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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Lee Patriots

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Academic literature on the topic 'Lee Patriots'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Lee Patriots"

1

Friedman, Edward. "Reconstructing China's National Identity: A Southern Alternative to Mao-Era Anti-Imperialist Nationalism." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (February 1994): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059527.

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By the 1990sit was a commonplace that Mao-era anti-imperialist nationalism in China was dead. The anti-imperialist perspective had pitted an exploitative foreign imperialism against a courageous Chinese people (Hu 1955). This nationalist understanding of Chinese history was encapsulated in the Great Leap Forward-era film on the Opium War,Lin Zexu, which drew a contrast between patriotic Sanliyuan villagers and traitorous ruling groups in the capital city. If the brave peasants would join with all patriotic Chinese and not fear to die, then, under correct leadership, the foreign capitalists who got rich in making Chinese poor by forcing opium into China would be thrown out. But ruling reactionaries, afraid of popular mobilization, preferred to sell out to the imperialists. As with patriots who had led exploited peasants throughout Chinese history, Mao's Communists would save the nation by providing the correct leadership that would mobilize patriotic Chinese, push imperialists out of China, and thus permit an independent China to prosper with dignity.

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Jones, Calvert W. "New Approaches to Citizen-Building: Shifting Needs, Goals, and Outcomes." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 2 (February 1, 2017): 165–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695335.

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New approaches to citizen-building are flourishing, yet theoretical tools are lacking and empirical research is limited. This article contributes in several ways. Theoretically, it offers a reconceptualization of the traditional “making of citizens” framework, aiming to adapt it to contemporary needs and concerns. Empirically, it offers an examination of the content of civics curricula as well as original data on the outcomes of an ambitious state-led social engineering campaign in the United Arab Emirates, where leaders seek to build more “globalization-ready” citizens—more entrepreneurial, market friendly, patriotic, and civic minded, yet still loyal to the regime. Using a difference-in-differences framework, I find evidence that social engineering is succeeding in some respects but backfiring in others, giving rise to citizens not only more patriotic but also more entitled—in other words, entitled patriots. Findings contribute to knowledge of state-led social engineering and citizen-building in the contemporary era.

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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.

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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.

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BAULINA, Elizaveta I., and Vladimir A. USKOV. "Doctor of souls and bodies: patriot, participant of Great Patriotic War Archbishop Luka." SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PHENOMENA AND PROCESSES, no. 2 (2020): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1819-8813-2020-15-2(109)-105-112.

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The purpose of the study is an attempt to give an objective picture of the relationship between the party-states of the AUCP(b)-USSR and the Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War. We support the principle that history is a Man in it, focuse attention on the fate and activities of Archbishop Luke of Tambov and Michurinsk (V.F. Voyno-Yasenetsky). The study used methods of content analysis, comparison and research of processes from “themselves”. This allowed to form a picture of the relationship between the Archbishop of Tambov and Michurinsk Luka with the party-state of the AUCP(b)-USSR during the Great Patriotic War on the basis of archival documents and the memoirs of eyewitnesses. We made an attempt to understand the difficult position of the patriot shepherd, who fulfilled his duty as a doctor of souls and bodies in the conditions of World War II with the enemy external and the struggle against the ideological, internal – ruling party-state. Archbishop Luke was an opponent of the party-Soviet system in the USSR during the first half of the 20th century and at the same time a patriot of his homeland, an effective participant in the Great Patriotic War. This allows us to draw the following conclusions: a) in the conditions of a military alternative, the patriot Archbishop Luka performed the feat of a doctor and a shepherd for the benefit of Victory; b) the tragedy of the Motherland and flock led him to give up personal accounts with the party-state of the AUCP(b)-USSR in the name of Victory; c) the participation in this war of Archbishop Luka – thousands of saved Soviet soldiers on the operating table and huge financial donations to the Victory fund; d) the son of his homeland, he tried in every possible way to protect the spirituality of his flock from the ideological and organizational pressure of militant atheism; e) the humanism of Archbishop Luke was in his execution of the oath of Hippocrates, when he healed captured soldiers and officers of the enemy army.

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Reymers, Kurt. "Chicken Killers or Bandwidth Patriots?" International Journal of Technoethics 2, no. 3 (July 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jte.2011070101.

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In 2008, a resident of a computerized virtual world called “Second Life” programmed and began selling a “realistic” virtual chicken. It required food and water to survive, was vulnerable to physical damage, and could reproduce. This development led to the mass adoption of chicken farms and large-scale trade in virtual chickens and eggs. Not long after the release of the virtual chickens, a number of incidents occurred which demonstrate the negotiated nature of territorial and normative boundaries. Neighbors of chicken farmers complained of slow performance of the simulation and some users began terminating the chickens, kicking or shooting them to “death.” All of these virtual world phenomena, from the interactive role-playing of virtual farmers to the social, political and economic repercussions within and beyond the virtual world, can be examined with a critical focus on the ethical ramifications of virtual world conflicts. This paper views the case of the virtual chicken wars from three different ethical perspectives: as a resource dilemma, as providing an argument from moral and psychological harm, and as a case in which just war theory can be applied.

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Prior, C. "A Wider Patriotism: Alfred Milner and the British Empire. By J. Lee Thompson." Twentieth Century British History 19, no. 3 (August 5, 2008): 380–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwn015.

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Howell, Philip. "The Dog Fancy at War: Breeds, Breeding, and Britishness, 1914-1918." Society & Animals 21, no. 6 (2013): 546–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341258.

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Abstract This essay examines the impact of the Great War on the breeding and showing of pedigree dogs (the “dog fancy”) in Britain. Hostility toward Germany led first to a decline in the popularity of breeds such as the dachshund, with both human and canine “aliens” targeted by nationalist fervor. Second, the institutions of dog breeding and showing came under threat from accusations of inappropriate luxury, frivolity, and the wasting of food in wartime, amounting to the charge of a want of patriotism on the part of breeders. Third, the paper shows how the “dog fancy” responded to this “agitation against dogs,” turning on mongrels, stray dogs, and “useless” and unpatriotic humans, exposing deep divisions within the dog breeding community. By looking at the politics of the “dog fancy” in wartime, this paper extends the discussion of animals and national identity, arguing that while dogs could be used to articulate patriotic sentiments, their conditional citizenship meant that they were uniquely vulnerable at a time of national crisis.

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SA WHAE GU. "A Study on Patriotic Formulation of Reality by Ugo(우고) Lee Tae-ro(이태로)’s." Korean Language and Literature ll, no. 147 (December 2007): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.17291/kolali.2007..147.012.

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Stevenson, John. "William Cobbett: Patriot or Briton?" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (December 1996): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679232.

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Cobbett remains best known to historians and to a wider audience as one of the two or three major figures in the popular radicalism of the early nineteenth century: one of the leading actors in the agitations which eventually led to the Great Reform Act of 1832 and a persistent tribune of the people at a time of profound economic and social change. Fundamental to his influence and reputation was his career as a popular journalist, in his own time regarded as a phenomenon and capable of almost single-handedly turning the labouring poor from machine-breaking and insurrection into more peaceful and productive paths. Famously, Cobbett was envisaged in Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical as the instrument whereby the disturbances of the post-war years were channelled into parliamentary reform. Opening his account of 1816 with a great litany of riot, insurrection and distress, Bamford noted that it was also in 1816 that Cobbett wrote his Address to the Journeymen and Labourers, published in November 1816 as the sole contents of the first cheap edition of the Register, priced at twopence. Cobbett's linking of ‘our present miseries’ to the need for parliamentary reform had an immense circulation, reaching an estimated 200,000 within two months. Its effects were no less dramatic according to Bamford:… the writings of William Cobbett suddenly became of great authority; they were read on nearly every cottage hearth in the manufacturing districts of ‘South Lancashire, in those of Leicester, Derby and Nottingham; also in many of the Scottish manufacturing towns.

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Vlasáková, Monika. "The Prague Burgher Library of J. D. Arbeiter in the Cultural and Social Context of the Time." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 63, no. 3-4 (2019): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amnpsc-2018-0015.

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The library preserved in the collections of the Hussite Museum in Tábor is a reflection of the life of the Prague burgher and pharmacist Jan Dobromil Arbeiter (1794–1870). In the context of three quarters of the 19th century, it testifies to the emergence of the National Revival, the renewed interest in the Czech language and the related development of Czech theatre. J. D. Arbeiter was an important Prague burgher and patriot actively involved in social and political events. His versatile interests and the support of patriotism led him to the foundation and expansion of his personal library. He was a member of many associations, including Stálci, established by Amerling. Its members regularly purchased Czech books and thus supported the development of Czech, in particular scientific, literature. Arbeiter was also a generous patron. Among other things, he supported the education of poor students. He played an important role in the establishment of the Realgymnasium grammar school in Tábor, to which he donated his library. He had developed it for his entire life; originally, it comprised an impressive number of 3,000 volumes. The library of J. D. Arbeiter is not only an example of one of a few extant burgher libraries of the 19th century. Thanks to the breadth of Arbeiter’s interests, it also provides a selective overview of Czech book production at the time.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lee Patriots"

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Gangl, Peter. "Franz Ehrle (1845 - 1934) und die Erneuerung der Scholastik nach der Enzyklika "Aeterni patris"." Regensburg Pustet, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2806567&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.

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Gangl, Peter. "Franz Ehrle (1845 - 1934) und die Erneuerung der Scholastik nach der Enzyklika "Aeterni patris"." Regensburg Pustet, 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2806567&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Sánchez, Resalt Ana María. "La Propaganda "cultural" soviética en la Segunda Guerra Mundial: los casos del Comité para los Asuntos de las Artes y Literatúrnaya Gazeta." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/398143.

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Esta Tesis trata sobre la propaganda soviética durante la Gran Guerra Patriótica, en concreto sobre el modo en el que prensa y arte fueron puestos al servicio de la propaganda en este periodo. Para determinar cómo sociedad y sistema fueron “rehechos” por la propaganda “cultural”, hemos analizado documentos del Comité para los Asuntos de las Artes y el periódico cultural Literatúrnaya Gazeta. Partiendo de la consideración de la propaganda como herramienta para la construcción del imaginario (de clase) del pueblo soviético, en nuestro análisis hemos buscado referencias al papel del artista como “soldado” y a elementos presoviéticos recuperados en los discursos institucional y periodístico, con el objetivo de concretar las principales características del ciudadano soviético y su enemigo tal y como fueron descritas durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Asimismo, nos detendremos en mostrar cómo el arte fue institucionalizado y cómo las instituciones culturales trabajaron para establecer el único tipo de arte posible (tanto en contenido como en forma) en la URSS durante la Gran Guerra Patriótica.
Aquesta Tesi tracta sobre la propaganda soviètica durant la Gran Guerra Patriòtica, en concret sobre la manera en que la premsa i l’art van ser posats al servei de la propaganda en aquest període. Per a determinar com la societat i sistema van ser “refets” per la propaganda “cultural”, hem analitzat documents del Comitè per els Assumptes de les Arts i el diari cultural Literatúrnaya Gazeta. Partint de la consideració de la propaganda com a eina per a la construcció de l’imaginari (de classe) del poble soviètic, en la nostra anàlisi hem buscat referències al paper de l’artista com “soldat” i a elements presoviètics recuperats en els discursos institucional i periodístic, amb l’objectiu de concretar les principals característiques del ciutadà soviètic i el seu enemic tal com van ser descrites durant la Segona Guerra Mundial. Així mateix, ens detindrem a mostrar com l’art va ser institucionalitzat i com les institucions culturals van treballar per establir l’únic tipus d’art possible (tant en contingut com en forma) en la URSS durant la Gran Guerra Patriòtica.
This Thesis is on Soviet propaganda during the Great Patriotic War, and specifically the way that journalism and art were turned into propaganda. In order to examine how the Soviet system and society were “remade” through the arts by war under Stalin, we have analyzed documents from the Committee of Arts Affairs and the cultural newspaper Literaturnaya Gazeta. The main premise of this research is to do with propaganda as a means for the construction of (class) imaginaries among the Soviet people. To that end, we have looked for references in the media and institutional discourse to: the role of the artist as a “soldier” or “warrior”; aspect of Russian culture from pre-Soviet elements; and the defining characteristics of the Soviet people and its enemies as described in Literaturnaya Gazeta during WWII. Furthermore, we have have tried to build an understanding of the ways in which art was institutionalized during the war, and of how state cultural institutions worked to establish the only permissible type of art (in both content and form).

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Bennett, Amanda. "From Reasonable Accommodation to Understanding: Reconsidering Diversity Management Practices in Quebec." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9842.

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En 2007, le Premier ministre du Québec, monsieur Jean Charest, a établi la Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différences culturelles afin de donner suite aux conflits émanant des différences ethniques et culturelles. La commission a pour mandat de dresser le bilan des pratiques d’accommodement au Québec, d’analyser la problématique, de consulter la population et de formuler des recommandations au gouvernement afin d’assurer la conformité des pratiques d’accommodement avec les valeurs de la société québécoise. En premier lieu, ce mémoire démontrera que deux facteurs, dont l’évolution de l’identité de la majorité francophone et l’évolution des pays d’origine des immigrants, ont contribué à un malaise de gestion de la diversité et, par conséquent, ont rendu l’établissement de la commission pertinent. En deuxième lieu, m’appuyant sur une revue de la méthodologie, des conclusions et des recommandations de la commission, ainsi que la réplique du Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, je vais illustrer que, malgré un mandat pertinent et achevé, la réponse gouvernementale fut inadéquate. Finalement, je démontrerai que les modèles de gestion de diversité soutenus par le rapport de la Commission, la laïcité inclusive et l’interculturalisme, sont des aspects nécessaires de la gestion de la diversité. Cependant, ils en découlent des philosophies politiques de neutralisme et pluralisme dont la force et le compromis en sont les buts. Je crois que le Québec peut être meilleur gestionnaire de sa diversité et peut obtenir de vraies réconciliations en prônant la conversation; une approche patriotique de la gestion de diversité.
In 2007 and in response to conflicts stemming from ethnic and religious difference, Quebec Premier Jean Charest established the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences. The Commission’s mandate was to take stock of accommodation practices in Quebec, analyse the issues, consult the population and formulate recommendations to the government to ensure accommodation practices’ congruence with the values of Quebec society. This mémoire will first argue that two factors, namely the evolution of the francophone majority population’s identity and changes to immigrants’ origins, contributed to Quebec’s malaise with diversity management and thus made the establishment of the Commission relevant. Second, through a review of the Commission’s methods, findings, recommendations and the Ministry of Immigration and Cultural communities’ response to the recommendations, it will be argued that while the Commission’s mandate was both pertinent and fulfilled, the government’s response was inadequate. Finally, it will be argued that while open secularism and interculturalism, diversity management methods proffered by the Commission’s report, are necessary components of diversity management, they espouse the political philosophies of neutralism and pluralism which respectively result in force and compromise. I will argue that Quebec can manage difference more effectively and achieve true reconciliation by embracing conversation, a patriotic approach to diversity management.

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Books on the topic "Lee Patriots"

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The character of a patriot: What challenge to Nigerian Youths, leaders and the led? Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2007.

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Erickson, Matt. Patriot Quest: To Restore Our American Republic. Vancouver, WA: Patriot Corps, 2015.

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Office, General Accounting. Patriot missile defense: Software problem led to system failure at Dhahran, Saudi Arabia : report to the Chairman, Subcommittee on Investigations and Oversight, Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: U.S. General Accounting Office, 1992.

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Alexander, MacDonald. Col. Jeremiah Lee: Marblehead merchant-patriot, 1721-1775 : the life and times of the man who helped bring prosperity to Marblehead in colonial days and also played an active part in planning the American Revolution : a biography. Marblehead: A. MacDonald, 1994.

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MacIntyre, Alasdair C. Three rival versions of moral enquiry: Encyclopedia, genealogy, and tradition : being Gifford lectures delivered in the University of Edinburgh in 1988. London: Duckworth, 1990.

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MacIntyre, Alasdair C. Three rival versions of moral enquiry: Encyclopaedia, genealogy, and tradition : being Gifford lectures delivered in the University of Edinburgh in 1988. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990.

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The magic of the state. New York: Routledge, 1997.

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The pragmatic Whitman: Reimagining American democracy. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2002.

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Brady, Cyrus Townsend. The Patriots: The Story Of Lee And The Last Hope. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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Townsend, Brady Cyrus. The Patriots: The Story Of Lee And The Last Hope. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Lee Patriots"

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Szanyi, Miklós. "Impacts of the Crisis on the FDI-Led Development Model in Hungary: Emergence of Economic Patriotism or Shift from the Competition State to Patronage?" In Economics of European Crises and Emerging Markets, 149–70. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5233-0_7.

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Jones, Brad A. "Introduction." In Resisting Independence, 1–13. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754012.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of how the American Revolution shaped a popular transatlantic understanding of British loyalism, focusing on the four port cities spanning the North Atlantic: New York City; Kingston, Jamaica; Halifax, Nova Scotia; and Glasgow, Scotland. During the early stages of the revolution, a shared transatlantic understanding of what it meant to be British in these four communities initially crumbled in the face of the Patriots' assertion that their cause was rooted in a defense of Protestant British liberty. Patriot arguments led loyal Britons in these places to question what defined their attachment to the empire. Out of these crises there emerged a new understanding of loyalism rooted in a strengthened defense of monarchy and duly constituted government. After the Franco-American alliance of 1778, loyal Britons were also able to reclaim their belief in the supremacy of Protestant British liberty, which they contrasted with the alleged tyranny of American Patriots and their French Catholic allies. Ultimately, the British loyalism as it developed in the wake of the American war was more conservative and authoritarian, reaching its apogee in the reaction against the radicalism of the French Revolution and the despotism of Napoleon.

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Robinson, Michael D. "What Ought Patriots to Do?" In Union Indivisible. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469633787.003.0005.

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This chapter explains the development of the Unionist Offensive, which was an effort by Border South moderates to sustain the region’s pro-Union mind-set in the weeks after the election of Republican Abraham Lincoln. Although the election of 1860 had proven that many white border southerners continued to espouse a preference for moderate politics, Unionists rightfully worried that pro-secession sentiment would spread rapidly in the region, especially after many Lower South states called conventions to consider secession. Led by Kentucky Senator John Jordan Crittenden, the Unionist Offensive was a full-fledged political campaign aimed at beating back disunionists. It included pro-Union political rallies, newspaper editorials, and stump speaking. The centrepiece of the Unionist Offensive was the argument that slavery was best protected within the Union and that secession greatly endangered slavery. The chapter focuses on Crittenden’s efforts to craft a compromise package in the U.S. Senate which would allay the fears of white border southerners about the safety of slavery now that Republicans were poised to take over the federal government.

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Bost, Hubert. "Bayle patriote. Quelques conséquences théologico-politiques de sa loyauté envers la France." In Le bon historien sait faire parler les silences, 299–310. Presses universitaires du Midi, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pumi.39171.

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Skillen, James R. "Glenn Beck’s Common Sense." In This Land is My Land, 135–63. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197500699.003.0008.

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The Patriot Rebellion during the Obama administration demonstrated just how well conservative western frustrations with federal land management were woven into a national conservative challenge to federal authority, and it illustrated how well-integrated the militias were in conservative politics. Indeed, the line between mainstream and extreme political protest were blurred considerably compared to the Sagebrush Rebellion. The Patriot Rebellion was led by the largely Christian Tea Party movement, which used the language and symbols of the American Revolution to condemn the Obama administration and the federal government generally as unconstitutional tyrants. And it was carried further by the armed Patriot Movement, in which people claimed they were prepared to kill for the Constitution.

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Smith, Craig Bruce. "A Matter of Honor and a Test of Virtue." In American Honor, 65–97. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638836.003.0004.

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This chapter traces the period from the end of the French and Indian War to the signing of the Declaration of Independence. It analyzes the formation of a communal sense of self before and during the Revolution, based on recognition of British slights to Americans’ personal honor. The origins of the American Revolution are thus cast as a defense of honor on the part of the patriots. This chapter illustrates how ethical changes that occurred during the colonial period directly led to the American Revolution. The central theme is the progression of American honor, virtue, and ethics from simply a direct British offspring to something that is more individualized under the context of a nascent proto-nationalism. This chapter contends that the patriots viewed the American Revolution as a matter of honor and a test of virtue. Men like Washington felt that British policy had attacked their honor, and they were forced to react. America would win or lose based upon maintaining its virtue. It also offers new causes of the war. The chapter shows that the coming of the Revolution was understood by the patriots as more of an ethical question than a question of taxation or sovereignty.

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Scher-Zembitska, Lydia. "Chapitre III. La constitution du parti patriote." In L’aigle et le phénix, 79–117. CNRS Éditions, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.editionscnrs.34617.

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Saro, Georges. "Il conte di Carmagnola. Manzoni biographe et patriote." In L'Histoire derrière le rideau, 93–106. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.78720.

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MacDonald, Alexander. "Piety, Pioneers, and Patriots: The First American Observatories." In The Long Space Age. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300219326.003.0002.

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Abstract:

In the earliest period of American history, astronomy and the exploration of the heavens was considered a hallmark of intellectual development and a noble endeavor for the colonial elite. In the wake of the American Revolution, the desire to signal a robust and independent national presence intensified in all areas, including astronomy. Major efforts in this regard were led by John Quincy Adams. From the mid-1830s, and for the next four decades, the construction of observatories accelerated rapidly as part of what has been referred to as “the American Observatory Movement” starting with university and college observatories and progressing to observatories with broader social contexts. An observatory located on top of a Philadelphia high school was an unlikely inflexion point in the history of American space exploration. The motivations of religious belief also played a significant role in the funding of early American observatories. The Georgetown Observatory was a point of contention between American Jesuits and the Superior General in Rome, and politics and ambition elevated the Navy’s Depot for Charts and Instruments to America’s first National Observatory.

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"Tory history: Thomas Salmon’s Modern History." In Commerce, finance and statecraft, edited by Ben Dew, 117–33. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992965.003.0007.

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Abstract:

England underwent a financial revolution in the 1690s, as attempts by its Whig governments to raise money for the nation's war efforts led to a series of changes in the management of government revenue. This chapter opens with an outline of these developments before exploring how 'Court Whig' and 'Patriot' writers of the 1720s and 1730s dealt with them in their historical commentaries. It then proceeds to its principal subject: the work of Tory historian, Thomas Salmon. His Modern History (1724–38), it is argued, drawing on both Court Whig and Patriot histories, used its narrative of England's Tudor and Stuart monarchs to develop a scathing attack on contemporary innovations in commerce and credit. As a consequence, Salmon's work is a useful example of the ways in which debates about modern economic practices were frequently fought on historical terrain.

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