiliyya school in Beirut and the Jaʿfariyya school in Tyre. Based on archives from the ʿĀmiliyya and the Jaʿfariyya schools, this paper reflects on the pedagogical approaches taken by both schools to educate and “modernize” Shiʿi children during the French Mandate and early independence periods. Although each school had differing, and at times contrasting, objectives, their calls for educational advancement demonstrate Shiʿi efforts of inclusion into the new “modern” Lebanese nation-state. The establishment of the ʿĀmiliyya and the Jaʿfariyya schools demonstrates the growing sectarian and national underpinnings of the period.

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Cuyler, Zachary Davis. "Building shared power: the Trans-Arabian Pipeline and the technopolitics of anti-sectarian labor mobilization in Lebanon, 1950–1964." Labor History 60, no. 1 (2018): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2019.1537020.

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Amour, Philipp O. "THE EVOLUTION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF A NATIONAL CURRICULUM UNDER CONDITIONS OF RESISTANCE: THE CASE OF THE PALESTINIANS (1970–82)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 1 (2018): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818001137.

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AbstractCan a nation mobilizing for an extended armed conflict also construct and implement a national educational curriculum? This article explores the complex and crucial case of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as it sought to develop a national curriculum while in exile in Lebanon during the 1970s, prior to the inception of the Palestinian National Authority. Based on previously unexamined primary sources from PLO archives, I show how the PLO accomplished a high level of curriculum maturity despite considerable contextual and institutional challenges. The PLO mainstream embraced this curriculum as a political instrument of anticolonial and postdiasporic education suitable for regenerating a sense of community, fostering nation building, and increasing the PLO's political legitimacy. However, as can be expected in a colonial or diasporic setting, the process of educational transition remained uneven, fragile, and dependent on the PLO leadership's ability to navigate conflicts and negotiate arrangements with colonial power, host states, and international organizations.

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Sassmannshausen, Christian. "Educated with Distinction." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (2019): 222–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341478.

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AbstractBeginning in the 1850s, the Ottoman Empire’s educational landscape expanded and diversified. During this era of imperial reforms, discourses around education increasingly focused on the importance of female education. This article uses census material from Tripoli in today’s Lebanon to explore the experiences of students in the wake of these shifts. It examines literacy rates across different social and religious groups and the extent to which educational decisions parents made were biased by gender and class. The analysis reveals that the rate of Muslim boys’ literacy was high even before new schools opened starting in the 1850s. As for the post-reform developments, it shows that although around a quarter of propertied families decided to send their sons and daughters to school, a considerable proportion of Muslim and Christian families privileged sons alone. Still, reforms allowed a number of groups in the generations between 1860 and 1910 to achieve higher rates of literacy, including Muslim and Christian girls as well as the children of artisans.

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Rogers, Sarah. "Producing the Local: The Visual Arts in Beirut." Review of Middle East Studies 42, no. 1-2 (2008): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400051476.

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In a 2002 lecture at Home Works, Beirut’s contemporary art festival, writer and cultural critic Abbas Beydoun claimed that Lebanon’s internationalism had led to derivative cultural production. The well known critic’s comments evoked an angry outburst from members of his predominantly Lebanese audience of young artists and cultural workers. To varying degrees, however, this characterization of Beiruti culture repeats and prefigures descriptions of the city as a meeting point between East and West. Indeed, Beirut’s reputation as a multi-linguistic and cross-cultural Mediterranean port is traced to the latter half of the nineteenth century when the city became the capital of an Ottoman province and followed as a regional center for missionary, political, and cultural activities. Moreover, Beydoun’s characterization did not always carry such a negative connotation. This paper begins to trace the ways in which the visual arts is a field for producing, rather than reflecting, Beirut’s cosmopolitanism. To do so, I look at two historical moments pivotal in the institutionalization of the visual arts. The first is that of Daoud Corm (1852-1930), the city’s first professional easel painter whose career ran from the Ottoman period through the French Mandate (1920-1943). The second is the decades of the 1960s and 70s, the city’s heyday as a regional cultural capital when a number of artists and activists established a gallery system, further expanding the private sector’s consumption of painting and sculpture.

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Cronin, Stephanie. "Engin Akarli: The long peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861–1920. xviii, 288 pp. New York: Center for Lebanese Studies and London: I. B. Tauris, 1993. £34.50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 58, no. 1 (1995): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0001209x.

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Lawson, Fred H. "ITAMAR RABINOVICH, The Brink of Peace: The Israeli–Syrian Negotiations (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1998). Pp. 298. $35 cloth, $15.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002282.

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Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin made an astute decision in the summer of 1992 when he entrusted the highly respected rector of Tel Aviv University, Itamar Rabinovich, with the task of reinvigorating the moribund Israeli–Syrian negotiations that had grown out of the Madrid Conference the previous October. Rabinovich had launched a stellar academic career by writing what remains arguably the best study of Syrian domestic politics during the Ba⊂thist era; his subsequent work explores the dynamics of the civil war in Lebanon, the intricacies of Egypt's relations with Palestine during the 1940s and 1950s, and the origins of inter-Arab diplomacy, among many other topics. More important, in 1991 Rabinovich published an authoritative yet accessible overview of the tangled history of direct talks among the governments of Israel and its Arab neighbors in the years immediately after the 1948 war. The book not only undermines the general presumption that the Arab–Israeli dilemma is inherently insoluble, but also elucidates the miscalculations and tactical errors that derailed early attempts to resolve the conflict. Rabinovich was clearly the right person to supervise delicate bargaining with the Syrians, and might have been expected to compose a notable account of his experiences once his term as Israel's chief negotiator came to an end.

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Ali, Othman. "A Modern History of the Kurds, 3d rev. ed." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1642.

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This extensive survey of the Kurds’ history is divided into five sections:“The Kurds in the Age of Tribe and Empire,” “Incorporating the Kurds,”“Ethno-nationalism in Iran,” “Ethno-nationalism in Iraq,” and “Ethnonationalismin Turkey.” An introduction on Kurdish identity and social formation, as well as four appendices discussing the Treaty of Sèvres and theKurds of Syria, Lebanon, and Caucasia, are also included. David McDowall,a noted British specialist on Middle Eastern minority affairs and anacknowledged expert on Kurdish studies, has extensively revised the 1996second edition of his book. He provides an analysis of recent Kurdish eventsand a more up-to-date bibliography at the end of each section.This highly detailed history begins in the nineteenth century and ends inthe present day. The author discusses the interplay of the old and new facetsof Kurdish politics: local rivalries within Kurdish society; the enduringauthority of the traditional leadership represented by sheikhs and aghas; thefailure of modern nation states to respond to the challenge of Kurdishnationalism; and the use of Kurdish groups as pawns by major western powersand regional states in the region’s power politics. His methodology is primarilypolitical-historical in nature; however, anthropological and socialanalysis are not totally lacking.As presented by McDowall, a close scrutiny of modern Kurdish historyreveals striking continuities. For example, one pattern has characterizedKurdish-Iraqi relations since 1958: Each Iraqi government pursued peacenegotiations with the Kurds at first, only to fight them when it felt secureabout its rule. This pattern is also found in Iran’s relations with its Kurds.Turkey, however, has pursued a policy that seeks to assimilate and, at times,even ethnically cleanse its Kurdish population.There is also continuity in the major powers’ manipulation of the“Kurdish card” in Iraq. McDowall writes that in 1976, the SelectIntelligence Committee of the House of Representatives reported to theHouse that neither Iran nor the United States would like to see the civil wargoing on in Iraq at that time resolved in a way that would give the Kurds aclear win. Twenty years later, in 1991, the United States implemented a similarpolicy with the Kurds’ so-called “exclusionary zone’’ in northern Iraq.Fearing the consequences likely to follow Saddam Hussein’s overthrow – inparticular, the dismemberment of Iraq and wider regional instability – theUnited States refused to give the Kurds sufficient aid to enable them toestablish an independent homeland ...

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Zamir, Meir. "Laura Zittrain Eisenberg. My Enemy's Enemy: Lebanon in the Early Zionist Imagination, 1900–1918. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1996. 219 pp." AJS Review 21, no. 2 (1996): 421–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940000876x.

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Johnson, Benjamin A. "Julia Heskel and Davis Dyer. After the Harkness Gift: A History of Phillips Exeter Academy Since 1930. Lebanon, New Hampshire: University Press of New England, 2008. 336 pp. Cloth $35.00." History of Education Quarterly 50, no. 4 (2010): 562–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2010.00300.x.

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Flores, Alexander. "Offenbach in Arabien." Die Welt des Islams 48, no. 2 (2008): 131–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x335912.

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AbstractTwice, the theatre of Jacques Offenbach exerted a marked influence on musical theatre in Egypt. The first occasion was a number of performances of his most popular opéra-bouffes, in French and by French artists, around 1870. The ruler, Ismā'īl, tried to introduce European culture in Egypt and gave Offenbach's work a central role in that endeavour. With Ismā'īl's decline, that attempt was discontinued. The second appearance occurred in 1920/21. Then, two of the most popular musical comedies of the famous Egyptian composer Sayyid Darwīš had Offenbach's works as their sources. These works were translated into Egyptian Arabic, given an oriental setting and an Egyptian colour, e.g. by having the lyrics written by popular Egyptian poets. The main message of the original pieces—attacking the military and the authorities in general by ridiculing them—was changed by introducing a clear anti-Turkish thrust, thus castigating the aristocracy ruling Egypt at the time of the adaptation and, by implication, the British occupation. Whereas the text of the Egyptian pieces was quite closely inspired by the French originals, the music shows no signs of direct influence by Offenbach—it is vintage Sayyid Darwīš. The article also sheds some light on the musical theatre of the brothers Rahbānī in Lebanon that has not been directly inspired by Offenbach but exhibits a spirit quite close to his and thus lends itself to a comparison.

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Ghouse, Nida. "Lotus Notes." ARTMargins 5, no. 3 (2016): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00159.

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Lotus was a tri-lingual quarterly brought out by the Afro-Asian Writers' Association. Initially titled Afro-Asian Writings, its inaugural edition was launched from Cairo in March 1968, in Arabic and English, followed by the French. By 1971, the trilingual quarterly acquired the name Lotus. Egypt, the Soviet Union, and the German Democratic Republic funded its production. The Arabic edition was printed in Cairo, and the English and French editions were printed in the German Democratic Republic. The Afro-Asian Writers' Association (AAWA) and its over-arching affiliate, the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization (AAPSO), both had headquarters in Cairo. In 1978, President Anwar Sadat signed the Camp David Accords and the Permanent Bureau in Cairo was deactivated. Lotus moved to Beirut despite the raging Civil War, where it was was granted home and hospitality by the Union of Palestinian Writers. Its offices remained there until the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 when it once again relocated along with the Palestinian Liberation Organization to Tunis. The journal was discontinued in the late 1980s or early 1990s with the dismantling of the Soviet Union. The Permanent Bureau in Cairo was reinstated, but the journal was not as such reactivated. The project outlines a partial biography of a forgotten magazine from a bipolar world and its interrupted historical networks. It considers graphic and textual elements from the margins of the magazine for evidence of its trajectory.

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Judd, Richard W. "Two Vermonts: Geography and Identity, 1865–1910. By Paul M. Searls. (Lebanon, N.H.: University Press of New England/Durham: University of New Hampshire Press, 2006. Pp. xii, 256. $65.00 cloth; $26.00 paper.)." New England Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2007): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2007.80.1.155.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Lebanon – History – 1990-'

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