Journal articles on the topic 'Leeds Special District Meeting'

Nickel (Ni) laterites are regolith materials derived from ultramafic rocks and play an important role in the world's Ni production. Ni-laterite deposits are the supergene enrichment of Ni formed from the intense chemical and mechanical weathering of ultramafic parental rocks. In Vietnam, the weathering profile containing Ni laterite was first discovered in the Ha Tri massive (Cao Bang). This profile develops on the Ha Tri serpentinized peridotite rocks classified to the Cao Bang mafic-ultramafic complex (North Vietnam) and exhibits thick weathered zone (10 - 15m). This work carried out a detailed study of the weathering profile at the center of Ha Tri massive. Samples from different horizons of the profile were collected and analyzed in detail by XRF, XRD and SEM-EDX methods to establish the relationship between the Ni-rich supergene products and the parental peridotites (lherzolite) rocks in Ha Tri massive. The results show that the saprolite horizon is most Ni-rich in the weathering profile in Ha Tri. In this horizon, Ni-silicate minerals of garnierite group such as pimelite, nepouite and other Mg-Ni silicates have been found. The appearance of minerals of garnierite group is due to the exchange of Mg by Ni during weathering of peridotite minerals, especially olivine, which leads to the enrichment of the supergene Ni. The occurrence of Ni silicates suggests the existence of the supergene Ni ore in the weathering profile of the Ha Tri massive.References Bosio N.J., Hurst J.V., Smith R.L., 1975. Nickelliferousnontronite, a 15 Å garnierite, at Niquelandia, Goias Brazil. Clays Clay Miner., 23, 400-403. Brand N.W., Butt C.R.M., Elias M., 1998. Nickel Laterites: Classification and features. AGSO Journal of Australian Geology & Geophysics, 17(4), 81-88. Bricker O.P., Nesbitt H.W. and Gunter W.D., 1973. The stability of talc. American Mineralogist, 58, 64-72. Brindley G.W. and Hang P.T., 1973. The nature of garnierites. Structures, chemical composition and color characteristics. Clay and Clay Minerals, 21, 27-40. Brindley G.W. and Maksimovic Z., 1974. The nature and nomenclature of hydrous nickel-containing silicates. Clay Minerals, 10, 271-277. Brindley G.W. and Wan H.M., 1975. Composition structures and thermal behavior of nickel containing minerals in thelizardite-ne´pouite series. American Mineralogist, 60, 863-871. Brindley G.W., Bish D.L. and Wan H.M., 1979. Compositions, structures and properties of nickel containing minerals in the kerolite-pimelite series. American Mineralogist, 64, 615-625. Cluzel D. and Vigier B., 2008. Syntectonic mobility of supergene nickel ores from New Caledonia (Southwest Pacific). Evidence from faulted regolith and garnierite veins. Resource Geology, 58, 161-170. Colin F., Nahon D., Trescases J.J., Melfi A.J., 1990. Lateritic weathering of pyroxenites at Niquelandia, Goais, Brazil: The supergene behavior ofnickel: Economic Geology, 85, 1010-1023. Das S.K., Sahoo R.K., Muralidhar J., Nayak B.K., 1999. Mineralogy and geochemistry of profilesthrough lateritic nickel deposits at Kansa,Sukinda, Orissa. Joural of Geoogical. SocietyIndia, 53, 649-668. Decarreau A., Colin F., Herbillon A., Manceau A., Nahon D., Paquet H., Trauth-Badaud D.,Trescases J.J., 1987. Domain segregation in NiFe-Mg-Smectites. Clay Minerals, 35, 1-10. Freyssinet P., Butt C.R.M. and Morris R.C., 2005. Oreforming processes related to lateritic weathering. Economic Geology, 100th aniversary volume, 681-722.Garnier J., Quantin C., Martins E.S., Becquer T., 2006. Solid speciation and availability of chromium in ultramafic soils from Niquelandia, Brazil. Journal of Geochemical Exploration, 88, 206-209. Garnier J., Quantin C., Guimarães E., Becquer T., 2008. Can chromite weathering be a source of Cr in soils? Mineralogy Magazine, 72, 49-53. Gleeson S.A., Butt C.R. and Elias M., 2003. Nickel laterites: A review. SEG Newsletter, 54, 11-18. Gleeson S.A., Butt C.R., Wlias M., 2003. Nickellaterites: a review. SEG Newsletter, Society of Economic Geology, 54. Available from www.segweb.org. Golightly J.P., 1981. Nickeliferous laterite deposits. Economic Geology, 75th Anniversary volume, 710-735. Golightly J.P., 2010. Progress in understanding the evolution of nickel laterite. Society of Economic Geology, In Special Publication, 15, 451-485. Manceau A. and Calas G., 1985. Heterogeneous distribution of nickel in hydrous silicates from New Caledonia ore deposits. American Mineralogist, 70, 549-558. Nguyen Van Pho, 2013. Tropic weathering in Vietnam (in Vietnamese). Pubisher Science and Technology, 365p.Ngo Xuan Thanh, Tran Thanh Hai, Nguyen Hoang, Vu Quang Lan, S. Kwon, Tetsumaru Itaya, M. Santosh, 2014. Backarc mafic-ultramafic magmatism in Northeastern Vietnam and its regional tectonic significance. Journal of Asian Earth Sciences, 90, 45-60.Pelletier B., 1983. Localisation du nickel dans les minerais ‘‘garnieritiques’’ de Nouvelle-Caledonie. Sciences Ge´ologique: Me´moires, 73, 173-183.Pelletier B., 1996. Serpentines in nickel silicate ores from New Caledonia. In Grimsey E.J., and Neuss I. (eds): Nickel ’96, Australasian Institute of Miningand Metallurgy, Melbourne, Publication Series 6(9), 197-205. Proenza J.A., Lewis J.F., Galı´ S., Tauler E., Labrador M., Melgarejo J.C., Longo F. and Bloise G., 2008. Garnierite mineralization from Falcondo Ni-laterite deposit (Dominican Republic). Macla, 9, 197-198. Soler J.M., Cama J., Galı´ S., Mele´ndez W., Ramı´rez, A., andEstanga, J., 2008. Composition and dissolution kinetics ofgarnierite from the Loma de Hierro Ni-laterite deposit,Venezuela. Chemical Geology, 249, 191-202. Springer G., 1974. Compositional and structural variations ingarnierites. The Canadian Mineralogist, 12, 381-388. Springer G., 1976. Falcondoite, nickel analogue of sepiolite. The Canadian Mineralogist, 14, 407-409.Svetlitskaya T.V., Tolstykh N.D., Izokh A.E., Phuong Ngo Thi, 2015. PGE geochemical constraints on the origin of the Ni-Cu-PGE sulfide mineralization in the Suoi Cun intrusion, Cao Bang province, Northeastern Vietnam. Miner Petrol, 109, 161-180.Tran Trong Hoa, Izokh A.E., Polyakov G.V., Borisenko A.S., Tran Tuan Anh, Balykin P.A., Ngo Thi Phuong, Rudnev S.N., Vu Van Van, Bui An Nien, 2008. Permo-Triassic magmatism and metallogeny of Northern Vietnam in relation to the Emeishan plume. Russ. Geol. Geophys., 49, 480-491.Trescases J.J., 1975. L'évolution supergene des roches ultrabasiques en zone tropicale: Formation de gisements nikelifères de Nouvelle Caledonie. Editions ORSTOM, Paris, 259p.Tri T.V., Khuc V. (eds), 2011. Geology and Earth Resources of Vietnam. Publishing House for Science and Technology, 645p (in English). Villanova-de-Benavent C., Proenza J.A., GalíS., Tauler E., Lewis J.F. and Longo F., 2011. Talc- and serpentine-like ‘‘garnierites’’ in the Falcondo Ni-laterite deposit, Dominican Republic. ‘Let’s talk ore deposits’, 11th Biennial Meeting SGA 2011, Antofagasta, Chile, 3p.Wells M.A., 2003. Goronickel laterite deposit. New Caledonia. CRC LEME, p.3.

A financial institution has a major role to play in the development of any district as they provide financial assistance to the people who take up income-generating activity. The district is predominantly agriculture having 58% land id irrigated area and 42% rain-fed area. Efficient planning facilitates optimal and needs-based use of available resources for meeting the development needs of the region in an equitable and scientific manner. Priority sector lending is a scheme guided by the Government. As per RBI directive, commercial banks advised granting 40% of their total advances to borrowers in the priority sectors. Priority means to give preference and privilege. This paper provides a platform to understand priority sector lending by public sector banks with special reference to shivamogga district. The District credit plan of shivamogga district during the year 2019-2020 provides the information of outlay. An outlay of Rs.3395 crores has been provided for agriculture out a total priority outlay of RS.6262 crores. The study has used both primary and secondary data. The collected data are embodied by using tables, and analysis was done by using percentage analysis and a statistical tool like X2 test is also used.

Key issues in constructing an urban deprivation index are discussed, with special reference to the need for flexibility. Governments use such an index for many purposes and for policies targeted at different spatial scales. The technical decisions and the criteria for the selection of indicators are discussed. A single index is rejected in favour of a matrix of results which captures the complex geography of deprivation. The matrix of districts includes measures of the degree of deprivation, its spatial extent, its intensity, and the spatial distribution of deprivation at the enumeration district scale. The profiles of various districts are discussed to illustrate the use of the matrix.

As per the Economic association of Indonesia and India, India has been one of the fastest growing economies in the world since the early 90s and India is fourth largest economy of the world after US in terms of purchasing power parity. This is because of the important role played by the financial sector comprising a large number of well managed banking services both in public and private sectors. India's second largest bank is the ICICI Bank offering a wide range of financial services to its customers through its delivery channels. To attain this sustainable competitive advantage, service industries face a unique challenge of meeting the needs of the customers regularly and continuously. Though mechanized form of activity has its own impact on service delivery performance, many service industries still remain to be manual because there exits no equivalent substitute for personal interaction between the employees of service industry and customers. The optimum mix of technology and people in the service delivery process decides the competitive advantage of an organization. Customer satisfaction is taken as a yardstick for measuring the quality of service and providing excellent customer service decides the effectiveness of service delivery process. Only through excellent customer service, an organization can consistently exceed customer expectations. In order to achieve customer satisfaction, every service organization must understand and improve service delivery process and implement valid and reliable service performance measures to measure the same. To assess the degree of customer satisfaction, a SERVQUAL instrument is administered to study the quality of service and the gaps were identified in the services offered by ICICI Bank, Tiruchirapalli District in all five dimensions of service quality, the overall weighted SERVQUAL score being −1.92. The ICICI Bank Ltd. has to take steps to close the gaps by establishing a service quality information system.

Several research have studied how school management impacts cognitive and non-cognitive components of students’ lives. However, less is known about what district level administrators do when dealing with issues concerning school climate. This study aims a comprehensive review of the literature on school district level involvement in school climate, with focus on the underlying school climate construct, methods, and associated outcomes. The results show four dominant dimensions: community, safety, risk, and academic performance. District level administrators are concerned not only of students’ but also of teachers’ wellbeing, with special focus placed on teacher stress and burnout. Despite the positive impact of informed decision making on school performance, accountability pressures involved in meeting evaluation criteria may offset the benefits. Our review confirms the need to support district leadership to set the goals and measure the progress of successful strategies to manage school climate issues.

John Dyson was born on the 7th January 1941 in Meltham Mills, West Yorkshire, England, and later grew up in Harrogate and Leeds. The proudest moment of John's early life was meeting Freddie Trueman, who became one of the greatest fast bowlers of English cricket. John used a state scholarship to study at Kings College London, after hearing a radio lecture by D. M. McKay. He received a first class BSc Special Honours Degree in Physics in 1962, and began a Ph.D. at the University of Manchester Department of Astronomy after being attracted to astronomy by an article of Zdenek Kopal in the semi-popular journal New Scientist. John soon started work with Franz Kahn, and studied the possibility that the broad emission lines seen from the Orion Nebula were due to flows driven by the photoevaporation of neutral globules embedded in a HII region. John's thesis was entitled “The Age and Dynamics of the Orion Nebula“ and he passed his oral examination on 28th February 1966.

Today, school districts are challenged in meeting the health and educational needs of students with chronic health conditions. One of the challenges school districts face is determining when students with health-related disabilities are eligible for services under Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. This article reviews Section 504 and its regulations as they apply to public schools, particularly with respect to eligibility criteria for students with special health care needs. The article also reviews recent case law and explores the implications of these legal standards for school district practice, including the need for clear policies and procedures, consistent Section 504 teams, training, and alternatives for meeting the needs of students who are found not to be eligible for services under Section 504.

At the meeting points of different cultures, a unique quality is born. That is what we can experience when sacred round dance, dance therapy, and talent development meet and overlap. The study aims to present a project operated by the Budapest 10th district Educational Consultant Team with the support of the Hungarian National Talent Program. The program, named Square-Dance-Theatre-Scene, was started as an experiment, integrating 12–14-year-old students, including psychologists, drama experts, art therapists, dance therapists, and dance teachers. In the paper, a sacred dance therapeutic workshop is described and analyzed, which was a part of this broader talent management program. The workshop was preceded by an outline of the underlying tripartite theoretical background: The sacred dance workshop’s group dynamics are analyzed with dance and movement therapy methods. The archaic roots of sacred dance related to the therapeutic approach are also displayed. Finally, a SWOT-type summary of the work process is given, including both the project’s strengths and weaknesses.

All students, including those with significant cognitive disabilities, must participate in accountability testing under NCLB regulations. Each state must provide an alternate assessment for students unable to participate in general accountability testing. Carefully designed alternate assessment systems have the potential to go beyond meeting federal reporting requirements by providing meaningful information about student progress that can guide decision making at the classroom and district level. In this paper, we discuss issues related to alternate assessment, including (a) balancing standardization and individualization, (b) setting performance criteria, (c) establishing links with progress monitoring and instruction, and (d) addressing special challenges of rural school systems that must be considered in designing and implementing an alternate assessment system that can fulfill this vision.

Events of regional history often become a subject of study for researchers from different areas that allow you to restore a single picture the history of the country. The issue of medical care organization of spec. migratory population of Ostyako-Vogul national region in the period of industrial development of the country in the 20-30s of the twentieth century has been considered in this article, based on archival documents, including declassified. The expansion of the raw material and energy base through the active development of areas of Ural and Siberia, led to the rapid growth of the population of the region, by forcibly resettled from other regions of the country. Population growth, in turn, complicated the situation with health care, which was already not easy because of the specificity of the region (territorial remoteness and long distances between localities, harsh climate, lack of medical personnel, and so on. Health care for special settlers, especially in the beginning of the 1930s, was hardly established. Existed in the district, few medical aid stations were sent to help the local population, aboriginal people. Medical institutions and personnel were not enough, the most necessary medicines were lack ion sites and so on. The living conditions not meeting the standards, overcrowding, lack of normal living conditions, insufficient supply, paltry rations, hard labor conditions, inadequate and untimely medical care were the main causes of high morbidity and factors in the development of epidemics among special settlers.

AbstractThe paper presents the history of the protection of trees with special values, the current state of monument trees and the preliminary description of trees meeting the minimal circumference criteria to be regarded as natural monuments in the Kampinos National Park (KNP). The study was conducted in the years 2017–2019. In the KNP, there are 69 living trees with a status of natural monuments. Most of them are oaks – 56 specimens, Scots pine – 6 specimens, small-leaved lime – 5 specimens and European hornbeam and European ash – 1 specimen each. Among all, 27 trees grow individually and the other 42 grow in 7 groups. About 200 trees were recognised as meeting the minimal circumference criteria to be regarded as natural monuments. The thickest size tree in the KNP is the black poplar with a circumference of 805 cm, growing in the enclave of Ruska Kępa, and the thickest monument tree in the KNP area is Dąb Kobędzy (Kobendza Oak) with a circumference of 582 cm. Almost a half of the living monument trees (34 specimens) are situated in Kampinos Forest District. In Kromnów, there are 20, and in Laski Forest District 15 specimens of monument trees are mapped. Living monument trees were found in 15 (out of 17) forest subdistricts. The highest number of monument trees was found in Rózin Forest Subdistrict (16) and in Wilków Forest Subdistrict (10). The lowest number – one specimen per forest subdistrict – was found in six forest subdistricts (Dąbrówka, Grabina, Janówek, Krzywa Góra, Rybitew and Zamczysko). In total, there are around 300 specimens of natural monuments and trees meeting the minimal circumference criteria to be regarded as natural monuments, which means that there is one tree of this category for each 125 ha surface of the KNP.

Using the example of discussions on the building of the Komi-Permyak district, the author analyzes the features of national state building in the RSFSR in the 1920s. The article focuses on one of the turning points in the process of establishing the Komi-Permyak district, namely the situation in 1921, when the initially unpopular idea of separating the Permyak region from Perm province unexpectedly became popular among the local population in the course of just a few months. Previously unpublished archival material allows us to assess the course of the discussion about the future of the Permyak region in 1921. Of particular value are the transcripts of a January 1925 closed meeting of a special commission on the Permyak issue; this commission was established on the order of the secretariat of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The commission decided to establish the Permyak region, and analyzed the developments in this territory in 1921. The situation refl ected the confrontation between the “national” and “economic” blocs within the Bolshevik leadership in the process of territorial delimitation. The documents furthermore demonstrate that the methods of local authorities relating to border disputes were cynical and uncompromising. The authorities of the Komi autonomous region were agitating among the population of the Permyak region to secede from Perm province without coordinating their activities with the local authorities. In turn, the authorities of Perm province launched a large-scale repressive campaign against activists of the national and cultural Permyak movement. Politically-motivated deception, bribery, and persecution became integral parts of the discussion regarding the self-determination of the Permyak population. While seeking the support of the “center,” the opposing parties did not pay a lot of attention to recommendations from Moscow and acted only in their own interests. The process of building the Komi-Permyak district in many ways demonstrates the essence of the early Soviet national policy as a system of checks and balances aimed at gaining the loyalty of diff erent nationalities under the umbrella of Soviet statehood.

<p>The national Mental Health Action Plan (MHAP) flowed from the Ekurhuleni Declaration, adopted at the National Mental Health Summit (NMHS) in April 2012. The final draft of the MHAP included eight national objectives, with key activities which were believed to be ‘catalytic.’ These objectives include: district-based mental health service; institutional capacity; surveillance, research and innovation; infrastructure and capacity; mental health technology, equipment and medicines; inter-sectoral collaboration; human resources; and advocacy, mental health promotion and prevention of illness. A representative group of regional State Employed Special Interest Group (SESIG) delegates met during April 2013, to: operationalise the 12 South African Society of Psychiatrists (SASOP)/SESIG position statements of the previous year; review SASOP’s position statements in the context of the proposed national MHAP; and to identify SASOP’s role and responsibilities accordingly. This paper describes the contextual events in the drafting of the MHAP, as well as the appraisal of the MHAP during the 2013 SASOP/SESIG meeting, and SASOP’S envisaged role and responsibilities according to the national MHAP. </p>

The elimination of malaria in the world is targeted in 2030. Java and Bali are targeted to get malaria elimination certification in 2023. The area in the Menoreh Hills, which is the border of 3 districts and two provinces, namely Magelang district and Purworejo district in Central Java Province; and Kulonprogo district, in Special Province of Yogyakarta. Magelang district has obtained a certificate of malaria elimination. This study uses a qualitative design with in-depth interviews with 4-6 informants in each district consisting of officers in the District Health Service, Public Health Center, District Planning and Development Agency, and People Welfare Unit in regional government. The activity was carried out from March 2018 to May 2019. The districts in the Menoreh Hills area have collaborated and held cross-regional meetings to eliminate malaria. Even though it had a different problem in human resources, funds, infrastructure, in general, cross-program has a role in the form of cooperation in activities that carried out together. The cross-sectoral involvement has not been seen much at the meeting, consolidation, and planning. Communities from three locations play a role in environmental cleanliness and migration surveillance. In the past, Magelang district has been active in collaborating cross-program and sectors as well as community participation compared to Kulonprogo and Purworejo districts, so that Magelang district can obtain a malaria elimination certificate first. However, currently, Kulonprogo and Purworejo districts have been active in collaborating cross-program and sectors, while in Magelang district are now weakening. The community already has awareness in the implementation of malaria migration surveillance. The community already has awareness in the implementation of malaria migration surveillance. Abstrak Eliminasi malaria di dunia ditargetkan pada tahun 2030. Jawa dan Bali ditargetkan mendapat sertifikasi eliminasi malaria pada tahun 2023. Kawasan Bukit Menoreh merupakan perbatasan dari 3 wilayah kabupaten dan 2 provinsi yaitu Magelang, Purworejo Provinsi Jawa Tengah dan Kabupaten Kulonprogo Provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Saat ini, Kabupaten Magelang telah memperoleh sertifikat eliminasi malaria. Penelitian ini bertujuan menilai/menentukan status kemitraan/kerjasama, lintas program, lintas sektor dan peran serta masyarakat dalam eliminasi malaria. Penelitian ini menggunakan desain kualitatif dengan metode wawancara mendalam kepada 4-6 informan pada setiap kabupaten yang terdiri dari petugas di dinas kesehatan kabupaten, puskesmas, Badan Perencanaan dan Pembangunan Daerah (Bappeda), serta pemerintah daerah bagian kesejahteraan rakyat (Kesra). Kegiatan dilakukan pada bulan Maret 2018-Mei 2019. Kabupaten di Kawasan Bukit Menoreh telah melakukan kerjasama dan pertemuan lintas wilayah dalam menanggulangi malaria. Meskipun mempunyai kendala yang berbeda-beda dari segi SDM, dana, sarana pra sarana, secara umum peran lintas program berupa kerjasama dalam pelaksanaan kegiatan yang dilaksanakan bersama-sama. Lintas sektor yang terlibat belum banyak yang terlihat pada pertemuan, konsolidasi, dan perencanaan. Masyarakat dari ketiga lokasi berperan dalam kebersihan lingkungan, surveilans migrasi. Magelang lebih dahulu aktif melakukan kerjasama lintas program dan lintas sektor serta peran serta masyarakat dibandingkan Kulonprogo dan Purworejo sehingga dapat lebih dahulu memperoleh sertifikat eliminasi malaria. Saat ini kegiatan kerjasama lintas program dan sektor di kabupaten Magelang melemah. Sedangkan, Kulonprogo dan Purworejo telah aktif melakukan kerjasama lintas program dan lintas sektor serta peran serta masyarakat. Masyarakat sudah mempunyai kesadaran dalam pelaksanaan surveilans migrasi malaria.

Socialization of non-timber forest product utilization as one form of the management of forest area with special purpose of Palangka Raya City is implemented and centered in meeting hall of Mungku Baru sub-distict of Rakumpit of Palangka Raya city. The socialization was conducted using the funding of fiscal inthe year of 2015. The purpose of community service is creating of awareness and participation of the people around the forest area with special purpose to take care of and utilize the forest products sustainably; empowerment and participation of the people around forests aimed at achieving sustainable forest resource management and improving the welfare of forest villagers. The target community in this socialization activity is the community in Mungku Baru Sub-District of Rakumpit of Palangka Raya City with their economic activity mostly still depend on the existence of forests and fields around the forest. Non-timber forest products that can be utilized by the people such as gamor skin, honey, resin gum, and traditional medicines. Population of pilau/damar (Agathis borneensis) is very large in the forest education of University of Muhammadiyah Palangkaraya, which is spread naturally in an area of approximately 2,500 Ha. The resin copal can be harvested without damaging and cutting down trees, so that forest conservation can be maintained. University of Muhammadiyah Palangkaraya as one of the forest managers of education is committed to help the welfare of the villagers around the forest. Cooperation system offered is buying and selling resin copal.

Benefit-sharing mechanisms between forest-based communities and governments are a way to meet conservation goals in developing countries, while still allowing forest-based income for local people. In Vietnam, the government implemented a pilot Benefit Sharing Mechanism (BSM) in Special Use Forests (SUFs), to develop a legal framework for sharing the benefits, rights, and responsibilities of forest conservation and management with local communities. One of the pilot areas is in Bach Ma National Park. We examined community involvement in the BSM pilot scheme in SUFs in the buffer zone of Bach Ma National Park located in Thuong Nhat commune, Nam Dong District. Sixty household surveys from two villages were undertaken in 2014. Most households agreed there were benefits, but some reported difficulties. Analysis of harvested non-timber forest products (NTFPs) showed a nearly 30% increase in average household income, based on regulated access to harvesting NTFPs by registered forest users. The difficulties experienced by those involved in the BSM pilot scheme included declining meeting attendance, infrequent meetings, harvested amounts of some NTFPs exceeding those allowed by the Benefit Sharing Arrangement, and forest protection teams failing to detect such irregularities. Finally, we suggest a number of improvements to BSM policies, such as incentives for forest protection team members to be more actively involved in harvest monitoring.

Title: Inclusive Design and Service Accessibility Improvement for Various Users in Petra Christian University Library In the context of Indonesia, Act No. 8 of 2016 actually recognizes the rights of the disabled. Unfortunately, the UNCRPD implementation seems not quite effective. Many educational facilities are not accessible for the disabled or the People with Disabilities. The learning environment has an indirect impact on student achievement, creating a positive attitude, higher motivation for learning and no doubt better performance. The accessibility aspect of learning places is crucial for educational facilities such as university Library. Petra Christian University (UKP) is located in the heart of Wonocolo District, Surabaya, East Java-Indonesia. With the motto "Learning zone that cares ". Library@Petra wants to be a learning center that caters to academics, and practitioners. Library@Petra is the largest and most complete academic library in East Java. On the other hand, many users find accessibility barriers to Library@Petra-owned facilities built in the 1980 's. Accessibility issues for all users are generated from Focus Group discussion (FGD) discussions, involving people with disabilities, elderly, pregnant women following children in accordance with User – Centered Principle. The Library@Petra redesign was submitted based on the principles of inclusive design submitted by Tanuwidjaja (2015). An Equitable Use but Reasonable Principle will be met through providing a help corner for users with special needs, accessible pathways and space to spin, as well as accessible meeting and toilet areas. Simple and Intuitive Use Principle will be filled with braille/visual and directional guides for the blind and other. The principle of requiring Low Physical Effort applied to accessible toilets and assistance to retrieve books in specific areas that are hard to reach, computers for users with special needs (blind users) are provided for reading, to access e-books and catalogs. Prohibition of Usage Error is recommended with the installation of a fence as high as 150 cm around the elevator aisle and anti-slippery floor. These recommendations were found difficult to be addressed because of the limited university's budget and the use of active Library@Petra throughout the year. Therefore, it is proposed a Special Assistance Corner for special users including disability as a first step. This corner is equipped with a dedicated User Service desk, a waiting couch and three computer stations for visual disabilities to read ebook and catalogue sites. Recommendation of this case is the higher nvolvement of People with Disabilites in inclusive design.

Maternal mortality rates are still high in several areas, including Bantul Regency, Special Region of Yogyakarta. Based on the data obtained from the Bantul District Health Office, from 2018 to 2019, 28 pregnant women died. Posyandu and Puskesmas cadres often encounter problems in collecting data on pregnant women because they still use manual methods. Manual records using books has disadvantages because sometimes pregnant women forget to bring their books. Therefore, an application for recording pregnancy history is needed to enable convenient monitoring by Posyandu cadres, Puskesmas, doctors, and hospitals in order that pregnant women patients can be handled properly in case of emergency. The application used by pregnant women is Mobile App-based, meanwhile, the Web-based Monitoring Information System is used by Posyandu cadres, Puskesmas, doctors, and hospitals. The application allows displaying the medical history and makes it easier for pregnant women to have counseling or examinations without meeting directly with the doctor. If there are any problems in the womb, the doctor will immediately provide a solution or recommendation. The results of the system testing with 15 respondents as users show that 52,1% strongly agree, 37,7% agree, and 10,2% neutral in response to the system interface. The implementation of the information system for monitoring high-risk pregnant women in the majority is accepted by all actors. Hence, it can be concluded that in an attempt to digitalize manual recording of pregnant women's examinations, this information system for monitoring high-risk pregnant women is reliable to be implemented.

Background: Action-oriented research is one of the most frequent research types implemented to transform community health in Indonesia. Three researchers and 11 graduate students from a developed country in East Asia conducted a fieldwork program in a remote area in South Sulawesi Province. Although the project was completed, whether or not the international standards for human subject research were applied into that study remains unclear. Objectives: This study aimed to examine ethical issues raised from that case, analyze constraints to the problems, and recommend alternatives to protect vulnerable populations from being exploited by local/international researchers. Methods: A problem-solving approach was used in this study. It began with problem identification, evaluation of the action-oriented research goal, investigation of the constraints to the problem, and recommendation of some relevant alternatives to address the central issue. Ethical Consideration: The approval for conducting the action-oriented research that being investigated in this work was only obtained from the Head of local district. Results: Some ethical issues were found in this case. No special protection for this population, no informed consent was obtained from the participants, exposure to social and economic risks, no future benefits for the subjects, and conflict of interests. Lack of control from the local research ethics committee and lack of competence of local researchers on human subject research were considered as the constraints to the problems. Discussion: Creating an independent research ethics committee, providing research ethics training to the local researchers, obtaining written/video consents from underserved populations, and meeting local health needs were recommended alternatives to solve these problems. Conclusion: Indonesian government bodies should reform their international collaborative system on research involving human subjects. Exploitation may not occur if all participants as well as all local and national governing bodies understand the research ethics on human subjects and apply it into their practice.

Culture can form civilization or tradition in meeting the needs and well being of the people involved in the environment. One of form the human culture is a work of art. Artwork reveals the attitudes, processes, Symbolics meaning in the form of movement, carvings, paintings, material realized from social and cultural knowledge. Cultural attractions have a high appeal because it has a special value in the form of art performances, traditional ceremonies, the noble values that are contained in an object of man's work in the past. People have a variety of cultural art that consists of various traditions ceremonies, art performances, habits of indigenous people in life. It can be a potential cultural attraction for tourists who visit the National Park area of Mount Merbabu in District Selo, Boyolali regency. The purpose of this research is to know the traditions of performance, art, and culture the people of Selo, Merbabu Mountain National Park, Boyolali Central Java. Culture can shape civilization or tradition in the needs and welfare of life for the people involved in its environment. One form of human culture is the work of art, which reveals attitudes, processes, symbols of meaning in the form of movements, carvings, paintings, material embodied from social and cultural knowledge. Social and cultural knowledge embodies special things such as artistic attractions, traditional rituals passed down until to the present day. The meaning of this honor is an expression of gratitude to the spirit of the ancestors who have helped keep the balance of the region and the agriculture of the Selo community to be safe, safe and abundant. This research uses qualitative and quantitative analysis method by measuring distribution/frequency of performance and implementation of tradition/culture of Selo society. The Selo community has various artistic and traditional cultures, including art performances, ancestral honors (sadranan on the 1st night of Suro), clean villages, and thanksgiving for the harvest. The results of the study found that: 1) the tradition of traditional ceremonies in the form of homage to ancestral spirits (ancestors) of 7.1 percent, 2) performances sendratari of 54.52 percent, 3) the use of public buildings with local architecture of Java that serves as a gallery art as much as 59.03 percent, and 4) Community activities work together 75.48 percent. The data also indicates that the traditions and culture of the Selo community, not only as a potential support for tourism but become an integral part of the development of nature tourism in the area of Gunung Merbabu National Park Boyolali, Central Java.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Religious life in Yogyakarta (DIY) has its own style and culture. It is based on the existence of DIY as a student town, travel, and education, resulting in DIY is seen as civil of tolerance due to DIY into a meeting place for differences of race, culture and religion. Thus, the existence of this study want to study on the role, community leaders and the government's response to the Youth Forum for Religious Harmony Special Region of Yogyakarta (FPKUB DIY) in strengthening the inclusive paradigm among young people in Yogyakarta.</p><p>This study used descriptive qualitative approach. While data collection techniques using the documentation, observation and interviews. Analysis of the data used in this research is data obtained and presented descriptively, begins by describing that has been expressed by the respondents either in person, in writing or direct observation. The process of data analysis is done by starting to examine all the data collected from various sources that had been predetermined.</p><p>This study shows that DIY FPKUB role in strengthening the inclusive paradigm of youth done with emphasis on inter-religious dialogue and national harmony. Form of program activities carried out by FPKUB DIY using participatory-dialogical that program activities runs are varied and well targeted, it is shown by the responses of participants who stated that 25% strongly agree, 60% agree, 15% disagree, 0% no agree, while the expectations of participants towards FPKUB DIY activities are in accordance with the expectations and desires of the participants with the response indicated 5% strongly agree, 85% agree, 10% disagree, 0% disagreed. Response to the role of community leaders FPKUB DIY done by inserting a board representative FPKUB DIY into management FKUB DIY that became the highest forum forum inter-religious harmony that already exist in each district and town in the province. Moreover, historically the birth of an initiative FPKUB DIY community leaders to encourage their mutual awareness among young people about religious harmony, so hope the presence of a pilot program DIY FPKUB other regions in Indonesia regarding inter-religious harmony forum based youth. The government's role Yogyakarta Special Region in strengthening the paradigm of inclusive youth conducted by FPKUB DIY done by providing facilities and infrastructures for use in a variety of activities by FPKUB DIY, though related forms penyelediaan facilities on grants and funding programs could not be implemented due to the lack of legal protection FPKUB overshadow the existence of DIY.</p><p>Keywords: <em>paradigm, inclusive, youth, religious groups</em></p>

There are dozens of parents from outside the region who protest against the implementation of Information System Application of Education-Acceptance of New Learners Online (SIAP-PPDB Online) Yogyakarta. This protest concerns the selection requirements to be met by the regions, as well as the smoothness of service connectivity. So, it is necessary to do research on the evaluation of the application of SIAP-PPDB online in improving the quality of service in the Education Department of Yogyakarta City in 2013-2015. This study aims to find out the evaluation of SIAP-PPDB online application program in improving the quality of Education service in Yogyakarta Education Office. The research method is qualitative description, by observation, interview, and documentation. Research respondents are the online PPDB providers at the same time in charge of online PPDB activities, online PPDB committees, online PPDB users. The result of the research shows that the evaluation result related to the unpublished original SKHUN protest has been completed with the stipulation through the decision letter of the coordination meeting of the District Education Office / City of Yogyakarta Special Region in DIY Dikpora Department.Keywords: Evaluation Toward, Online SIAP-PPDB, Educational Services Quality ABSTRAKAda puluhan wali murid luar daerah yang protes terhadap pelaksanaannya Sistem Informasi Aplikasi Pendidikan-Penerimaan Peserta Didik Baru Secara Online (SIAP-PPDB Online) Kota Yogyakarta. Protes ini menyangkut persyaratan seleksi yang harus dipenuhi daerah, serta kelancaran konektivitas layanan. Maka, perlu dilakukan penelitian mengenai evaluasi penerapan SIAP-PPDB online dalam meningkatkan mutu layanan di Dinas Pendidikan Kota Yogyakarta tahun 2013-2015. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui evaluasi program penerapan SIAP-PPDB online dalam meningkatkan mutu layanan Pendidikan di Dinas Pendidikan Yogyakarta. Metode penelitian yang dilakukan adalah deskripsi kualitatif, dengan cara observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Responden penelitian adalah penyelenggara PPDB online sekaligus penanggung jawab kegiatan PPDB online, panitia PPDB online, pengguna PPDB online. Hasil penelitian, menunjukan hasil evaluasi terkait protes SKHUN asli yang belum terbit telah selesaikan dengan ditetapkannya melalui surat keputusan hasil rapat koordinasi Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten/Kota se-Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta di Dinas Dikpora DIY.Kata kunci: Evaluasi Program, SIAP-PPDB online, Mutu layanan Pendidikan

The article describes the features of public (community) US colleges as a part of the US system. This reference provides some aspects of the community college in America. The mission of America’s community colleges is focused on three areas of commitment: access, responsiveness to community need, and equity. It is found that US community colleges are focused primarily on meeting the needs of the local community and cooperation with it, providing training for local organizations and businesses. They offer a wide range of educational programs for the training specialists who are prepared directly for work in the workplace and continuing education (academic (associate degree), labor and vocational (vocational and occupational education) programs; programs in adult education and continuing education, ensuring the implementation of the concept of “life-long learning” corporate training programs for the needs of a particular company or organization, etc.), as well as providing correction a previous level of education and, in some cases, providing a complete secondary education. Community colleges in the United States have a considerable popularity, which is growing every year. Community colleges serve the region where they are located, usually a city and district. College students often study in various forms of education (day, evening, distance form) and have the opportunity to work during the day. The commitment to access is exemplified by the open admissions policies of community colleges and the multiple ways colleges remove financial, physical, and academic barriers to entry. That access has resulted in entry into higher education by first generation, low-income, minorities, dropouts, working adults, and others who lacked the financial, academic, time, or location means to participate in traditional higher education systems. The author summarizes the experience of public (community) US colleges through the prism of the feasibility of its implementation in the domestic educational practice. A special interest of educational manager of Ukrainian colleges is paid on issues concerning governance, financing, access into higher education and cooperation with employers at community colleges. This article will be valued by everyone interested in the past, present, and future of the community college in America.

Introduction. Most of the territories where technical service enterprises are located in the agricultural-and-industrial complex, are high-quality agricultural lands. However, so far no analysis of the technological feasibility of using these land plots has been made. The goal of this work is to develop recommendations for the effective use of areas allocated for technical service enterprises, taking into account the increase in the density of development of territories through reconstructing of repair and service bases. Materials and Methods. Determination of actual indicators of the development density for technical service enterprises and their compliance with the set of rules was carried out using the companies’ accounting documents and situational plans for repair and maintenance bases. In the course of the study, recommendations were developed for reconstruction of master plans to increase the development for density repair and maintenance bases of these companies. Results. The results of studies of the actual development density of technical service enterprises have shown that in 65% of cases it is below the minimum development density established by the code of rules SP 19.13330.2011. The actual density maintenance bases is in the range of 5.1–66.0%. At the same time, the actual average density of development of enterprises of technical service for agricultural producers was 19.7%. The largest number of enterprises (61.9%) has the development density of 5–20%, that is, significantly lower than the standard value. The smallest number of enterprises (3.6%) have the development density in terms ecology of above 50%. Most enterprises (58.5%) have the green area less than 10%, which is lower than the regulated value. This characterizes the sites under considering as not meeting modern requirements. Comparing the actual value of the utilization rate of the enterprises site and the minimum value of the utilization rate of agricultural enterprises, it was found that 62% of the repair and maintenance bases of technical service enterprises did not exceed the value recommended in the special literature. Discussion and Conclusion. We showed the low efficiency in the use of areas allocated for repair and maintenance bases of technical service enterprises in various areas of the agricultural- and-industrial complex of the Volga Federal District of the Russian Federation.

The number of recidivist cases found in the society shows that the prisoner guidance system in correctional institutions is still not meeting its goals, especially as mandated in Article 2 of Law No. 12 of 1995 concerning Corrections. The problem discussed in this study was: how effective imprisonment is if it is related to the prisoner guidance system in correctional institutions, especially towards recidivists, so as to reduce the number of recidivists in Class II A of Correctional Institution, Kuningan District, West Java. This study applied a descriptive analytical method and a normative juridical approach. As results, it was found that the prisoner guidance system, especially for recidivists, was not yet fully implemented so that the goals of the Penal System, held in the context of establishing correctional prisoners to become fully human, be aware of their mistakes, improve themselves, and not repeat the crimes so that they can return to the society, can actively play a role in development, and can live reasonably as good and responsible citizens, have not been fulfilled. The goals of the penal system cannot be achieved yet especially because there is no separation of blocks between recidivist and non-recidivist prisoners, lack of correctional officers who have special skills needed in the field, negative views from the society, and limited facilities and infrastructure.�Efektifitas� Pidana Penjara terhadap Residivis dihubungkan dengan Peranan Lembaga� Pemasyarakatan� dalam Sistem Pembinaan Narapidana� Perspektif� Undang Undang Pemasyarakatan� �Banyaknya kasus residivis yang terdapat dalam masyarakat, menunjukan bahwa pembinaan terhadap Warga Binaan Pemasyarakatan masih belum memenuhi harapan kita semua. Khususnya sebagaimana yang diamanatkan dalam Pasal 2 Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 1995 tentang Pemasyarakatan. permasalahan adalah: seberapa efektifnya penjatuhan pidana penjara jika dikaitkan dengan sistem pembinaan terpidana di lembaga pemasyarakatan khususnya terhadap residivis sehingga dapat mengurangi jumlah residivis di Lembaga Pemasyarakatan Kelas II A Kuningan Jawa Barat. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan metode Deskriptif Analitis dan pendekatan yang dilakukan adalah Yuridis Normatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan studi dokumen. Berdasarkan penelitian diperoleh hasil bahwa ternyata pembinaan terhadap narapidana khususnya residivis belum sepenuhnya dapat dilaksanakan sehingga tujuan dari Sistem Pemasyarakatan yang diselenggarakan dalam rangka membentuk warga binaan pemasyarakatan agar menjadi manusia seutuhnya, menyadari kesalahan, memperbaiki diri dan tidak mengulangi tindak pidana sehingga dapat diterima kembali dalam lingkungan masyarakat, dapat aktif berperan dalam pembangunan dan dapat hidup secara wajar sebagai warga yang baik dan bertanggung jawab belum terpenuhi. Khususnya yang menyangkut tentang pemisahan blok antara napi residivis dan non residivis, kurangnya petugas lembaga pemasyarakatan yang memiliki keterampilan khusus yang sesuai dengan kebutuhan lapangan kerja, pandangan negatif dari masyarakat serta keterbatasan sarana dan prasarana.

ABSTRACTBackground : In order to support the global commitment in addressing the burden of non-communicable diseases, the government through the Ministry of Health set the one of the targets of the National Development Strategy Plan is the promotion and preventive service through the availability of health promotion personnel at the Puskesmas. To meet these needs the government issued a policy that is the Regulation of the Minister of Health No. 82 of 2015 on Technical Guidance Special Allocation Fund for Health Operational Support where one of financing is for promotive and preventive activities directed to finance one (1) contract health promotion workers. Aims : To analyze the implementation of the policy of Non-Physical Special Allocation Fund of 2016 to recruit Health Promotion Contract Workers for Puskesmas in Sumbawa and Sleman districts. Methods : A single case study study was established using Implementation Research carried out at the Health Office in Sumbawa and Sleman districts. Informants were interviewed using the Consolidated for Implementation Research (CFIR) framework as a guide in collecting and analyzing qualitative data. Result :The most dominant factor of CFIRs affecting the implementation of contract labor policies is the internal communication network, particularly the involvement of the management. Organizational needs are the reasons for implementing a policy, but this is not a major factor in the implementation of a policy. Meeting the needs of the organization is influenced by the involvement factor of the leader of the organization in this case the leadership commitment to the vision of the organization, the implementation is also influenced by the external communication network organization that is: advocacy, coordination and cooperation with cross-related sector. Conclusion : The policy of recruitment of contract workers in Sleman district was successfully implemented because the policy makers and implementers played a good role, while Sumbawa regency did not implement this policy because of the difference perception about the need of health promotion personnel between Puskesmas as implementer of policy and health department as policy maker which supervises the Puskesmas. Keyword : Implementation, outcome, DAK non-Physical policy, Contract force health promotion, Consolidated Framework for Implementation ResearchABSTRAKLatar belakang: Isu global tentang beban penyakit tidak menular menjadi salah satu dasar kebijakan nasional di bidang kesehatan. Penyakit tidak menular adalah penyebab 68% kematian di dunia dan sebagian terjadi pada negara berpenghasilan menengah ke bawah. Dalam rangka mendukung komitmen global pemerintah melalui Kementerian Kesehatan menetapkan salah satu sasaran Rencana Strategi Pembangunan Nasional (RPJMN) adalah upaya pelayanan promotif dan preventif dalam rangka menurunkan kejadian penyakit tidak menular yang dalam beberapa tahun terakhir berkembang pesat. Untuk memenuhi kebutuhan tersebut pemerintah melalui Kementerian Kesehatan mengeluarkan kebijakan yaitu Peraturan Menteri Kesehatan Nomor 82 Tahun 2015 tentang Juknis Dana Alokasi Khusus sebagai Bantuan Operasional Kesehatan dimana salah satu pembiayaannya adalah untuk kegiatan promotif dan preventif yang diarahkan untuk membiayai satu (1) orang tenaga kontrak promosi kesehatan. Tujuan untuk menganalisis pelaksanaan kebijakan Dana Alokasi Khusus Non Fisik Tahun 2016 untuk merekrut Tenaga Kontrak Promosi Kesehatan di Kabupaten Sumbawa dan Kabupaten Sleman Metode: Penelitian studi kasus tunggal terjalin dengan strategi pendekatan menggunakan Riset Implementasi ini dilakukan di Dinas Kesehatan di Kabupaten Sumbawa yang belum melaksanakan kebijakan Tenaga Kontrak Promosi Kesehatan dan Kabupaten Sleman yang telah melaksanakanya. Informan diwawancarai dengan menggunakan kerangka kerja The Consolidated for Implementation Research (CFIR) sebagai panduan dalam pengumpulan dan analisis data kualitatif. Partisipasi aktif pembuat keputusan kebijakan baik di Pusat maupun di Daerah ikut dilibatkan selama proses penelitian berlangsung, mulai dari penentuan topik, pertanyaan penelitian sampai pada pelaksanaan penelitian. Kata kunci: Implementasi, outcome, kebijakan DAK non Fisik, Tenaga Kontrak promosi kesehatan,Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research

This research aimed to map the quality curriculum used of kindergartens in Jakarta. The mapping curriculum was done by looking at the suitability curriculum with the stages of child development, needs of children, using the child-centered learning process, and taking ad-vantage of technological development. Subjects were 32 kindergarten institutions in Jakarta (North Jakarta and Jakarta Central), from 14 districts. Kindergarten institutions selected by representing every district. In collecting data, the researchers conducted an analysis content of curriculum and interview with respondents and informants in kindergarten institutions ei-ther principals or teachers in schools who selected as samples. The research team conducted a meeting to gather information that recorded as a result of observation and described in-depth interviews in the diary of researchers — the data collected from 16 kindergartens that are willing to research subject. The data consisted of curriculum documents, curriculum evaluation instruments and interviews’ result that analyzed qualitatively from the beginning of the data collection process including data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. Keyword: Content, Curriculum, Evaluation, Kindergarten References Burchinal, M. (2018). Measuring Early Care and Education Quality. Child Development Perspectives, 12(1), 3–9. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12260 Dhieni, N., & Utami, A. D. (2013). Evaluasi Konten Kurikulum Taman Kanak-Kanak di DKI Jakarta Tahun ke 1 dari rencana 3 tahun. Jakarta: FIP press. Dodge, D. T. (2004). Early Childhood Curriculum Models Why What and How Programs Use them. Exchange Organizational Behavior Teaching Journal, (February), 71–75. Eliason, C., & Jenkins, L. (2008). A Practical Guide to Early Childhood Curriculum 8th. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall. Fox-turnbull, W. (2007). Implementing Digital Technology in The New Zealand Curriculum. Gestwicki, C. (2007). Developmentally Appropriate Practice Curriculum, and Development in Early Education 3rd Ed. New York: Thomson Delmar. Hainstock, E. G. (2002). Montessori untuk Prasekolah. Jakarta: Pustaka Delapratasa. Hasan, S. H. (2008). Evaluasi Kurikulum. (U. & R. Rosdakarya, Ed.). Bandung. Haslip, M. J., & Gullo, D. F. (2018). The Changing Landscape of Early Childhood Education: Implications for Policy and Practice. Early Childhood Education Journal, 46(3), 249–264. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10643-017-0865-7 Jackman, H. L. (2012). Early Education Curriculum: A Child’s Connection to the World Fifth Edition. Belmont: Wadsworth: Cengage Learning. Jacman, H. (2012). Early Education Curriculum. Pedagogical Development Unit, (FEBRUARY 2011), 163. Retrieved from https://www.eursc.eu/Syllabuses/2011-01-D-15-en-4.pdf Kostelnik, M. J., Soderman, A. K., & P, A. (2007). Whiren, Developmentally Appro-priate Curriculum: Best Practices in Early Childhood Education 4th. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall. Mak, B., Keung, C., & Cheung, A. (2018). Analyzing Curriculum Orientations of Kindergarten Curriculum. In Teacher Education, Learning Innovation and Accountability, (pp. 135–153). Singapore: Springer Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2026-2 Odom, S. L., Butera, G., Diamond, K. E., Hanson, M. J., Horn, E., Lieber, J., … Marquis, J. (2019). Efficacy of a Comprehensive Early Childhood Curriculum to Enhance Children’s Success. Topics in Early Childhood Special Education. https://doi.org/10.1177/0271121419827654 Plowman, L., Stephen, C., & Mcpake, J. (2010). Growing Up with Technology (pp. 1–169). London and New York: Routledge. Roopnarine, J. L., & Johnson, J. E. (2005). Approaches to Early Childhood Education 4th Ed,. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall. Sarama, J., & Clements, D. H. (2019). From Cognition to Curriculum to Scale. Cognitive Foundations for Improving Mathematical Learning. https://doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-12-815952-1.00006-2 Wood, E., & Hedges, H. (2016). Curriculum in early childhood education: critical questions about content, coherence, and control. Curriculum Journal, 27(3), 387–405. https://doi.org/10.1080/09585176.2015.1129981 Yang, W., & Li, H. (2019). Changing culture, changing curriculum: a case study of early childhood curriculum innovations in two Chinese kindergartens. Curriculum Journal, 0(0), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/09585176.2019.1568269

Background:Inflammation in peripheral joints and entheses is common in spondyloarthritis (SpA). Whole-body magnetic resonance imaging (WB-MRI) allows assessment of the overall inflammatory status of arthritis patients including joints and entheses. The OMERACT MRI Whole-body scoring system for Inflammation in Peripheral joints and Entheses (MRI-WIPE) [1] has been developed and validated for the entire body assessment, including the knee, but not separately validated for the knee joint region. Detailed MRI scoring systems exist for heels, hands and feet, but although knee arthritis is a key cause of functional impairment, no detailed scoring system has been validated for inflammatory arthritides. The Knee Inflammation MRI Scoring System (KIMRISS) [2] was developed and validated in osteoarthritis and demonstrated good reliability.Objectives:To perform region-based development of whole-body MRI through validation of two knee region scoring systems in SpA.Methods:Assessment of inflammation was performed in the knee region on sagittal WB-MRIs using 2 scoring systems, MRI-WIPE and KIMRISS (Figure 1), in 4 iterative multi-reader exercises. In the final exercise, images (psoriatic arthritis, axial and peripheral SpA) were obtained before and after TNF-inhibitor.Results:In the final exercise (exercise 4), reliability was mostly good for experienced readers with the overall highest interreader agreement in the previous exercise (exercise 3). Median pairwise single measure intraclass correlation coefficients for osteitis and synovitis/effusion for status/change were 0.71/0.48 (WIPE osteitis), 0.48/0.77 (WIPE synovitis/effusion), 0.59/0.91 (KIMRISS osteitis) and 0.92/0.97 (KIMRISS synovitis/effusion) (Table 1). Wilcoxon signed-rank test showed significant change in synovitis/effusion for both methods and they correlated significantly regarding status in osteitis (0.92, p<0.001) and synovitis/effusion (0.89, p=0.001) and change in synovitis/effusion (0.89, p<0.001). Standardized response mean was 0.74 (WIPE synovitis/effusion) and 0.78 (KIMRISS synovitis/effusion).Table 1.MRI-WIPE knee and KIMRISS interreader reliability for OMERACT exercises 3 and 4MRI-WIPE KneeKIMRISSOsteitisSynovitis/effusionOsteitisSynovitis/effusionVariablesNo. patientsType of scoreMean scoreICCMean scoreICCMean scoreICCMean scoreICCExercise 39 readers11Status3.6 (0-16)0.57 (-0.06-0.98)1.8 (0-4)0.47 (0.05-0.85)32.3 (1-224)0.87 (0.66-0.99)29.9 (11-60)0.34 (-0.62-0.87)11Change1.1 (-2-6)0.53 (0.03-0.90)0 (-2-1)0.32 (-0.13-0.76)27.7 (-9-131)0.58 (-0.30-0.96)-1.6 (-33-11)0.48 (-0.32-0.95)Exercise 33 readers11Status3.1 (0-16)0.83 (0.71-0.97)2.5 (0-5)0.59 (0.51-0.71)34.4 (0-233)0.89 (0.83-0.99)36.5 (16-78)0.59 (0.08-0.86)11Change0.9 (-3-6)0.72 (0.57-0.83)0 (-2-1)0.63 (0.49-0.76)19.3 (-23-86)0.46 (0.18-0.83)-1.8 (-45-17)0.89 (0.82-0.95)Exercise 49 readers10Change-0.25 (-4-5)0.38 (-0.35-0.94)-1.0 (-3-1)0.30 (-0.43-0.89)-0.45 (-37-65)0.26 (-0.86-0.97)-14.7 (-48-0.20)0.48 (-0.39-0.99)20Status2.9 (0-7)0.50 (-0.01-0.84)2.1 (0-4)0.44 (-0.21-0.79)15.2 (0-66)0.35 (-0.04-0.89)55.6 (1-122)0.54 (0.01-0.96)Exercise 43 readers10Change0.2 (-2-6)0.48 (0.16-0.66)-1.4 (-5-0)0.77 (0.70-0.82)5.8 (-27-111)0.92 (0.90-0.94)-20.7 (-65-28)0.97 (0.96-0.98)20Status2.3 (0-6)0.71 (0.60-0.80)2.7 (0-5)0.48 (0.42-0.57)11.4 (0-36)0.59 (0.39-0.71)69.4 (1-153)0.91 (0.87-0.93)Sum scores are mean (range) of the patients scores. ICC values are mean (range). ICC is 2-way mixed model, single measure, by absolute agreement.Conclusion:MRI-WIPE and KIMRISS may both be useful as part of modular whole-body evaluation in clinical studies.References:[1]Krabbe S et al. J Rheum. 2019;46(9):1215-21[2]Jaremko JL et al. RMD Open. 2017;3(1):e000355Acknowledgements:We thank CARE Aarthritis Limited (carearthritis.com) for help with setting up the web-based scoring interface, the scoring exercises, and the web-based meetings. We thank all who participated in the SIG (Special Interest Group) virtual OMERACT meeting 29 October 2020. HMO, GDM and PGC are supported in part by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Leeds Biomedical Research Centre, United Kingdom. The views expressed in this study are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health.Disclosure of Interests:Marie Wetterslev: None declared, Walter P Maksymowych Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Boehringer Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli Lilly, Galapagos, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Robert G Lambert Consultant of: Parexel and Pfizer, Iris Eshed: None declared, Susanne Juhl Pedersen Speakers bureau: MSD, Pfizer, AbbVie, Novartis and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie and Novartis, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, MSD, and Novartis, Maria Stoenoiu: None declared, Simon Krabbe: None declared, Paul Bird Speakers bureau: Janssen, Abbvie, UCB, Celgene, BMS, Novartis, Pfizer, Gilead, Eli-Lilly, Consultant of: Janssen, Abbvie, UCB, Celgene, BMS, Novartis, Pfizer, Gilead, Eli-Lilly, Violaine Foltz: None declared, Ashish Jacob Mathew: None declared, Frederique Gandjbakhch: None declared, Joel Paschke: None declared, Philippe Carron Speakers bureau: Pfizer, MSD, Novartis, BMS, AbbVie, UCB, Eli Lilly, Gilead and Celgene, Consultant of: Pfizer, MSD, Novartis, BMS, AbbVie, UCB, Eli Lilly, Gilead and Celgene, Grant/research support from: UCB, MSD and Pfizer, Gabriele De Marco: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, Anna Enevold Fløistrup Poulsen: None declared, Jacob L Jaremko: None declared, Philip G Conaghan Speakers bureau: AbbVie, AstraZeneca, BMS, Eli Lilly, EMD Serono, Flexion Therapeutics, Galapagos, Gilead, Novartis, Pfizer and Stryker, Consultant of: AbbVie, AstraZeneca, BMS, Eli Lilly, EMD Serono, Flexion Therapeutics, Galapagos, Gilead, Novartis, Pfizer and Stryker, Mikkel Østergaard Speakers bureau: Abbvie, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi and UCB, Consultant of: Abbvie, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi and UCB, Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi and UCB

Background:Whole-body MRI (WB-MRI) allows assessment of the overall inflammation in arthritis patients, including joint and entheses. To enhance the use of WB-MRI in clinical trials, the OMERACT MRI in Arthritis Working Group developed the OMERACT MRI Whole-body score for Inflammation in Peripheral joints and Entheses in inflammatory arthritis (MRI-WIPE) [1]. This has been validated for the entire body, including the hip/pelvis region, but not for each individual region. More detailed scoring systems exist for heels, hands and feet but although hip arthritis is a key cause of functional impairment in spondyloarthritis (SpA), no detailed scoring system has been published for use in SpA. The Hip Inflammation Magnetic Resonance Imaging Scoring System (HIMRISS) was developed and validated in osteoarthritis showing good reliability.Objectives:To validate reliability, correlation and responsiveness of two WB-MRI scores for the hip/pelvis region in SpA.Methods:Inflammation in the hip/pelvis region was assessed on coronal WB-MRIs in 4 iterative multi-reader exercises using MRI-WIPE for the hip/pelvis region and HIMRISS (Figure 1). In final exercises, images (axial/peripheral SpA and psoriatic arthritis) were obtained before and after TNF-inhibitor.Results:In final exercises reliability was mostly good for the best calibrated readers. Median single-measure intraclass correlation coefficients were 0.58-0.65 (WIPE osteitis), 0.10-0.88 (HIMRISS osteitis), 0.38-0.72/0.52-0.60 (WIPE synovitis/effusion) and 0.68-0.89/0.78-0.85 (HIMRISS synovitis/effusion) (Table 1). The methods correlated significantly for status in osteitis (0.72, p=0.019) and for synovitis/effusion status (0.83, p=0.003) and change (0.73, p=0.017) (Table 1). In exercise 4 Wilcoxon signed-rank test showed significant change in osteitis between timepoints using WIPE hip/pelvis and SRM was large (1.23), while lower for WIPE synovitis/effusion and HIMRISS.Table 1.MRI-WIPE hip/pelvis and HIMRISS interreader reliability for OMERACT exercises 3-4MRI-WIPE hip/pelvisHIMRISSOsteitisSynovitis/effusionOsteitisSynovitis/effusionVariablesNo. patients(cases)Type of scoreMeanscoreICCMeanscoreICCMeanscoreICCMeanscoreICCExercise 39 readers11Status2.3 (0-10)0.69 (0.23-0.93)1.4 (0-4)0.58 (-0.06-0.96)8.2 (1-60)0.84 (0.56-0.99)12.8 (3-25)0.52 (0.00-.91)11Change-0.2 (-1-1)NA-0.2 (-3-1)0.50 (0.10-0.87)-0.35 (-3-1)NA-1.8 (-17-10)0.50 (-0.05-0.89)Exercise 33 readers11Status1.8 (0-10)0.63 (0.46-0.93)1.7 (0-5)0.60 (0.34-0.80)6.6 (0-65)0.88 (0.77-0.94)12.8 (2-28)0.89 (0.87-0.91)11Change-0.12 (-1-1)NA-0.12 (-3-2)0.60 (0.48-0.83)-0.7 (-7-0)NA-1.6 (-21-8)0.78 (0.70-0.87)Exercise 49 readers10 (1-10)Status1.2 (0-4)0.21 (-0.39-0.91)1.1 (0-2)0.19 (-0.31-0.69)1.8 (0-6)0.07 (-0.17-0.83)16.4 (9-23)0.31 (0.00-0.89)10 (11-20)Status1.6 (0-6)0.51 (-0.08-0.99)1 (0-3)0.40 (-0.17-0.88)3.5 (1-8)0,08 (-0.21-0.95)11.2 (5-24)0.49 (0.00-0.94)10 11-20)Change-0.4 (-2-0)NA-0.39 (-2-0)0.22 (-0.68-0.83)-2.2 (-7-2)NA-5.2 (-18-0)0.57 (0.02-0.92)20 (1-20)Status1.4 (0-6)0.41 (-0.35-0.92)1.0 (0-3)0.27 (-0.07-0.75)2.7 (0-9)0.09 (-0.17-0.85)13.8 (5-25)0.45 (0.01-0.90)Exercise 43 readers10 (1-10)Status0.8 (0-4)0.29 (0.01-0.78)1.3 (0-2)-0.02 (-0.29-0.12)0.4 (0-2)-0.04 (-0.04-0.04)15.8 (5-26)0.73 (0.59-0.89)10 (11-20)Status1.8 (0-9)0.65 (0.52-0.76)1.2 (0-4)0.72 (0.62-0.81)1.7 (0-5)0.06 (-0.17-0.35)9.2 (2-26)0.68 (0.53-0.88)10 (11-20)Change-0.6 (-2-0)NA-0.5 (-3-1)0.52 (0.49-0.55)-0.2 (-2-1)NA-2.8 (-19-6)0.85 (0.82-0.88)20 (1-20)Status1.3 (0-9)0.58 (0.43-0.69)1.2 (0-4)0.38 (0.31-0.44)1.0 (0-5)0.10 (-0.09-0.33)12.5 (2-26)0.73 (0.69-0.77)Sum scores and ICCs are mean (range). ICC is 2-way mixed, single measure, by absolute agreement.Conclusion:MRI-WIPE and HIMRISS may be useful tools in modular WB-MRI evaluation of hip/pelvis inflammation in clinical trials in SpA.References:[1]Krabbe S et al. J Rheum. 2019;46(9):1215-21[2]Jaremko JL et al. J Rheum. 2019;46(9)1239-42Acknowledgements:We thank CARE Arthritis Limited (carearthritis.com) for help with setting up the web-based scoring interface, scoring exercises, and the web-based meetings. We acknowledge the contribution of SIG (Special Interest Group) participants at the virtual OMERACT meeting October 29, 2020. HMO, GDM and PGC are supported in part by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Leeds Biomedical Research Centre, United Kingdom. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health.Disclosure of Interests:Marie Wetterslev: None declared, Robert G Lambert Consultant of: Parexel and Pfizer, Walter P Maksymowych Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Boehringer Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli Lilly, Galapagos, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Iris Eshed: None declared, Susanne Juhl Pedersen Speakers bureau: MSD, Pfizer, AbbVie, Novartis and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie and Novartis, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, MSD, and Novartis, Paul Bird Speakers bureau: Janssen, Abbvie, UCB, Celgene, BMS, Novartis, Pfizer, Gilead, Eli-Lilly, Consultant of: Janssen, Abbvie, UCB, Celgene, BMS, Novartis, Pfizer, Gilead, Eli-Lilly, Maria Stoenoiu: None declared, Simon Krabbe: None declared, Ashish Jacob Mathew: None declared, Violaine Foltz: None declared, Frederique Gandjbakhch: None declared, Joel Paschke: None declared, Gabriele De Marco: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, Philippe Carron Speakers bureau: Pfizer, MSD, Novartis, BMS, AbbVie, UCB, Eli Lilly, Gilead and Celgene, Consultant of: Pfizer, MSD, Novartis, BMS, AbbVie, UCB, Eli Lilly, Gilead and Celgene, Grant/research support from: UCB, MSD and Pfizer, Anna Enevold Fløistrup Poulsen: None declared, Jacob L Jaremko: None declared, Philip G Conaghan Speakers bureau: AbbVie, BMS, Eli Lilly, Flexion Therapeutics, Galapagos, Gilead, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Stryker, Consultant of: AbbVie, BMS, Eli Lilly, Flexion Therapeutics, Galapagos, Gilead, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Stryker, Mikkel Østergaard Speakers bureau: Abbvie, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi and UCB, Consultant of: Abbvie, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi and UCB, Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, Sandoz, Sanofi and UCB

Climate change induced sea-level rise (SLR) is on its increase globally. Regionally the lowlands of China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and islands of the Malaysian, Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos are among the world’s most threatened regions. Sea-level rise has major impacts on the ecosystems and society. It threatens coastal populations, economic activities, and fragile ecosystems as mangroves, coastal salt-marches and wetlands. This paper provides a summary of the current state of knowledge of sea level-rise and its effects on both human and natural ecosystems. The focus is on coastal urban areas and low lying deltas in South-East Asia and Vietnam, as one of the most threatened areas in the world. About 3 mm per year reflects the growing consensus on the average SLR worldwide. The trend speeds up during recent decades. The figures are subject to local, temporal and methodological variation. In Vietnam the average values of 3.3 mm per year during the 1993-2014 period are above the worldwide average. Although a basic conceptual understanding exists that the increasing global frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones is related with the increasing temperature and SLR, this relationship is insufficiently understood. Moreover the precise, complex environmental, economic, social, and health impacts are currently unclear. SLR, storms and changing precipitation patterns increase flood risks, in particular in urban areas. Part of the current scientific debate is on how urban agglomeration can be made more resilient to flood risks. Where originally mainly technical interventions dominated this discussion, it becomes increasingly clear that proactive special planning, flood defense, flood risk mitigation, flood preparation, and flood recovery are important, but costly instruments. Next to the main focus on SLR and its effects on resilience, the paper reviews main SLR associated impacts: Floods and inundation, salinization, shoreline change, and effects on mangroves and wetlands. The hazards of SLR related floods increase fastest in urban areas. This is related with both the increasing surface major cities are expected to occupy during the decades to come and the increasing coastal population. In particular Asia and its megacities in the southern part of the continent are increasingly at risk. The discussion points to complexity, inter-disciplinarity, and the related uncertainty, as core characteristics. An integrated combination of mitigation, adaptation and resilience measures is currently considered as the most indicated way to resist SLR today and in the near future.References Aerts J.C.J.H., Hassan A., Savenije H.H.G., Khan M.F., 2000. Using GIS tools and rapid assessment techniques for determining salt intrusion: Stream a river basin management instrument. 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Process engineering is playing an increasingly vital role in meeting the current and future needs of both Society and the planet Earth, from carbon capture to sustainable energy generation, from water supply to waste management, and from food agrochemicals to pharmaceutical products. Meeting the exponentially growing energy and water demands that are required to improve the Quality of Life, and securing sustainable energy and water supplies, are important challenges for today’s process engineers.The School of Engineering, Design and Technology at the University of Bradford hosted the Computer Aided Process Engineering Forum (CAPE FORUM) 2011 on 21st and 22nd March 2011. The event was organised on behalf of the CAPE Working Party of the European Federation of Chemical Engineering. Its aim is to encourage young academic and industrial researchers to present their stimulating research and knowledge transfer ideas in energy, water, and other areas.Over the two days the event saw keynote speakers from Imperial College London, Oxford University and Nottingham University, together with 19 presentations from the University of Bradford, the University of Leeds, Sheffield University, Cranfield University, the University of Newcastle, the Denmark Technical University, and the University of Maribor.This special issue includes 8 contributions from the event that cover a number of important areas: energy, water, nano-materials, refinery planning and risk management, the application of knowledge based and artificial intelligence systems in manufacturing processes, and scheduling and optimisation.

Participatory democracy has gained special attention in India in recent years as it leads to transparent governance by means of decentralization and participation of citizens. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992 provided a new space for democratic participation at the village level called Gram Sabha. In Odisha, it is called Palli Sabha (PS). The 73rd Amendment aims at providing better governance and promotes democratic participation of the downtrodden people, especially women and people belonging to the Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST). This study examines women’s participation in PS and their general perceptions about it in rural Odisha. In-depth interviews were conducted with 60 women respondents in six villages under the panchayat of Remuna Block in Balasore District of Odisha for that purpose. The findings of the study revealed that participation of women in PS is not satisfactory. Women have great apathy for participation and many of them are unaware of the usefulness of PS meetings and the flow of funds from government. Patriarchal society and low level of education lead to low interest among women members in panchayats.

The economic situation that is increasingly not conducive due to the Covid-19 pandemic must be addressed by the affected business actors. Belitung Regency is a Special Economic Zone (KEK) for Tourism, which is currently developing in the Province of Bangka Belitung Islands. In the development of SEZs, the role of tourism business actors is very important in meeting the needs of tourists, with various creativities and innovations from these business actors. This research was conducted with a qualitative descriptive approach, the number of respondents was 100 business actors through distributing questionnaires and direct interviews to tourism business actors. The results showed the characteristics of tourism business actors were dominated by high school education level, the average business actor was married, the majority of the business type was culinary. Marketing is done online.

Inclusive education—based on the premise of social justice—advocates equal ac-cess to educational opportunities for all students. This research provides insight into the inclusive experiences of school principals in a Canadian rural school dis-trict through quantitative and qualitative inquiries. A survey was administered to 16 school administrators, and following initial data analysis, individual inter-views with four school principals were carried out as part of a multi-perspective case study of students with special needs. Overall, inclusion was viewed in a posi-tive light and extended beyond classroom placement to meeting the needs of diverse groups of students within the regular classroom. The responsibilities and strategies of the principals that support inclusion are outlined and other factors that contribute to effective inclusion identified. Key factors include collaboration among key players in the students’ education and opportunities for professional development. The results have implications for school leadership preparation and professional development of school administrators.

Purpose of the study: The paper attempts to find the answer to the question – Why do we lack in basic sanitation? What are the reasons for it? Paper introspects the challenges encountered in sanitation services for Ajmer district in Rajasthan. It identifies the key bottlenecks of the sanitation system to the ground realities of implementation for a non-metropolitan city. The article also outlines the way forward which is suggested to make the sanitation system in the city more available to all. Methodology: The paper is drawn on policy document analysis, urban sanitation policy and other Indian government promotional materials on urban sanitation, Indian municipalities, and a number of public-private partnerships. The paper reviews the extant literature on urban sanitation and thereafter examines challenges met in Ajmer district of Rajasthan. Main findings: It emphasizes the major challenges of access to sanitation, lack of private sector engagement, lack of regulation and standardization, treatment of wastewater and septage, low infrastructure, weak institutional framework etc. The Paper also proposes suggestions for meeting these challenges so that a proper system of sanitation may emerge. Applications of this study: This study will be useful for all those agencies who are involved with sanitation system governance. The paper contributes to the literature by addressing a neglected theme of investigating the challenges and their probable solution strategies about Ajmer district of Rajasthan. The study will provide background of various challenges faced in various cities in Indian perspectives and how they can be dealt by proposed suggestions. This study will be beneficial in the area of sanitation systems, urban governance, etc. Novelty/Originality of this study: This study is significant in highlighting the type of challenges and what could be possible solutions in Indian perspectives with special reference to Ajmer.

The scope of Act No. 27 of 2007 concerning PWP-PK includes the meeting area between water and land, inland covering the administrative area of the sub-district, and as far as 12 nautical miles measured from the coastline towards the open sea and/or to direction of archipelagic waters. The determination of the boundaries of coastal and marine areas cannot be equated between the provisions in Act No. 27 of 2007 concerning PWP-PK with UNCLOS 1982. Special handling in coastal and marine areas includes aspects of integration and institutional authority, so that the resources contained in the area this can be a superior product contributing to the development of the Indonesian nation in the future. In accordance with the principles of integrated coastal management, as regulated in Article 4 of Act No. 27 of 2007 concerning PWP-PK, coastal area management in Indonesia involves many sectors and natural resources, both living and non-living, and implementation requires collaboration between the Government and Regional Governments. Keywords: Territory, Law, Sea

The article outlines obstacles to the implementation of inclusive learning into the education system of Ukraine at different levels of management: macro, meso, and micro levels. It has been noted that the inclusive learning is being introduced with regard to the experience of Germany, Finland, Austria, Sweden, etc. Social policy in relation to people with special educational needs based on the principles of equality and tolerance has been identified as a prominent feature. The article highlights the peculiarities functioning and management of the general secondary education institution with inclusive education in the context of the Ukrainian school reform regarding the observance of values, principles of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the regulatory base of Ukraine. It has been mentioned that the introduction of inclusive education in the education system has been the purpose of meeting the requirements of society concertning socialization of children with special educational needs. The significance of the implemented all-Ukrainian experimental program "Social Adaptation and Integration into the Society of Children That Require Correction of Physical and / or Mental Development by Introducing Inclusive Education" at school I-III. No. 168 Obolonsky district of the city of Kyiv. The article presentd the stages of its implementation; and it is suggested that they should be followed by managers of educational institutions. An integral model of balanced child development under the conditions of inclusive learning has been developed. The external and internal conditions are determined for the purpose of creating a safe educational environment for the development of the personality of children with special educational needs. The proposed components of psychological and pedagogical support and management in the general secondary education institution with inclusive learning contribute to the formation of value references and standards of behavior of concerned parties.

AbstractFishermen household has a special characteristic, such use the use of coastal and marine areas (common property) as a factor of production, working hours should follow the oceanographic conditions (sail only an average of about 20 days in a month, the rest is relatively idle). Fishermen were particularly vulnerable to seasonal changes caused by climate change, making studies of the lives of fishermen generally emphasize the poverty and economic uncertainty experienced fishermen and their families. Based on those problems that can be formulated, any strategy that made the fisherman community in meeting the needs of the household?. The purpose of this study are: 1). examines the general state of the village Tateli Dua Mandolang Minahasa District of Northern Sulawesi province, 2). detailing the standard of living in terms of the social aspect is education, number of dependents, age structure, and organization / social institutions, 3). detailing the standard of living in terms of the economic aspects ie venture capital, marketing catches, income and expenditure, 4). explore and learn strategies fishermen community in meeting the needs of the household. Basic research will be used is a case study. The case study is a study done by studying a particular case in which the object is limited (Helmi and Satria, 2012). The results showed that in meeting household needs, fishermen in the village Tateli Two has a three-pronged strategy: 1). The use of alternative livelihoods, 2). Contributions empowerment fisherman's wife, and 3). Saving of household spending.Keywords: Household, Fishermen, Strategy AbstrakRumah tangga nelayan memiliki ciri khusus seperti penggunaan wilayah pesisir dan laut (common property) sebagai faktor produksi, jam kerja harus mengikuti kondisi oseanografis (melaut hanya rata-rata sekitar 20 hari dalam satu bulan, sisanya relatif menganggur). Nelayan menjadi sangat rentan terhadap perubahan musim yang diakibatkan oleh perubahan iklim, membuat kajian-kajian terhadap kehidupan nelayan umumnya menekankan pada kemiskinan dan ketidakpastian ekonomi yang dialami nelayan dan keluarganya. Berdasarkan hal tersebut dapat dirumuskan permasalahan yaitu, strategi apa saja yang dilakukan masyarakat nelayan dalam memenuhi kebutuhan rumah tangga?. Tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu : 1). menelaah keadaan umum Desa Tateli Dua Kecamatan Mandolang Kabupaten Minahasa Provinsi Sulawesi Utara, 2). merinci taraf hidup ditinjau dari aspek sosial adalah pendidikan, jumlah tanggungan keluarga, struktur umur, dan organisasi/lembaga sosial, 3). memerinci taraf hidup ditinjau dari aspek ekonomi yaitu modal usaha, pemasaran hasil tangkapan, pendapatan dan pengeluaran serta 4). menggali dan mempelajari strategi masyarakat nelayan dalam memenuhi kebutuhan rumah tangga. Dasar penelitian ini adalah studi kasus. Studi kasus adalah penelitian yang dilakukan dengan cara mempelajari satu kasus tertentu pada obyek yang terbatas (Helmi dan Satria, 2012). Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa dalam memenuhi kebutuhan rumah tangga, nelayan yang ada di Desa Tateli Dua memiliki tiga bentuk strategi yaitu 1). Penggunaan mata pencaharian alternatif, 2). Kontribusi pemberdayaan istri nelayan, dan 3). Penghematan belanja rumah tanggaKata Kunci : Rumah tangga, Nelayan, Strategi

The purpose of this article is to highlight the opportunities and prospects for development of cycling in Kharkiv based on the analysis of the geographical prerequisites for its development: natural and social resources and projects of bicycle reform. Main material. The article describes theoretical aspects of cycling development as a form of free time activities, including approaches to the interpretation of the concepts of «leisure», «free time», «recreation»; the essence and features of cycling as physical recreation and active leisure, conditions for the development of cycling. The geographic prerequisites for cycling organization in Kharkiv are characterized by a favorable physical-geographical component. Thus, the landscape of the city facilitates the organization of cycling even for unprepared participants due to small differences in altitude. Climatic characteristics make it possible to organize cycling in Kharkiv almost all year round, with the exception of a short off-season. The total area of green plantations in Kharkiv is more than 11,000 hectares, of which the Gorky Central Park of Culture and Leisure, Lisopark, and the Sarzhyn Yar recreational zone are more suitable for cycling. At the same time, an analysis of the socio-economic prerequisites for the development of cycling in Kharkiv indicates a number of factors impeding its development in the city, in particular, poor quality of roads, absence of bike lanes, cycle lanes, special markings for cyclists on public roads. The current state of cycling tourism development in Kharkiv is characterized by presence of only two bike paths equipped in accordance with all European standards. There are several projects for the development of cycling infrastructure in the city now: the project of the bicycle network in the central part of Kharkiv «Re-cycle Kharkiv»; the project of the cycle path «Another Way»; project «Green network of Kharkiv». Along with this, the information support for the development of cycling in Kharkiv is insufficient. Conclusions and further research. The urban environment of Kharkiv is favorable for the development of cycling for many reasons. The most favorable season is the period from March to November, along slightly rugged terrain (almost the entire territory of the city, with the exception of certain areas), better through forests (Lisopark, Grigorovskyi bir) or along rivers. Cycle paths according to European standards are laid only in the Lisopark’s area and Sarzhyn Yar, which is insufficient. The problematic issues hindering the development of cycling tourism in Kharkiv include: insufficient network of bike paths, concentration of the existing network in the Shevchenko district, while in other Kharkiv districts these opportunities are significantly limited, poor development of the bicycle infrastructure system, lack of comprehensive information support. The prospective direction is the development of the Kharkiv Green Network project, which provides laying bike paths not along highways, but at a certain distance from them with the involvement of green zones, abandoned territories, provided they will be well-equipped. In this case, the opportunities and prospects for the development of cycling will be determined, meeting the main theoretical basics of physical recreation and leisure. To improve the information support of cycling tourism, it is recommended to create a specialized bike site with the following sections: accessibility; specifications; safety; cycling infrastructure; memos - with multimedia content for each, including cartographic materials.

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…love is queered not when we discover it to be resistant to or more than its known forms, but when we see that there is no world that admits how it actually works as a principle of living. Lauren Berlant – “Love, A Queer Feeling” As the sun beats down on a very dusty Musgrave Park, the crowd is hushed in respect for the elder addressing us. It is Pride Fair Day and we are listening to the story of how this place has been a home for queer and black people throughout Brisbane’s history. Like so many others, this park has been a place of refuge in times when Boundary Streets marked the lines aboriginal people couldn’t cross to enter the genteel heart of Brisbane’s commercial district. The street names remain today, and even if movements across territory are somewhat less constrained, a manslaughter trial taking place nearby reminds us of the surveillance aboriginal people still suffer as a result of their refusal to stay off the streets and out of sight in homes they don’t have. In the past few years, Fair Day has grown in size. It now charges an entry fee to fence out unwelcome guests, so that those who normally live here have been effectively uninvited from the party. On this sunny Saturday, we sit and talk about these things, and wonder at the number of spaces still left in this city for spontaneous, non-commercial encounters and alliances. We could hardly have known that in the course of just a few weeks, the distance separating us from others would grow even further. During the course of Brisbane’s month-long Pride celebrations in 2007, two events affected the rights agendas of both queer and black Australians. First, The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Report, Same Sex, Same Entitlements, was tabled in parliament. Second, the Federal government decided to declare a state of emergency in remote indigenous communities in the Northern Territory in response to an inquiry on the state of aboriginal child abuse. (The full title of the report is “Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle”: Little Children are Sacred, and the words are from the Arrandic languages of the Central Desert Region of the Northern Territory. The report’s front cover also explains the title in relation to traditional law of the Yolngu people of Arnhem Land.) While the latter issue has commanded the most media and intellectual attention, and will be discussed later in this piece, the timing of both reports provides an opportunity to consider the varying experiences of two particularly marginalised groups in contemporary Australia. In a period when the Liberal Party has succeeded in pitting minority claims against one another as various manifestations of “special interests” (Brett, Gregg) this essay suggests there is a case to be made for queer and black activists to join forces against wider tendencies that affect both communities. To do this I draw on the work of American critic, Lauren Berlant, who for many years has offered a unique take on debates about citizenship in the United States. Writing from a queer theory perspective, Berlant argues that the conservative political landscape in her country has succeeded in convincing people that “the intimacy of citizenship is something scarce and sacred, private and proper, and only for members of families” (Berlant Queen 2-3). The consequence of this shift is that politics moves from being a conversation conducted in the public sphere about social issues to instead resemble a form of adjudication on the conduct of others in the sphere of private life. In this way, Berlant indicates how heteronormative culture “uses cruel and mundane strategies both to promote change from non-normative populations and to deny them state, federal, and juridical supports because they are deemed morally incompetent to their own citizenship” (Berlant, Queen 19). In relation to the so-called state of emergency in the Northern Territory, coming so soon after attempts to encourage indigenous home-ownership in the same region, the compulsion to promote change from non-normative populations currently affects indigenous Australians in ways that resonate with Berlant’s argument. While her position reacts to an environment where the moral majority has a much firmer hold on the national political spectrum, in Australia these conservative forces have no need to be so eloquent—normativity is already embedded in a particular form of “ordinariness” that is the commonsense basis for public political debate (Allon, Brett and Moran). These issues take on further significance as home-ownership and aspirations towards it have gradually become synonymous with the demonstration of appropriate citizenship under the Coalition government: here, phrases like “an interest rate election” are assumed to encapsulate voter sentiment while “the mortgage belt” has emerged as the demographic most keenly wooed by precariously placed politicians. As Berlant argues elsewhere, the project of normalization that makes heterosexuality hegemonic also entails “material practices that, though not explicitly sexual, are implicated in the hierarchies of property and propriety” that secure heteronormative privilege (Berlant and Warner 548). Inhabitants of remote indigenous communities in Australia are invited to desire and enact normal homes in order to be accepted and rewarded as valuable members of the nation; meanwhile gay and lesbian couples base their claims for recognition on the adequate manifestation of normal homes. In this situation black and queer activists share an interest in elaborating forms of kinship and community that resist the limited varieties of home-building currently sanctioned and celebrated by the State. As such, I will conclude this essay with a model for this alternative process of home-building in the hope of inspiring others. Home Sweet Home Ever since the declaration of terra nullius, white Australia has had a hard time recognising homes it doesn’t consider normal. To the first settlers, indigenous people’s uncultivated land lacked meaning, their seasonal itinerancy challenged established notions of property, while their communal living and wider kinship relations confused nuclear models of procreative responsibility and ancestry. From the homes white people still call “camps” many aboriginal people were moved against their will on to “missions” which even in name invoked the goal of assimilation into mainstream society. So many years later, white people continue to maintain that their version of homemaking is the most superior, the most economically effective, the most functional, with government policy and media commentators both agreeing that “the way out of indigenous disadvantage is home ownership.”(The 1 July broadcast of the esteemed political chat show Insiders provides a representative example of this consensus view among some of the country’s most respected journalists.) In the past few months, low-interest loans have been touted as the surest route out of the shared “squalor” (Weekend Australian, June 30-July1) of communal living and the right path towards economic development in remote aboriginal communities (Karvelas, “New Deal”). As these references suggest, The Australian newspaper has been at the forefront of reporting these government initiatives in a positive light: one story from late May featured a picture of Tiwi Islander Mavis Kerinaiua watering her garden with the pet dog and sporting a Tigers Aussie Rules singlet. The headline, “Home, sweet home, for Mavis” (Wilson) was a striking example of a happy and contented black woman in her own backyard, especially given how regularly mainstream national news coverage of indigenous issues follows a script of failed aboriginal communities. In stories like these, communal land ownership is painted as the cause of dysfunction, and individual homes are crucial to “changing the culture.” Never is it mentioned that communal living arrangements clearly were functional before white settlement, were an intrinsic part of “the culture”; nor is it acknowledged that the option being offered to indigenous people is land that had already been taken away from them in one way or another. That this same land can be given back only on certain conditions—including financially rewarding those who “prove they are doing well” by cultivating their garden in recognisably right ways (Karvelas, “New Deal”)— bolsters Berlant’s claim that government rhetoric succeeds by transforming wider structural questions into matters of individual responsibility. Home ownership is the stunningly selective neoliberal interpretation of “land rights”. The very notion of private property erases the social and cultural underpinnings of communal living as a viable way of life, stigmatising any alternative forms of belonging that might form the basis for another kind of home. Little Children Are Sacred The latest advance in efforts to encourage greater individual responsibility in indigenous communities highlights child abuse as the pivotal consequence of State and Local government inaction. The innocent indigenous child provides the catalyst for a myriad of competing political positions, the most vocal of which welcomes military intervention on behalf of powerless, voiceless kids trapped in horrendous scenarios (Kervalas, “Pearson’s Passion”). In these representations, the potentially abused aboriginal child takes on “supericonicity” in public debate. In her North American context, Berlant uses this concept to explain how the unborn child figures in acrimonious arguments over abortion. The foetus has become the most mobilising image in the US political scene because: it is an image of an American, perhaps the last living American, not yet bruised by history: not yet caught up in the processes of secularisation and centralisation… This national icon is too innocent of knowledge, agency, and accountability and thus has ethical claims on the adult political agents who write laws, make culture, administer resources, control things. (Berlant, Queen 6) In Australia, the indigenous child takes on supericonicity because he or she is too young to formulate a “black armband” view of history, to have a point of view on why their circumstance happens to be so objectionable, to vote out the government that wants to survey and penetrate his or her body. The child’s very lack of agency is used as justification for the military action taken by those who write laws, make the culture that will be recognized as an appropriate performance of indigeneity, administer (at the same time as they cut) essential resources; those who, for the moment, control things. However, and although a government perspective would not recognize this, in Australia the indigenous child is always already bruised by conventional history in the sense that he or she will have trouble accessing the stories of ancestors and therefore the situation that affects his or her entry into the world. Indeed, it is precisely the extent to which the government denies its institutional culpability in inflicting wounds on aboriginal people throughout history that the indigenous child’s supericonicity is now available as a political weapon. Same-Sex: Same Entitlements A situation in which the desire for home ownership is pedagogically enforced while also being economically sanctioned takes on further dimensions when considered next to the fate of other marginalised groups in society—those for whom an appeal for acceptance and equal rights pivots on the basis of successfully performing normal homes. While indigenous Australians are encouraged to aspire for home ownership as the appropriate manifestation of responsible citizenship, the HREOC report represents a group of citizens who crave recognition for already having developed this same aspiration. In the case studies selected for the Same-Sex: Same Entitlements Report, discrimination against same-sex couples is identified in areas such as work and taxation, workers’ compensation, superannuation, social security, veterans’ entitlements and childrearing. It recommends changes to existing laws in these areas to match those that apply to de facto relationships. When launching the report, the commissioner argued that gay people suffer discrimination “simply because of whom they love”, and the report launch quotes a “self-described ‘average suburban family’” who insist “we don’t want special treatment …we just want equality” (HREOC). Such positioning exercises give some insight into Berlant’s statement that “love is a site that has perhaps not yet been queered enough” (Berlant, “Love” 433). A queer response to the report might highlight that by focussing on legal entitlements of the most material kind, little is done to challenge the wider situation in which one’s sexual relationship has the power to determine intimate possessions and decisions—whether this is buying a plane ticket, getting a loan, retiring in some comfort or finding a nice nursing home. An agenda calling for legislative changes to financial entitlement serves to reiterate rather than challenge the extent to which economically sanctioned subjectivities are tied to sexuality and normative models of home-building. A same-sex rights agenda promoting traditional notions of procreative familial attachment (the concerned parents of gay kids cited in the report, the emphasis on the children of gay couples) suggests that this movement for change relies on a heteronormative model—if this is understood as the manner in which the institutions of personal life remain “the privileged institutions of social reproduction, the accumulation and transfer of capital, and self-development” (Berlant and Warner 553). What happens to those who do not seek the same procreative path? Put another way, the same-sex entitlements discourse can be seen to demand “intelligibility” within the hegemonic understanding of love, when love currently stands as the primordial signifier and ultimate suturing device for all forms of safe, reliable and useful citizenly identity (Berlant, “Love”). In its very terminology, same-sex entitlement asks to access the benefits of normativity without challenging the ideological or economic bases for its attachment to particular living arrangements and rewards. The political agenda for same-sex rights taking shape in the Federal arena appears to have chosen its objectives carefully in order to fit existing notions of proper home building and the economic incentives that come with them. While this is understandable in a conservative political environment, a wider agenda for queer activism in and outside the home would acknowledge that safety, security and belonging are universal desires that stretch beyond material acquisitions, financial concerns and procreative activity (however important these things are). It is to the possibilities this perspective might generate that I now turn. One Size Fits Most Urban space is always a host space. The right to the city extends to those who use the city. It is not limited to property owners. (Berlant and Warner, 563) The affective charge and resonance of a concept like home allows an opportunity to consider the intimacies particular to different groups in society, at the same time as it allows contemplation of the kinds of alliances increasingly required to resist neoliberalism’s impact on personal space. On one level, this might entail publicly denouncing representations of indigenous living conditions that describe them as “squalor” as some kind of hygienic short-hand that comes at the expense of advocating infrastructure suited to the very different way of living that aboriginal kinship relations typically require. Further, as alternative cultural understandings of home face ongoing pressure to fit normative ideals, a key project for contemporary queer activism is to archive, document and publicise the varied ways people choose to live at this point in history in defiance of sanctioned arrangements (eg Gorman-Murray 2007). Rights for gay and lesbian couples and parents need not be called for in the name of equality if to do so means reproducing a logic that feeds the worst stereotypes around non-procreating queers. Such a perspective fares poorly for the many literally unproductive citizens, queer and straight alike, whose treacherous refusal to breed banishes them from the respectable suburban politics to which the current government caters. Which takes me back to the park. Later that afternoon on Fair Day, we’ve been entertained by a range of performers, including the best Tina Turner impersonator I’ll ever see. But the highlight is the festival’s special guest, Vanessa Wagner who decides to end her show with a special ceremony. Taking the role of celebrant, Vanessa invites three men on to the stage who she explains are in an ongoing, committed three-way relationship. Looking a little closer, I remember meeting these blokes at a friend’s party last Christmas Eve: I was the only girl in an apartment full of gay men in the midst of some serious partying (and who could blame them, on the eve of an event that holds dubious relevance for their preferred forms of intimacy and celebration?). The wedding takes place in front of an increasingly boisterous crowd that cannot fail to appreciate the gesture as farcically mocking the sacred bastion of gay activism—same-sex marriage. But clearly, the ceremony plays a role in consecrating the obvious desire these men have for each other, in a safe space that feels something like a home. Their relationship might be a long way from many people’s definition of normal, but it clearly operates with care, love and a will for some kind of longevity. For queer subjects, faced with a history of persecution, shame and an unequal share of a pernicious illness, this most banal of possible definitions of home has been a luxury difficult to afford. Understood in this way, queer experience is hard to compare with that of indigenous people: “The queer world is a space of entrances, exits, unsystematised lines of acquaintance, projected horizons, typifying examples, alternate routes, blockages, incommensurate geographies” (Berlant and Warner 558). In many instances, it has “required the development of kinds of intimacy that bear no necessary relation to domestic space, to kinship, to the couple form, to property, or to the nation” (ibid) in liminal and fleeting zones of improvisation like parties, parks and public toilets. In contrast, indigenous Australians’ distinct lines of ancestry, geography, and story continue through generations of kin in spite of the efforts of a colonising power to reproduce others in its own image. But in this sense, what queer and black Australians now share is the fight to live and love in more than one way, with more than one person: to extend relationships of care beyond the procreative imperative and to include land that is beyond the scope of one’s own backyard. Both indigenous and queer Australians stand to benefit from a shared project “to support forms of affective, erotic and personal living that are public in the sense of accessible, available to memory, and sustained through collective activity” (Berlant and Warner 562). To build this history is to generate an archive that is “not simply a repository” but “is also a theory of cultural relevance” (Halberstam 163). A queer politics of home respects and learns from different ways of organising love, care, affinity and responsibility to a community. This essay has been an attempt to document other ways of living that take place in the pockets of one city, to show that homes often exist where others see empty space, and that love regularly survives beyond the confines of the couple. In learning from the history of oppression experienced in the immediate territories I inhabit, I also hope it captures what it means to reckon with the ongoing knowledge of being an uninvited guest in the home of another culture, one which, through shared activism, will continue to survive much longer than this, or any other archive. References Allon, Fiona. “Home as Cultural Translation: John Howard’s Earlwood.” Communal/Plural 5 (1997): 1-25. Berlant, Lauren. The Queen of America Goes to Washington City: Essays on Sex and Citizenship. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997. ———. “Love, A Queer Feeling.” Homosexuality and Psychoanalysis. Eds. Tim Dean and Christopher Lane. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2001. 432-51. ———, and Michael Warner. “Sex in Public.” Critical Inquiry 24.2 (1998): 547-566. Brett, Judith. Australian Liberals and the Moral Middle Class: From Alfred Deakin to John Howard. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. ———, and Anthony Moran. Ordinary People’s Politics: Australians Talk About Politics, Life and the Future of Their Country. Melbourne: Pluto Press, 2006. Gorman-Murray, Andrew. “Contesting Domestic Ideals: Queering the Australian Home.” Australian Geographer 38.2 (2007): 195-213. Gregg, Melissa. “The Importance of Being Ordinary.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 10.1 (2007): 95-104. Halberstam, Judith. In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives. New York and London: NYU Press, 2005 Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Same-Sex: Same Entitlements Report. 2007. 21 Aug. 2007 http://www.hreoc.gov.au/human_rights/samesex/report/index.html>. ———. Launch of Final Report of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission’s Same-Sex: Same Entitlements Inquiry (transcript). 2007. 5 July 2007 . Insiders. ABC TV. 1 July 2007. 5 July 2007 http://www.abc.net.au/insiders/content/2007/s1966728.htm>. Karvelas, Patricia. “It’s New Deal or Despair: Pearson.” The Weekend Australian 12-13 May 2007: 7. ———. “How Pearson’s Passion Moved Howard to Act.” The Australian. 23 June 2007. 5 July 2007 http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,21952951-5013172,00.html>. Northern Territory Government Inquiry Report into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from Sexual Abuse. Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle: Little Children Are Sacred. 2007. 5 July 2007 http://www.nt.gov.au/dcm/inquirysaac/pdf/bipacsa_final_report.pdf>. Wilson, Ashleigh. “Home, Sweet Home, for Mavis.” The Weekend Australian 12-13 May 2007: 7. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Gregg, Melissa. "Normal Homes." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/02-gregg.php>. APA Style Gregg, M. (Aug. 2007) "Normal Homes," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/02-gregg.php>.

Introduction I am a transmigrant who has moved back and forth between the West and the Rest. I was born and raised in a Muslim family in a predominantly Muslim country, Bangladesh, but I spent several years of my childhood in Pakistan. After my marriage, I lived in the United States for a year and a half, the Middle East for 5 years, Australia for three years, back to the Middle East for another 5 years, then, finally, in Australia for the last 12 years. I speak Bengali (my mother tongue), Urdu (which I learnt in Pakistan), a bit of Arabic (learnt in the Middle East); but English has always been my medium of instruction. So where is home? Is it my place of origin, the Muslim umma, or my land of settlement? Or is it my ‘root’ or my ‘route’ (Blunt and Dowling)? Blunt and Dowling (199) observe that the lives of transmigrants are often interpreted in terms of their ‘roots’ and ‘routes’, which are two frameworks for thinking about home, homeland and diaspora. Whereas ‘roots’ might imply an original homeland from which people have scattered, and to which they might seek to return, ‘routes’ focuses on mobile, multiple and transcultural geographies of home. However, both ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ are attached to emotion and identity, and both invoke a sense of place, belonging or alienation that is intrinsically tied to a sense of self (Blunt and Dowling 196-219). In this paper, I equate home with my root (place of birth) and route (transnational homing) within the context of the ‘diaspora and belonging’. First I define the diaspora and possible criteria of belonging. Next I describe my transnational homing within the framework of diaspora and belonging. Finally, I consider how Australia can be a ‘home’ for me and other Muslim Australians. The Diaspora and Belonging Blunt and Dowling (199) define diaspora as “scattering of people over space and transnational connections between people and the places”. Cohen emphasised the ethno-cultural aspects of the diaspora setting; that is, how migrants identify and position themselves in other nations in terms of their (different) ethnic and cultural orientation. Hall argues that the diasporic subjects form a cultural identity through transformation and difference. Speaking of the Hindu diaspora in the UK and Caribbean, Vertovec (21-23) contends that the migrants’ contact with their original ‘home’ or diaspora depends on four factors: migration processes and factors of settlement, cultural composition, structural and political power, and community development. With regard to the first factor, migration processes and factors of settlement, Vertovec explains that if the migrants are political or economic refugees, or on a temporary visa, they are likely to live in a ‘myth of return’. In the cultural composition context, Vertovec argues that religion, language, region of origin, caste, and degree of cultural homogenisation are factors in which migrants are bound to their homeland. Concerning the social structure and political power issue, Vertovec suggests that the extent and nature of racial and ethnic pluralism or social stigma, class composition, degree of institutionalised racism, involvement in party politics (or active citizenship) determine migrants’ connection to their new or old home. Finally, community development, including membership in organisations (political, union, religious, cultural, leisure), leadership qualities, and ethnic convergence or conflict (trends towards intra-communal or inter-ethnic/inter-religious co-operation) would also affect the migrants’ sense of belonging. Using these scholarly ideas as triggers, I will examine my home and belonging over the last few decades. My Home In an initial stage of my transmigrant history, my home was my root (place of birth, Dhaka, Bangladesh). Subsequently, my routes (settlement in different countries) reshaped my homes. In all respects, the ethno-cultural factors have played a big part in my definition of ‘home’. But on some occasions my ethnic identification has been overridden by my religious identification and vice versa. By ethnic identity, I mean my language (mother tongue) and my connection to my people (Bangladeshi). By my religious identity, I mean my Muslim religion, and my spiritual connection to the umma, a Muslim nation transcending all boundaries. Umma refers to the Muslim identity and unity within a larger Muslim group across national boundaries. The only thing the members of the umma have in common is their Islamic belief (Spencer and Wollman 169-170). In my childhood my father, a banker, was relocated to Karachi, Pakistan (then West Pakistan). Although I lived in Pakistan for much of my childhood, I have never considered it to be my home, even though it is predominantly a Muslim country. In this case, my home was my root (Bangladesh) where my grandparents and extended family lived. Every year I used to visit my grandparents who resided in a small town in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). Thus my connection with my home was sustained through my extended family, ethnic traditions, language (Bengali/Bangla), and the occasional visits to the landscape of Bangladesh. Smith (9-11) notes that people build their connection or identity to their homeland through their historic land, common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. Though Pakistan and Bangladesh had common histories, their traditions of language, dress and ethnic culture were very different. For example, the celebration of the Bengali New Year (Pohela Baishakh), folk dance, folk music and folk tales, drama, poetry, lyrics of poets Rabindranath Tagore (Rabindra Sangeet) and Nazrul Islam (Nazrul Geeti) are distinct in the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Special musical instruments such as the banshi (a bamboo flute), dhol (drums), ektara (a single-stringed instrument) and dotara (a four-stringed instrument) are unique to Bangladeshi culture. The Bangladeshi cuisine (rice and freshwater fish) is also different from Pakistan where people mainly eat flat round bread (roti) and meat (gosh). However, my bonding factor to Bangladesh was my relatives, particularly my grandparents as they made me feel one of ‘us’. Their affection for me was irreplaceable. The train journey from Dhaka (capital city) to their town, Noakhali, was captivating. The hustle and bustle at the train station and the lush green paddy fields along the train journey reminded me that this was my ‘home’. Though I spoke the official language (Urdu) in Pakistan and had a few Pakistani friends in Karachi, they could never replace my feelings for my friends, extended relatives and cousins who lived in Bangladesh. I could not relate to the landscape or dry weather of Pakistan. More importantly, some Pakistani women (our neighbours) were critical of my mother’s traditional dress (saree), and described it as revealing because it showed a bit of her back. They took pride in their traditional dress (shalwar, kameez, dopatta), which they considered to be more covered and ‘Islamic’. So, because of our traditional dress (saree) and perhaps other differences, we were regarded as the ‘Other’. In 1970 my father was relocated back to Dhaka, Bangladesh, and I was glad to go home. It should be noted that both Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated from India in 1947 – first as one nation; then, in 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan. The conflict between Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) and Pakistan (then West Pakistan) originated for economic and political reasons. At this time I was a high school student and witnessed acts of genocide committed by the Pakistani regime against the Bangladeshis (March-December 1971). My memories of these acts are vivid and still very painful. After my marriage, I moved from Bangladesh to the United States. In this instance, my new route (Austin, Texas, USA), as it happened, did not become my home. Here the ethno-cultural and Islamic cultural factors took precedence. I spoke the English language, made some American friends, and studied history at the University of Texas. I appreciated the warm friendship extended to me in the US, but experienced a degree of culture shock. I did not appreciate the pub life, alcohol consumption, and what I perceived to be the lack of family bonds (children moving out at the age of 18, families only meeting occasionally on birthdays and Christmas). Furthermore, I could not relate to de facto relationships and acceptance of sex before marriage. However, to me ‘home’ meant a family orientation and living in close contact with family. Besides the cultural divide, my husband and I were living in the US on student visas and, as Vertovec (21-23) noted, temporary visa status can deter people from their sense of belonging to the host country. In retrospect I can see that we lived in the ‘myth of return’. However, our next move for a better life was not to our root (Bangladesh), but another route to the Muslim world of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. My husband moved to Dhahran not because it was a Muslim world but because it gave him better economic opportunities. However, I thought this new destination would become my home – the home that was coined by Anderson as the imagined nation, or my Muslim umma. Anderson argues that the imagined communities are “to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” (6; Wood 61). Hall (122) asserts: identity is actually formed through unconscious processes over time, rather than being innate in consciousness at birth. There is always something ‘imaginary’ or fantasized about its unity. It always remains incomplete, is always ‘in process’, always ‘being formed’. As discussed above, when I had returned home to Bangladesh from Pakistan – both Muslim countries – my primary connection to my home country was my ethnic identity, language and traditions. My ethnic identity overshadowed the religious identity. But when I moved to Saudi Arabia, where my ethnic identity differed from that of the mainstream Arabs and Bedouin/nomadic Arabs, my connection to this new land was through my Islamic cultural and religious identity. Admittedly, this connection to the umma was more psychological than physical, but I was now in close proximity to Mecca, and to my home of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Mecca is an important city in Saudi Arabia for Muslims because it is the holy city of Islam, the home to the Ka’aba (the religious centre of Islam), and the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad [Peace Be Upon Him]. It is also the destination of the Hajj, one of the five pillars of Islamic faith. Therefore, Mecca is home to significant events in Islamic history, as well as being an important present day centre for the Islamic faith. We lived in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia for 5 years. Though it was a 2.5 hours flight away, I treasured Mecca’s proximity and regarded Dhahran as my second and spiritual home. Saudi Arabia had a restricted lifestyle for women, but I liked it because it was a Muslim country that gave me the opportunity to perform umrah Hajj (pilgrimage). However, Saudi Arabia did not allow citizenship to expatriates. Saudi Arabia’s government was keen to protect the status quo and did not want to compromise its cultural values or standard of living by allowing foreigners to become a permanent part of society. In exceptional circumstances only, the King granted citizenship to a foreigner for outstanding service to the state over a number of years. Children of foreigners born in Saudi Arabia did not have rights of local citizenship; they automatically assumed the nationality of their parents. If it was available, Saudi citizenship would assure expatriates a secure and permanent living in Saudi Arabia; as it was, there was a fear among the non-Saudis that they would have to leave the country once their job contract expired. Under the circumstances, though my spiritual connection to Mecca was strong, my husband was convinced that Saudi Arabia did not provide any job security. So, in 1987 when Australia offered migration to highly skilled people, my husband decided to migrate to Australia for a better and more secure economic life. I agreed to his decision, but quite reluctantly because we were again moving to a non-Muslim part of the world, which would be culturally different and far away from my original homeland (Bangladesh). In Australia, we lived first in Brisbane, then Adelaide, and after three years we took our Australian citizenship. At that stage I loved the Barossa Valley and Victor Harbour in South Australia, and the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast in Queensland, but did not feel at home in Australia. We bought a house in Adelaide and I was a full time home-maker but was always apprehensive that my children (two boys) would lose their culture in this non-Muslim world. In 1990 we once again moved back to the Muslim world, this time to Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. My connection to this route was again spiritual. I valued the fact that we would live in a Muslim country and our children would be brought up in a Muslim environment. But my husband’s move was purely financial as he got a lucrative job offer in Muscat. We had another son in Oman. We enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle provided by my husband’s workplace and the service provided by the housemaid. I loved the beaches and freedom to drive my car, and I appreciated the friendly Omani people. I also enjoyed our frequent trips (4 hours flight) to my root, Dhaka, Bangladesh. So our children were raised within our ethnic and Islamic culture, remained close to my root (family in Dhaka), though they attended a British school in Muscat. But by the time I started considering Oman to be my second home, we had to leave once again for a place that could provide us with a more secure future. Oman was like Saudi Arabia; it employed expatriates only on a contract basis, and did not give them citizenship (not even fellow Muslims). So after 5 years it was time to move back to Australia. It was with great reluctance that I moved with my husband to Brisbane in 1995 because once again we were to face a different cultural context. As mentioned earlier, we lived in Brisbane in the late 1980s; I liked the weather, the landscape, but did not consider it home for cultural reasons. Our boys started attending expensive private schools and we bought a house in a prestigious Western suburb in Brisbane. Soon after arriving I started my tertiary education at the University of Queensland, and finished an MA in Historical Studies in Indian History in 1998. Still Australia was not my home. I kept thinking that we would return to my previous routes or the ‘imagined’ homeland somewhere in the Middle East, in close proximity to my root (Bangladesh), where we could remain economically secure in a Muslim country. But gradually I began to feel that Australia was becoming my ‘home’. I had gradually become involved in professional and community activities (with university colleagues, the Bangladeshi community and Muslim women’s organisations), and in retrospect I could see that this was an early stage of my ‘self-actualisation’ (Maslow). Through my involvement with diverse people, I felt emotionally connected with the concerns, hopes and dreams of my Muslim-Australian friends. Subsequently, I also felt connected with my mainstream Australian friends whose emotions and fears (9/11 incident, Bali bombing and 7/7 tragedy) were similar to mine. In late 1998 I started my PhD studies on the immigration history of Australia, with a particular focus on the historical settlement of Muslims in Australia. This entailed retrieving archival files and interviewing people, mostly Muslims and some mainstream Australians, and enquiring into relevant migration issues. I also became more active in community issues, and was not constrained by my circumstances. By circumstances, I mean that even though I belonged to a patriarchally structured Muslim family, where my husband was the main breadwinner, main decision-maker, my independence and research activities (entailing frequent interstate trips for data collection, and public speaking) were not frowned upon or forbidden (Khan 14-15); fortunately, my husband appreciated my passion for research and gave me his trust and support. This, along with the Muslim community’s support (interviews), and the wider community’s recognition (for example, the publication of my letters in Australian newspapers, interviews on radio and television) enabled me to develop my self-esteem and built up my bicultural identity as a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country and as a Bangladeshi-Australian. In 2005, for the sake of a better job opportunity, my husband moved to the UK, but this time I asserted that I would not move again. I felt that here in Australia (now in Perth) I had a job, an identity and a home. This time my husband was able to secure a good job back in Australia and was only away for a year. I no longer dream of finding a home in the Middle East. Through my bicultural identity here in Australia I feel connected to the wider community and to the Muslim umma. However, my attachment to the umma has become ambivalent. I feel proud of my Australian-Muslim identity but I am concerned about the jihadi ideology of militant Muslims. By jihadi ideology, I mean the extremist ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group (Farrar 2007). The Muslim umma now incorporates both moderate and radical Muslims. The radical Muslims (though only a tiny minority of 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide) pose a threat to their moderate counterparts as well as to non-Muslims. In the UK, some second- and third-generation Muslims identify themselves with the umma rather than their parents’ homelands or their country of birth (Husain). It should not be a matter of concern if these young Muslims adopt a ‘pure’ Muslim identity, providing at the same time they are loyal to their country of residence. But when they resort to terrorism with their ‘pure’ Muslim identity (e.g., the 7/7 London bombers) they defame my religion Islam, and undermine my spiritual connection to the umma. As a 1st generation immigrant, the defining criteria of my ‘homeliness’ in Australia are my ethno-cultural and religious identity (which includes my family), my active citizenship, and my community development/contribution through my research work – all of which allow me a sense of efficacy in my life. My ethnic and religious identities generally co-exist equally, but when I see some Muslims kill my fellow Australians (such as the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005) my Australian identity takes precedence. I feel for the victims and condemn the perpetrators. On the other hand, when I see politics play a role over the human rights issues (e.g., the Tampa incident), my religious identity begs me to comment on it (see Kabir, Muslims in Australia 295-305). Problematising ‘Home’ for Muslim Australians In the European context, Grillo (863) and Werbner (904), and in the Australian context, Kabir (Muslims in Australia) and Poynting and Mason, have identified the diversity within Islam (national, ethnic, religious etc). Werbner (904) notes that in spite of the “wishful talk of the emergence of a ‘British Islam’, even today there are Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab mosques, as well as Turkish and Shia’a mosques”; thus British Muslims retain their separate identities. Similarly, in Australia, the existence of separate mosques for the Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Arab and Shia’a peoples indicates that Australian Muslims have also kept their ethnic identities discrete (Saeed 64-77). However, in times of crisis, such as the Salman Rushdie affair in 1989, and the 1990-1991 Gulf crises, both British and Australian Muslims were quick to unite and express their Islamic identity by way of resistance (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 160-162; Poynting and Mason 68-70). In both British and Australian contexts, I argue that a peaceful rally or resistance is indicative of active citizenship of Muslims as it reveals their sense of belonging (also Werbner 905). So when a transmigrant Muslim wants to make a peaceful demonstration, the Western world should be encouraged, not threatened – as long as the transmigrant’s allegiances lie also with the host country. In the European context, Grillo (868) writes: when I asked Mehmet if he was planning to stay in Germany he answered without hesitation: ‘Yes, of course’. And then, after a little break, he added ‘as long as we can live here as Muslims’. In this context, I support Mehmet’s desire to live as a Muslim in a non-Muslim world as long as this is peaceful. Paradoxically, living a Muslim life through ijtihad can be either socially progressive or destructive. The Canadian Muslim feminist Irshad Manji relies on ijtihad, but so does Osama bin Laden! Manji emphasises that ijtihad can be, on the one hand, the adaptation of Islam using independent reasoning, hybridity and the contesting of ‘traditional’ family values (c.f. Doogue and Kirkwood 275-276, 314); and, on the other, ijtihad can take the form of conservative, patriarchal and militant Islamic values. The al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden espouses the jihadi ideology of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), an Egyptian who early in his career might have been described as a Muslim modernist who believed that Islam and Western secular ideals could be reconciled. But he discarded that idea after going to the US in 1948-50; there he was treated as ‘different’ and that treatment turned him against the West. He came back to Egypt and embraced a much more rigid and militaristic form of Islam (Esposito 136). Other scholars, such as Cesari, have identified a third orientation – a ‘secularised Islam’, which stresses general beliefs in the values of Islam and an Islamic identity, without too much concern for practices. Grillo (871) observed Islam in the West emphasised diversity. He stressed that, “some [Muslims were] more quietest, some more secular, some more clamorous, some more negotiatory”, while some were exclusively characterised by Islamic identity, such as wearing the burqa (elaborate veils), hijabs (headscarves), beards by men and total abstinence from drinking alcohol. So Mehmet, cited above, could be living a Muslim life within the spectrum of these possibilities, ranging from an integrating mode to a strict, militant Muslim manner. In the UK context, Zubaida (96) contends that marginalised, culturally-impoverished youth are the people for whom radical, militant Islamism may have an appeal, though it must be noted that the 7/7 bombers belonged to affluent families (O’Sullivan 14; Husain). In Australia, Muslim Australians are facing three challenges. First, the Muslim unemployment rate: it was three times higher than the national total in 1996 and 2001 (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 266-278; Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 63). Second, some spiritual leaders have used extreme rhetoric to appeal to marginalised youth; in January 2007, the Australian-born imam of Lebanese background, Sheikh Feiz Mohammad, was alleged to have employed a DVD format to urge children to kill the enemies of Islam and to have praised martyrs with a violent interpretation of jihad (Chulov 2). Third, the proposed citizenship test has the potential to make new migrants’ – particularly Muslims’ – settlement in Australia stressful (Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79); in May 2007, fuelled by perceptions that some migrants – especially Muslims – were not integrating quickly enough, the Howard government introduced a citizenship test bill that proposes to test applicants on their English language skills and knowledge of Australian history and ‘values’. I contend that being able to demonstrate knowledge of history and having English language skills is no guarantee that a migrant will be a good citizen. Through my transmigrant history, I have learnt that developing a bond with a new place takes time, acceptance and a gradual change of identity, which are less likely to happen when facing assimilationist constraints. I spoke English and studied history in the United States, but I did not consider it my home. I did not speak the Arabic language, and did not study Middle Eastern history while I was in the Middle East, but I felt connected to it for cultural and religious reasons. Through my knowledge of history and English language proficiency I did not make Australia my home when I first migrated to Australia. Australia became my home when I started interacting with other Australians, which was made possible by having the time at my disposal and by fortunate circumstances, which included a fairly high level of efficacy and affluence. If I had been rejected because of my lack of knowledge of ‘Australian values’, or had encountered discrimination in the job market, I would have been much less willing to embrace my host country and call it home. I believe a stringent citizenship test is more likely to alienate would-be citizens than to induce their adoption of values and loyalty to their new home. Conclusion Blunt (5) observes that current studies of home often investigate mobile geographies of dwelling and how it shapes one’s identity and belonging. Such geographies of home negotiate from the domestic to the global context, thus mobilising the home beyond a fixed, bounded and confining location. Similarly, in this paper I have discussed how my mobile geography, from the domestic (root) to global (route), has shaped my identity. Though I received a degree of culture shock in the United States, loved the Middle East, and was at first quite resistant to the idea of making Australia my second home, the confidence I acquired in residing in these ‘several homes’ were cumulative and eventually enabled me to regard Australia as my ‘home’. I loved the Middle East, but I did not pursue an active involvement with the Arab community because I was a busy mother. Also I lacked the communication skill (fluency in Arabic) with the local residents who lived outside the expatriates’ campus. I am no longer a cultural freak. I am no longer the same Bangladeshi woman who saw her ethnic and Islamic culture as superior to all other cultures. I have learnt to appreciate Australian values, such as tolerance, ‘a fair go’ and multiculturalism (see Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79). My bicultural identity is my strength. With my ethnic and religious identity, I can relate to the concerns of the Muslim community and other Australian ethnic and religious minorities. And with my Australian identity I have developed ‘a voice’ to pursue active citizenship. Thus my biculturalism has enabled me to retain and merge my former home with my present and permanent home of Australia. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983. Australian Bureau of Statistics: Census of Housing and Population, 1996 and 2001. Blunt, Alison. Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial Politics of Home. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Cesari, Jocelyne. “Muslim Minorities in Europe: The Silent Revolution.” In John L. Esposito and Burgat, eds., Modernising Islam: Religion in the Public Sphere in Europe and the Middle East. London: Hurst, 2003. 251-269. Chulov, Martin. “Treatment Has Sheik Wary of Returning Home.” Weekend Australian 6-7 Jan. 2007: 2. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. Seattle: University of Washington, 1997. Doogue, Geraldine, and Peter Kirkwood. Tomorrow’s Islam: Uniting Old-Age Beliefs and a Modern World. Sydney: ABC Books, 2005. Esposito, John. The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? 3rd ed. New York, Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999. Farrar, Max. “When the Bombs Go Off: Rethinking and Managing Diversity Strategies in Leeds, UK.” International Journal of Diversity in Organisations, Communities and Nations 6.5 (2007): 63-68. Grillo, Ralph. “Islam and Transnationalism.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (Sep. 2004): 861-878. Hall, Stuart. Polity Reader in Cultural Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994. Huntington, Samuel, P. The Clash of Civilisation and the Remaking of World Order. London: Touchstone, 1998. Husain, Ed. The Islamist: Why I Joined Radical Islam in Britain, What I Saw inside and Why I Left. London: Penguin, 2007. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. ———. “What Does It Mean to Be Un-Australian: Views of Australian Muslim Students in 2006.” People and Place 15.1 (2007): 62-79. Khan, Shahnaz. Aversion and Desire: Negotiating Muslim Female Identity in the Diaspora. Toronto: Women’s Press, 2002. Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam Today. Canada:Vintage, 2005. Maslow, Abraham. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper, 1954. O’Sullivan, J. “The Real British Disease.” Quadrant (Jan.-Feb. 2006): 14-20. Poynting, Scott, and Victoria Mason. “The Resistible Rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001.” Journal of Sociology 43.1 (2007): 61-86. Saeed, Abdallah. Islam in Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2003. Smith, Anthony D. National Identity. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991. Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage, 2002. Vertovec, Stevens. The Hindu Diaspora: Comparative Patterns. London: Routledge. 2000. Werbner, Pnina, “Theorising Complex Diasporas: Purity and Hybridity in the South Asian Public Sphere in Britain.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (2004): 895-911. Wood, Dennis. “The Diaspora, Community and the Vagrant Space.” In Cynthia Vanden Driesen and Ralph Crane, eds., Diaspora: The Australasian Experience. New Delhi: Prestige, 2005. 59-64. Zubaida, Sami. “Islam in Europe: Unity or Diversity.” Critical Quarterly 45.1-2 (2003): 88-98. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Aug. 2007) "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>.

At a time when a trip abroad was out of the reach of most women, even if they could not make the journey, Australian women could imagine “abroad” just by reading popular women’s magazines such as Woman (later Woman’s Day and Home then Woman’s Day) and The Australian Women’s Weekly, and journals, such as The Progressive Woman and The Housewife. Increasingly in the post-war period, these magazines and journals contained advertisements for holidaying abroad, recipes for international foods and articles on overseas fashions. It was not unusual for local manufacturers, to use the lure of travel and exotic places as a way of marketing their goods. Healing Bicycles, for example, used the slogan “In Venice men go to work on Gondolas: In Australia it’s a Healing” (“Healing Cycles” 40), and Exotiq cosmetics featured landscapes of countries where Exotiq products had “captured the hearts of women who treasured their loveliness: Cincinnati, Milan, New York, Paris, Geneva and Budapest” (“Exotiq Cosmetics” 36).Unlike Homer’s Penelope, who stayed at home for twenty years waiting for Odysseus to return from the Trojan wars, women have always been on the move to the same extent as men. Their rich travel stories (Riggal, Haysom, Lancaster)—mostly written as letters and diaries—remain largely unpublished and their experiences are not part of the public record to the same extent as the travel stories of men. Ros Pesman argues that the women traveller’s voice was one of privilege and authority full of excitement and disbelief (Pesman 26). She notes that until well into the second part of the twentieth century, “the journey for Australian women to Europe was much more than a return to the sources of family identity and history” (19). It was also:a pilgrimage to the centres and sites of culture, literature and history and an encounter with “the real world.”Europe, and particularly London,was also the place of authority and reference for all those seeking accreditation and recognition, whether as real writers, real ladies or real politicians and statesmen. (19)This article is about two Australian writers; Helen Seager, a journalist employed by The Argus, a daily newspaper in Melbourne Australia, and Gwen Hughes, a graduate of Emily McPherson College of Domestic Economy in Melbourne, working in England as a lecturer, demonstrator and cookbook writer for Parkinsons’ Stove Company. Helen Seager travelled to England on an assignment for The Argus in 1950 and sent articles each day for publication in the women’s section of the newspaper. Gwen Hughes travelled extensively in the Balkans in the 1930s recording her impressions, observations, and recipes for traditional foods whilst working for Parkinsons in England. These women were neither returning to the homeland for an encounter with the real world, nor were they there as cultural tourists in the Cook’s Tour sense of the word. They were professional writers and their observations about the places they visited offer fresh and lively versions of England and Europe, its people, places, and customs.Helen SeagerAustralian Journalist Helen Seager (1901–1981) wrote a daily column, Good Morning Ma’am in the women’s pages of The Argus, from 1947 until shortly after her return from abroad in 1950. Seager wrote human interest stories, often about people of note (Golding), but with a twist; a Baroness who finds knitting exciting (Seager, “Baroness” 9) and ballet dancers backstage (Seager, “Ballet” 10). Much-loved by her mainly female readership, in May 1950 The Argus sent her to England where she would file a daily report of her travels. Whilst now we take travel for granted, Seager was sent abroad with letters of introduction from The Argus, stating that she was travelling on a special editorial assignment which included: a certificate signed by the Lord Mayor of The City of Melbourne, seeking that any courtesies be extended on her trip to England, the Continent, and America; a recommendation from the Consul General of France in Australia; and introductions from the Premier’s Department, the Premier of Victoria, and Austria’s representative in Australia. All noted the nature of her trip, her status as an esteemed reporter for a Melbourne newspaper, and requested that any courtesy possible to be made to her.This assignment was an indication that The Argus valued its women readers. Her expenses, and those of her ten-year-old daughter Harriet, who accompanied her, were covered by the newspaper. Her popularity with her readership is apparent by the enthusiastic tone of the editorial article covering her departure. Accompanied with a photograph of Seager and Harriet boarding the aeroplane, her many women readers were treated to their first ever picture of what she looked like:THOUSANDS of "Argus" readers, particularly those in the country, have wanted to know what Helen Seager looks like. Here she is, waving good-bye as she left on the first stage of a trip to England yesterday. She will be writing her bright “Good Morning, Ma'am” feature as she travels—giving her commentary on life abroad. (The Argus, “Goodbye” 1)Figure 1. Helen Seager and her daughter Harriet board their flight for EnglandThe first article “From Helen in London” read,our Helen Seager, after busy days spent exploring England with her 10-year-old daughter, Harriet, today cabled her first “Good Morning, Ma’am” column from abroad. Each day from now on she will report from London her lively impressions in an old land, which is delightfully new to her. (Seager, “From Helen” 3)Whilst some of her dispatches contain the impressions of the awestruck traveller, for the most they are exquisitely observed stories of the everyday and the ordinary, often about the seemingly most trivial of things, and give a colourful, colonial and egalitarian impression of the places that she visits. A West End hair-do is described, “as I walked into that posh looking establishment, full of Louis XV, gold ornateness to be received with bows from the waist by numerous satellites, my first reaction was to turn and bolt” (Seager, “West End” 3).When she visits Oxford’s literary establishments, she is, for this particular article, the awestruck Australian:In Oxford, you go around saying, soto voce and aloud, “Oh, ye dreaming spires of Oxford.” And Matthew Arnold comes alive again as a close personal friend.In a weekend, Ma’am, I have seen more of Oxford than lots of native Oxonians. I have stood and brooded over the spit in Christ Church College’s underground kitchens on which the oxen for Henry the Eighth were roasted.I have seen the Merton Library, oldest in Oxford, in which the chains that imprisoned the books are still to be seen, and have added by shoe scrape to the stone steps worn down by 500 years of walkers. I have walked the old churches, and I have been lost in wonder at the goodly virtues of the dead. And then, those names of Oxford! Holywell, Tom’s Quad, Friars’ Entry, and Long Wall. The gargoyles at Magdalen and the stones untouched by bombs or war’s destruction. It adds a new importance to human beings to know that once, if only, they too have walked and stood and stared. (Seager, “From Helen” 3)Her sense of wonder whilst in Oxford is, however, moderated by the practicalities of travel incorporated into the article. She continues to describe the warnings she was given, before her departure, of foreign travel that had her alarmed about loss and theft, and the care she took to avoid both. “It would have made you laugh, Ma’am, could you have seen the antics to protect personal property in the countries in transit” (Seager, “From Helen” 3).Her description of a trip to Blenheim Palace shows her sense of fun. She does not attempt to describe the palace or its contents, “Blenheim Palace is too vast and too like a great Government building to arouse much envy,” settling instead on a curiosity should there be a turn of events, “as I surged through its great halls with a good-tempered, jostling mob I couldn’t help wondering what those tired pale-faced guides would do if the mob mood changed and it started on an old-fashioned ransack.” Blenheim palace did not impress her as much as did the Sunday crowd at the palace:The only thing I really took a fancy to were the Venetian cradle, which was used during the infancy of the present Duke and a fine Savvonerie carpet in the same room. What I never wanted to see again was the rubbed-fur collar of the lady in front.Sunday’s crowd was typically English, Good tempered, and full of Cockney wit, and, if you choose to take your pleasures in the mass, it is as good a company as any to be in. (Seager, “We Look” 3)In a description of Dublin and the Dubliners, Seager describes the food-laden shops: “Butchers’ shops leave little room for customers with their great meat carcasses hanging from every hook. … English visitors—and Dublin is awash with them—make an orgy of the cakes that ooze real cream, the pink and juicy hams, and the sweets that demand no points” (Seager, “English” 6). She reports on the humanity of Dublin and Dubliners, “Dublin has a charm that is deep-laid. It springs from the people themselves. Their courtesy is overlaid with a real interest in humanity. They walk and talk, these Dubliners, like Kings” (ibid.).In Paris she melds the ordinary with the noteworthy:I had always imagined that the outside of the Louvre was like and big art gallery. Now that I know it as a series of palaces with courtyards and gardens beyond description in the daytime, and last night, with its cleverly lighted fountains all aplay, its flags and coloured lights, I will never forget it.Just now, down in the street below, somebody is packing the boot of a car to go for, presumably, on a few days’ jaunt. There is one suitcase, maybe with clothes, and on the footpath 47 bottles of the most beautiful wines in the world. (Seager, “When” 3)She writes with a mix of awe and ordinary:My first glimpse of that exciting vista of the Arc de Triomphe in the distance, and the little bistros that I’ve always wanted to see, and all the delights of a new city, […] My first day in Paris, Ma’am, has not taken one whit from the glory that was London. (ibid.) Figure 2: Helen Seager in ParisIt is my belief that Helen Seager intended to do something with her writings abroad. The articles have been cut from The Argus and pasted onto sheets of paper. She has kept copies of the original reports filed whist she was away. The collection shows her insightful egalitarian eye and a sharp humour, a mix of awesome and commonplace.On Bastille Day in 1950, Seager wrote about the celebrations in Paris. Her article is one of exuberant enthusiasm. She writes joyfully about sirens screaming overhead, and people in the street, and looking from windows. Her article, published on 19 July, starts:Paris Ma’am is a magical city. I will never cease to be grateful that I arrived on a day when every thing went wrong, and watched it blossom before my eyes into a gayness that makes our Melbourne Cup gala seem funeral in comparison.Today is July 14.All places of business are closed for five days and only the places of amusement await the world.Parisians are tireless in their celebrations.I went to sleep to the music of bands, dancing feet and singing voices, with the raucous but cheerful toots from motors splitting the night air onto atoms. (Seager, “When” 3)This article resonates uneasiness. How easily could those scenes of celebration on Bastille Day in 1950 be changed into the scenes of carnage on Bastille Day 2016, the cheerful toots of the motors transformed into cries of fear, the sirens in the sky from aeroplanes overhead into the sirens of ambulances and police vehicles, as a Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel, as part of a terror attack drives a truck through crowds of people celebrating in Nice.Gwen HughesGwen Hughes graduated from Emily Macpherson College of Domestic Economy with a Diploma of Domestic Science, before she travelled to England to take up employment as senior lecturer and demonstrator of Parkinson’s England, a company that manufactured electric and gas stoves. Hughes wrote in her unpublished manuscript, Balkan Fever, that it was her idea of making ordinary cooking demonstration lessons dramatic and homelike that landed her the job in England (Hughes, Balkan 25-26).Her cookbook, Perfect Cooking, was produced to encourage housewives to enjoy cooking with their Parkinson’s modern cookers with the new Adjusto temperature control. The message she had to convey for Parkinsons was: “Cooking is a matter of putting the right ingredients together and cooking them at the right temperature to achieve a given result” (Hughes, Perfect 3). In reality, Hughes used this cookbook as a vehicle to share her interest in and love of Continental food, especially food from the Balkans where she travelled extensively in the 1930s.Recipes of Continental foods published in Perfect Cooking sit seamlessly alongside traditional British foods. The section on soup, for example, contains recipes for Borscht, a very good soup cooked by the peasants of Russia; Minestrone, an everyday Italian soup; Escudella, from Spain; and Cream of Spinach Soup from France (Perfect 22-23). Hughes devoted a whole chapter to recipes and descriptions of Continental foods labelled “Fascinating Foods From Far Countries,” showing her love and fascination with food and travel. She started this chapter with the observation:There is nearly as much excitement and romance, and, perhaps fear, about sampling a “foreign dish” for the “home stayer” as there is in actually being there for the more adventurous “home leaver”. Let us have a little have a little cruise safe within the comfort of our British homes. Let us try and taste the good things each country is famed for, all the while picturing the romantic setting of these dishes. (Hughes, Perfect 255)Through her recipes and descriptive passages, Hughes took housewives in England and Australia into the strange and wonderful kitchens of exotic women: Madame Darinka Jocanovic in Belgrade, Miss Anicka Zmelova in Prague, Madame Mrskosova at Benesova. These women taught her to make wonderful-sounding foods such as Apfel Strudel, Knedlikcy, Vanilla Kipfel and Christmas Stars. “Who would not enjoy the famous ‘Goose with Dumplings,’” she declares, “in the company of these gay, brave, thoughtful people with their romantic history, their gorgeously appareled peasants set in their richly picturesque scenery” (Perfect 255).It is Hughes’ unpublished manuscript Balkan Fever, written in Melbourne in 1943, to which I now turn. It is part of the Latrobe Heritage collection at the State Library of Victoria. Her manuscript was based on her extensive travels in the Balkans in the 1930s whilst she lived and worked in England, and it was, I suspect, her intention to seek publication.In her twenties, Hughes describes how she set off to the Balkans after meeting a fellow member of the Associated Country Women of the World (ACWW) at the Royal Yugoslav Legation. He was an expert on village life in the Balkans and advised her, that as a writer she would get more information from the local villagers than she would as a tourist. Hughes, who, before television gave cooking demonstrations on the radio, wrote, “I had been writing down recipes and putting them in books for years and of course the things one talks about over the air have to be written down first—that seemed fair enough” (Hughes, Balkan 25-26). There is nothing of the awestruck traveller in Hughes’ richly detailed observations of the people and the places that she visited. “Travelling in the Balkans is a very different affair from travelling in tourist-conscious countries where you just leave it to Cooks. You must either have unlimited time at your disposal, know the language or else have introductions that will enable the right arrangements to be made for you” (Balkan 2), she wrote. She was the experiential tourist, deeply immersed in her surroundings and recording food culture and society as it was.Hughes acknowledged that she was always drawn away from the cities to seek the real life of the people. “It’s to the country district you must go to find the real flavour of a country and the heart of its people—especially in the Balkans where such a large percentage of the population is agricultural” (Balkan 59). Her descriptions in Balkan Fever are a blend of geography, history, culture, national songs, folklore, national costumes, food, embroidery, and vivid observation of the everyday city life. She made little mention of stately homes or buildings. Her attitude to travel can be summed up in her own words:there are so many things to see and learn in the countries of the old world that, walking with eyes and mind wide open can be an immensely delightful pastime, even with no companion and nowhere to go. An hour or two spent in some unpretentious coffee house can be worth all the dinners at Quaglino’s or at The Ritz, if your companion is a good talker, a specialist in your subject, or knows something of the politics and the inner life of the country you are in. (Balkan 28)Rather than touring the grand cities, she was seduced by the market places with their abundance of food, colour, and action. Describing Sarajevo she wrote:On market day the main square is a blaze of colour and movement, the buyers no less colourful than the peasants who have come in from the farms around with their produce—cream cheese, eggs, chickens, fruit and vegetables. Handmade carpets hung up for sale against walls or from trees add their barbaric colour to the splendor of the scene. (Balkan 75)Markets she visited come to life through her vivid descriptions:Oh those markets, with the gorgeous colours, and heaped untidiness of the fruits and vegetables—paprika, those red and green peppers! Every kind of melon, grape and tomato contributing to the riot of colour. Then there were the fascinating peasant embroideries, laces and rich parts of old costumes brought in from the villages for sale. The lovely gay old embroideries were just laid out on a narrow carpet spread along the pavement or hung from a tree if one happened to be there. (Balkan 11)Perhaps it was her radio cooking shows that gave her the ability to make her descriptions sensorial and pictorial:We tasted luxurious foods, fish, chickens, fruits, wines, and liqueurs. All products of the country. Perfect ambrosial nectar of the gods. I was entirely seduced by the rose petal syrup, fragrant and aromatic, a red drink made from the petals of the darkest red roses. (Balkan 151)Ordinary places and everyday events are beautifully realised:We visited the cheese factory amongst other things. … It was curious to see in that far away spot such a quantity of neatly arranged cheeses in the curing chamber, being prepared for export, and in another room the primitive looking round balls of creamed cheese suspended from rafters. Later we saw trains of pack horses going over the mountains, and these were probably the bearers of these cheeses to Bitolj or Skoplje, whence they would be consigned further for export. (Balkan 182)ConclusionReading Seager and Hughes, one cannot help but be swept along on their travels and take part in their journeys. What is clear, is that they were inspired by their work, which is reflected in the way they wrote about the places they visited. Both sought out people and places that were, as Hughes so vividly puts it, not part of the Cook’s Tour. They travelled with their eyes wide open for experiences that were both new and normal, making their writing relevant even today. Written in Paris on Bastille Day 1950, Seager’s Bastille Day article is poignant when compared to Bastille Day in France in 2016. Hughes’s descriptions of Sarajevo are a far cry from the scenes of destruction in that city between 1992 and 1995. The travel writing of these two women offers us vivid impressions and images of the often unreported events, places, daily lives, and industry of the ordinary and the then every day, and remind us that the more things change, the more they stay the same.Pesman writes, “women have always been on the move and Australian women have been as numerous as passengers on the outbound ships as have men” (20), but the records of their travels seldom appear on the public record. Whilst their work-related writings are part of the public record (see Haysom; Lancaster; Riggal), this body of women’s travel writing has not received the attention it deserves. Hughes’ cookbooks, with their traditional Eastern European recipes and evocative descriptions of people and kitchens, are only there for the researcher who knows that cookbooks are a trove of valuable social and cultural material. Digital copies of Seager’s writing can be accessed on Trove (a digital repository), but there is little else about her or her body of writing on the public record.ReferencesThe Argus. “Goodbye Ma’am.” 26 May 1950: 1. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22831285?searchTerm=Goodbye%20Ma%E2%80%99am%E2%80%99&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.“Exotiq Cosmetics.” Advertisement. Woman 20 Aug. 1945: 36.Golding, Peter. “Just a Chattel of the Sale: A Mostly Light-Hearted Retrospective of a Diverse Life.” In Jim Usher, ed., The Argus: Life & Death of Newspaper. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing 2007.Haysom, Ida. Diaries and Photographs of Ida Haysom. <http://search.slv.vic.gov.au/MAIN:Everything:SLV_VOYAGER1637361>.“Healing Cycles.” Advertisement. Woman 27 Aug. 1945: 40. Hughes, Gwen. Balkan Fever. Unpublished Manuscript. State Library of Victoria, MS 12985 Box 3846/4. 1943.———. Perfect Cooking London: Parkinsons, c1940.Lancaster, Rosemary. Je Suis Australienne: Remarkable Women in France 1880-1945. Crawley WA: UWA Press, 2008.Pesman, Ros. “Overseas Travel of Australian Women: Sources in the Australian Manuscripts Collection of the State Library of Victoria.” The Latrobe Journal 58 (Spring 1996): 19-26.Riggal, Louie. (Louise Blanche.) Diary of Italian Tour 1905 February 21 - May 1. <http://search.slv.vic.gov.au/MAIN:Everything:SLV_VOYAGER1635602>.Seager, Helen. “Ballet Dancers Backstage.” The Argus 10 Aug. 1944: 10. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/11356057?searchTerm=Ballet%20Dancers%20Backstage&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=194>.———. “The Baroness Who Finds Knitting Exciting.” The Argus 1 Aug. 1944: 9. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/11354557?searchTerm=Helen%20seager%20Baroness&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=194>.———. “English Visitors Have a Food Spree in Eire.” The Argus 29 Sep. 1950: 6. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22912011?searchTerm=English%20visitors%20have%20a%20spree%20in%20Eire&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “From Helen in London.” The Argus 20 June 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22836738?searchTerm=From%20Helen%20in%20London&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “Helen Seager Storms Paris—Paris Falls.” The Argus 15 July 1950: 7.<http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22906913?searchTerm=Helen%20Seager%20Storms%20Paris%E2%80%99&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “We Look over Blenheim Palace.” The Argus 28 Sep. 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22902040?searchTerm=Helen%20Seager%20Its%20as%20a%20good%20a%20place%20as%20you%20would%20want%20to%20be&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “West End Hair-Do Was Fun.” The Argus 3 July 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22913940?searchTerm=West%20End%20hair-do%20was%20fun%E2%80%99&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “When You Are in Paris on July 14.” The Argus 19 July 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22906244?searchTerm=When%20you%20are%20in%20Paris%20on%20July%2014&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.

Introduction In December 2010, Nespresso, the world’s leading brand of premium-portioned coffee, opened a flagship “boutique” in Sydney’s Pitt Street Mall. This was Nespresso’s fifth boutique opening of 2010, after Brussels, Miami, Soho, and Munich. The Sydney debut coincided with the mall’s upmarket redevelopment, which explains Nespresso’s arrival in the city: strategic geographic expansion is key to the brand’s growth. Rather than panoramic ubiquity, a retail option favoured by brands like McDonalds, KFC and Starbucks, Nespresso opts for iconic, prestigious locations. This strategy has been highly successful: since 2000 Nespresso has recorded year-on-year per annum growth of 30 per cent. This has been achieved, moreover, despite a global financial downturn and an international coffee market replete with brand variety. In turn, Nespresso marks an evolution in the coffee market over the last decade. The Nespresso Story Founded in 1986, Nespresso is the fasting growing brand in the Nestlé Group. Its headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland, with over 7,000 employees worldwide. In 2012, Nespresso had 270 boutiques in 50 countries. The brand’s growth strategy involves three main components: premium coffee capsules, “mated” with specially designed machines, and accompanied by exceptional customer service through the Nespresso Club. Each component requires some explanation. Nespresso offers 16 varieties of Grand Crus coffee: 7 espresso blends, 3 pure origin espressos, 3 lungos (for larger cups), and 3 decaffeinated coffees. Each 5.5 grams of portioned coffee is cased in a hermetically sealed aluminium capsule, or pod, designed to preserve the complex, volatile aromas (between 800 and 900 per pod), and prevent oxidation. These capsules are designed to be used exclusively with Nespresso-branded machines, which are equipped with a patented high-pressure extraction system designed for optimum release of the coffee. These machines, of which there are 28 models, are developed with 6 machine partners, and Antoine Cahen, from Ateliers du Nord in Lausanne, designs most of them. For its consumers, members of the Nespresso Club, the capsules and machines guarantee perfect espresso coffee every time, within seconds and with minimum effort—what Nespresso calls the “ultimate coffee experience.” The Nespresso Club promotes this experience as an everyday luxury, whereby café-quality coffee can be enjoyed in the privacy and comfort of Club members’ homes. This domestic focus is a relatively recent turn in its history. Nestlé patented some of its pod technology in 1976; the compatible machines, initially made in Switzerland by Turmix, were developed a decade later. Nespresso S. A. was set up as a subsidiary unit within the Nestlé Group with a view to target the office and fine restaurant sector. It was first test-marketed in Japan in 1986, and rolled out the same year in Switzerland, France and Italy. However, by 1988, low sales prompted Nespresso’s newly appointed CEO, Jean-Paul Gillard, to rethink the brand’s focus. Gillard subsequently repositioned Nespresso’s target market away from the commercial sector towards high-income households and individuals, and introduced a mail-order distribution system; these elements became the hallmarks of the Nespresso Club (Markides 55). The Nespresso Club was designed to give members who had purchased Nespresso machines 24-hour customer service, by mail, phone, fax, and email. By the end of 1997 there were some 250,000 Club members worldwide. The boom in domestic, user-friendly espresso machines from the early 1990s helped Nespresso’s growth in this period. The cumulative efforts by the main manufacturers—Krups, Bosch, Braun, Saeco and DeLonghi—lowered the machines’ average price to around US $100 (Purpura, “Espresso” 88; Purpura, “New” 116). This paralleled consumers’ growing sophistication, as they became increasingly familiar with café-quality espresso, cappuccino and latté—for reasons to be detailed below. Nespresso was primed to exploit this cultural shift in the market and forge a charismatic point of difference: an aspirational, luxury option within an increasingly accessible and familiar field. Between 2006 and 2008, Nespresso sales more than doubled, prompting a second production factory to supplement the original plant in Avenches (Simonian). In 2008, Nespresso grew 20 times faster than the global coffee market (Reguly B1). As Nespresso sales exceeded $1.3 billion AU in 2009, with 4.8 billion capsules shipped out annually and 5 million Club members worldwide, it became Nestlé’s fastest growing division (Canning 28). According to Nespresso’s Oceania market director, Renaud Tinel, the brand now represents 8 per cent of the total coffee market; of Nespresso specifically, he reports that 10,000 cups (using one capsule per cup) were consumed worldwide each minute in 2009, and that increased to 12,300 cups per minute in 2010 (O’Brien 16). Given such growth in such a brief period, the atypical dynamic between the boutique, the Club and the Nespresso brand warrants closer consideration. Nespresso opened its first boutique in Paris in 2000, on the Avenue des Champs-Élysées. It was a symbolic choice and signalled the brand’s preference for glamorous precincts in cosmopolitan cities. This has become the design template for all Nespresso boutiques, what the company calls “brand embassies” in its press releases. More like art gallery-style emporiums than retail spaces, these boutiques perform three main functions: they showcase Nespresso coffees, machines and accessories (all elegantly displayed); they enable Club members to stock up on capsules; and they offer excellent customer service, which invariably equates to detailed production information. The brand’s revenue model reflects the boutique’s role in the broader business strategy: 50 per cent of Nespresso’s business is generated online, 30 per cent through the boutiques, and 20 per cent through call centres. Whatever floor space these boutiques dedicate to coffee consumption is—compared to the emphasis on exhibition and ambience—minimal and marginal. In turn, this tightly monitored, self-focused model inverts the conventional function of most commercial coffee sites. For several hundred years, the café has fostered a convivial atmosphere, served consumers’ social inclinations, and overwhelmingly encouraged diverse, eclectic clientele. The Nespresso boutique is the antithesis to this, and instead actively limits interaction: the Club “community” does not meet as a community, and is united only in atomised allegiance to the Nespresso brand. In this regard, Nespresso stands in stark contrast to another coffee brand that has been highly successful in recent years—Starbucks. Starbucks famously recreates the aesthetics, rhetoric and atmosphere of the café as a “third place”—a term popularised by urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg to describe non-work, non-domestic spaces where patrons converge for respite or recreation. These liminal spaces (cafés, parks, hair salons, book stores and such locations) might be private, commercial sites, yet they provide opportunities for chance encounters, even therapeutic interactions. In this way, they aid sociability and civic life (Kleinman 193). Long before the term “third place” was coined, coffee houses were deemed exemplars of egalitarian social space. As Rudolf P. Gaudio notes, the early coffee houses of Western Europe, in Oxford and London in the mid-1600s, “were characterized as places where commoners and aristocrats could meet and socialize without regard to rank” (670). From this sanguine perspective, they both informed and animated the modern public sphere. That is, and following Habermas, as a place where a mixed cohort of individuals could meet and discuss matters of public importance, and where politics intersected society, the eighteenth-century British coffee house both typified and strengthened the public sphere (Karababa and Ger 746). Moreover, and even from their early Ottoman origins (Karababa and Ger), there has been an historical correlation between the coffee house and the cosmopolitan, with the latter at least partly defined in terms of demographic breadth (Luckins). Ironically, and insofar as Nespresso appeals to coffee-literate consumers, the brand owes much to Starbucks. In the two decades preceding Nespresso’s arrival, Starbucks played a significant role in refining coffee literacy around the world, gauging mass-market trends, and stirring consumer consciousness. For Nespresso, this constituted major preparatory phenomena, as its strategy (and success) since the early 2000s presupposed the coffee market that Starbucks had helped to create. According to Nespresso’s chief executive Richard Giradot, central to Nespresso’s expansion is a focus on particular cities and their coffee culture (Canning 28). In turn, it pays to take stock of how such cities developed a coffee culture amenable to Nespresso—and therein lays the brand’s debt to Starbucks. Until the last few years, and before celebrity ambassador George Clooney was enlisted in 2005, Nespresso’s marketing was driven primarily by Club members’ recommendations. At the same time, though, Nespresso insisted that Club members were coffee connoisseurs, whose knowledge and enjoyment of coffee exceeded conventional coffee offerings. In 2000, Henk Kwakman, one of Nestlé’s Coffee Specialists, explained the need for portioned coffee in terms of guaranteed perfection, one that demanding consumers would expect. “In general”, he reasoned, “people who really like espresso coffee are very much more quality driven. When you consider such an intense taste experience, the quality is very important. If the espresso is slightly off quality, the connoisseur notices this immediately” (quoted in Butler 50). What matters here is how this corps of connoisseurs grew to a scale big enough to sustain and strengthen the Nespresso system, in the absence of a robust marketing or educative drive by Nespresso (until very recently). Put simply, the brand’s ascent was aided by Starbucks, specifically by the latter’s success in changing the mainstream coffee market during the 1990s. In establishing such a strong transnational presence, Starbucks challenged smaller, competing brands to define themselves with more clarity and conviction. Indeed, working with data that identified just 200 freestanding coffee houses in the US prior to 1990 compared to 14,000 in 2003, Kjeldgaard and Ostberg go so far as to state that: “Put bluntly, in the US there was no local coffee consumptionscape prior to Starbucks” (Kjeldgaard and Ostberg 176). Starbucks effectively redefined the coffee world for mainstream consumers in ways that were directly beneficial for Nespresso. Starbucks: Coffee as Ambience, Experience, and Cultural Capital While visitors to Nespresso boutiques can sample the coffee, with highly trained baristas and staff on site to explain the Nespresso system, in the main there are few concessions to the conventional café experience. Primarily, these boutiques function as material spaces for existing Club members to stock up on capsules, and therefore they complement the Nespresso system with a suitably streamlined space: efficient, stylish and conspicuously upmarket. Outside at least one Sydney boutique for instance (Bondi Junction, in the fashionable eastern suburbs), visitors enter through a club-style cordon, something usually associated with exclusive bars or hotels. This demarcates the boutique from neighbouring coffee chains, and signals Nespresso’s claim to more privileged patrons. This strategy though, the cultivation of a particular customer through aesthetic design and subtle flattery, is not unique. For decades, Starbucks also contrived a “special” coffee experience. Moreover, while the Starbucks model strikes a very different sensorial chord to that of Nespresso (in terms of décor, target consumer and so on) it effectively groomed and prepped everyday coffee drinkers to a level of relative self-sufficiency and expertise—and therein is the link between Starbucks’s mass-marketed approach and Nespresso’s timely arrival. Starbucks opened its first store in 1971, in Seattle. Three partners founded it: Jerry Baldwin and Zev Siegl, both teachers, and Gordon Bowker, a writer. In 1982, as they opened their sixth Seattle store, they were joined by Howard Schultz. Schultz’s trip to Italy the following year led to an entrepreneurial epiphany to which he now attributes Starbucks’s success. Inspired by how cafés in Italy, particularly the espresso bars in Milan, were vibrant social hubs, Schultz returned to the US with a newfound sensitivity to ambience and attitude. In 1987, Schultz bought Starbucks outright and stated his business philosophy thus: “We aren’t in the coffee business, serving people. We are in the people business, serving coffee” (quoted in Ruzich 432). This was articulated most clearly in how Schultz structured Starbucks as the ultimate “third place”, a welcoming amalgam of aromas, music, furniture, textures, literature and free WiFi. This transformed the café experience twofold. First, sensory overload masked the dull homogeny of a global chain with an air of warm, comforting domesticity—an inviting, everyday “home away from home.” To this end, in 1994, Schultz enlisted interior design “mastermind” Wright Massey; with his team of 45 designers, Massey created the chain’s decor blueprint, an “oasis for contemplation” (quoted in Scerri 60). At the same time though, and second, Starbucks promoted a revisionist, airbrushed version of how the coffee was produced. Patrons could see and smell the freshly roasted beans, and read about their places of origin in the free pamphlets. In this way, Starbucks merged the exotic and the cosmopolitan. The global supply chain underwent an image makeover, helped by a “new” vocabulary that familiarised its coffee drinkers with the diversity and complexity of coffee, and such terms as aroma, acidity, body and flavour. This strategy had a decisive impact on the coffee market, first in the US and then elsewhere: Starbucks oversaw a significant expansion in coffee consumption, both quantitatively and qualitatively. In the decades following the Second World War, coffee consumption in the US reached a plateau. Moreover, as Steven Topik points out, the rise of this type of coffee connoisseurship actually coincided with declining per capita consumption of coffee in the US—so the social status attributed to specialised knowledge of coffee “saved” the market: “Coffee’s rise as a sign of distinction and connoisseurship meant its appeal was no longer just its photoactive role as a stimulant nor the democratic sociability of the coffee shop” (Topik 100). Starbucks’s singular triumph was to not only convert non-coffee drinkers, but also train them to a level of relative sophistication. The average “cup o’ Joe” thus gave way to the latte, cappuccino, macchiato and more, and a world of coffee hitherto beyond (perhaps above) the average American consumer became both regular and routine. By 2003, Starbucks’s revenue was US $4.1 billion, and by 2012 there were almost 20,000 stores in 58 countries. As an idealised “third place,” Starbucks functioned as a welcoming haven that flattened out and muted the realities of global trade. The variety of beans on offer (Arabica, Latin American, speciality single origin and so on) bespoke a generous and bountiful modernity; while brochures schooled patrons in the nuances of terroir, an appreciation for origin and distinctiveness that encoded cultural capital. This positioned Starbucks within a happy narrative of the coffee economy, and drew patrons into this story by flattering their consumer choices. Against the generic sameness of supermarket options, Starbucks promised distinction, in Pierre Bourdieu’s sense of the term, and diversity in its coffee offerings. For Greg Dickinson, the Starbucks experience—the scent of the beans, the sound of the grinders, the taste of the coffees—negated the abstractions of postmodern, global trade: by sensory seduction, patrons connected with something real, authentic and material. At the same time, Starbucks professed commitment to the “triple bottom line” (Savitz), the corporate mantra that has morphed into virtual orthodoxy over the last fifteen years. This was hardly surprising; companies that trade in food staples typically grown in developing regions (coffee, tea, sugar, and coffee) felt the “political-aesthetic problematization of food” (Sassatelli and Davolio). This saw increasingly cognisant consumers trying to reconcile the pleasures of consumption with environmental and human responsibilities. The “triple bottom line” approach, which ostensibly promotes best business practice for people, profits and the planet, was folded into Starbucks’s marketing. The company heavily promoted its range of civic engagement, such as donations to nurses’ associations, literacy programs, clean water programs, and fair dealings with its coffee growers in developing societies (Simon). This bode well for its target market. As Constance M. Ruch has argued, Starbucks sought the burgeoning and lucrative “bobo” class, a term Ruch borrows from David Brooks. A portmanteau of “bourgeois bohemians,” “bobo” describes the educated elite that seeks the ambience and experience of a counter-cultural aesthetic, but without the political commitment. Until the last few years, it seemed Starbucks had successfully grafted this cultural zeitgeist onto its “third place.” Ironically, the scale and scope of the brand’s success has meant that Starbucks’s claim to an ethical agenda draws frequent and often fierce attack. As a global behemoth, Starbucks evolved into an iconic symbol of advanced consumer culture. For those critical of how such brands overwhelm smaller, more local competition, the brand is now synonymous for insidious, unstoppable retail spread. This in turn renders Starbucks vulnerable to protests that, despite its gestures towards sustainability (human and environmental), and by virtue of its size, ubiquity and ultimately conservative philosophy, it has lost whatever cachet or charm it supposedly once had. As Bryant Simon argues, in co-opting the language of ethical practice within an ultimately corporatist context, Starbucks only ever appealed to a modest form of altruism; not just in terms of the funds committed to worthy causes, but also to move thorny issues to “the most non-contentious middle-ground,” lest conservative customers felt alienated (Simon 162). Yet, having flagged itself as an ethical brand, Starbucks became an even bigger target for anti-corporatist sentiment, and the charge that, as a multinational giant, it remained complicit in (and one of the biggest benefactors of) a starkly inequitable and asymmetric global trade. It remains a major presence in the world coffee market, and arguably the most famous of the coffee chains. Over the last decade though, the speed and intensity with which Nespresso has grown, coupled with its atypical approach to consumer engagement, suggests that, in terms of brand equity, it now offers a more compelling point of difference than Starbucks. Brand “Me” Insofar as the Nespresso system depends on a consumer market versed in the intricacies of quality coffee, Starbucks can be at least partly credited for nurturing a more refined palate amongst everyday coffee drinkers. Yet while Starbucks courted the “average” consumer in its quest for market control, saturating the suburban landscape with thousands of virtually indistinguishable stores, Nespresso marks a very different sensibility. Put simply, Nespresso inverts the logic of a coffee house as a “third place,” and patrons are drawn not to socialise and relax but to pursue their own highly individualised interests. The difference with Starbucks could not be starker. One visitor to the Bloomingdale boutique (in New York’s fashionable Soho district) described it as having “the feel of Switzerland rather than Seattle. Instead of velvet sofas and comfy music, it has hard surfaces, bright colours and European hostesses” (Gapper 9). By creating a system that narrows the gap between production and consumption, to the point where Nespresso boutiques advertise the coffee brand but do not promote on-site coffee drinking, the boutiques are blithely indifferent to the historical, romanticised image of the coffee house as a meeting place. The result is a coffee experience that exploits the sophistication and vanity of aspirational consumers, but ignores the socialising scaffold by which coffee houses historically and perhaps naively made some claim to community building. If anything, Nespresso restricts patrons’ contemplative field: they consider only their relationships to the brand. In turn, Nespresso offers the ultimate expression of contemporary consumer capitalism, a hyper-individual experience for a hyper-modern age. By developing a global brand that is both luxurious and niche, Nespresso became “the Louis Vuitton of coffee” (Betts 14). Where Starbucks pursued retail ubiquity, Nespresso targets affluent, upmarket cities. As chief executive Richard Giradot put it, with no hint of embarrassment or apology: “If you take China, for example, we are not speaking about China, we are speaking about Shanghai, Hong Kong, Beijing because you will not sell our concept in the middle of nowhere in China” (quoted in Canning 28). For this reason, while Europe accounts for 90 per cent of Nespresso sales (Betts 15), its forays into the Americas, Asia and Australasia invariably spotlights cities that are already iconic or emerging economic hubs. The first boutique in Latin America, for instance, was opened in Jardins, a wealthy suburb in Sao Paulo, Brazil. In Nespresso, Nestlé has popularised a coffee experience neatly suited to contemporary consumer trends: Club members inhabit a branded world as hermetically sealed as the aluminium pods they purchase and consume. Besides the Club’s phone, fax and online distribution channels, pods can only be bought at the boutiques, which minimise even the potential for serendipitous mingling. The baristas are there primarily for product demonstrations, whilst highly trained staff recite the machines’ strengths (be they in design or utility), or information about the actual coffees. For Club members, the boutique service is merely the human extension of Nespresso’s online presence, whereby product information becomes increasingly tailored to increasingly individualised tastes. In the boutique, this emphasis on the individual is sold in terms of elegance, expedience and privilege. Nespresso boasts that over 70 per cent of its workforce is “customer facing,” sharing their passion and knowledge with Club members. Having already received and processed the product information (through the website, boutique staff, and promotional brochures), Club members need not do anything more than purchase their pods. In some of the more recently opened boutiques, such as in Paris-Madeleine, there is even an Exclusive Room where only Club members may enter—curious tourists (or potential members) are kept out. Club members though can select their preferred Grands Crus and checkout automatically, thanks to RFID (radio frequency identification) technology inserted in the capsule sleeves. So, where Starbucks exudes an inclusive, hearth-like hospitality, the Nespresso Club appears more like a pampered clique, albeit a growing one. As described in the Financial Times, “combine the reception desk of a designer hotel with an expensive fashion display and you get some idea what a Nespresso ‘coffee boutique’ is like” (Wiggins and Simonian 10). Conclusion Instead of sociability, Nespresso puts a premium on exclusivity and the knowledge gained through that exclusive experience. The more Club members know about the coffee, the faster and more individualised (and “therefore” better) the transaction they have with the Nespresso brand. This in turn confirms Zygmunt Bauman’s contention that, in a consumer society, being free to choose requires competence: “Freedom to choose does not mean that all choices are right—there are good and bad choices, better and worse choices. The kind of choice eventually made is the evidence of competence or its lack” (Bauman 43-44). Consumption here becomes an endless process of self-fashioning through commodities; a process Eva Illouz considers “all the more strenuous when the market recruits the consumer through the sysiphian exercise of his/her freedom to choose who he/she is” (Illouz 392). In a status-based setting, the more finely graded the differences between commodities (various places of origin, blends, intensities, and so on), the harder the consumer works to stay ahead—which means to be sufficiently informed. Consumers are locked in a game of constant reassurance, to show upward mobility to both themselves and society. For all that, and like Starbucks, Nespresso shows some signs of corporate social responsibility. In 2009, the company announced its “Ecolaboration” initiative, a series of eco-friendly targets for 2013. By then, Nespresso aims to: source 80 per cent of its coffee through Sustainable Quality Programs and Rainforest Alliance Certified farms; triple its capacity to recycle used capsules to 75 per cent; and reduce the overall carbon footprint required to produce each cup of Nespresso by 20 per cent (Nespresso). This information is conveyed through the brand’s website, press releases and brochures. However, since such endeavours are now de rigueur for many brands, it does not register as particularly innovative, progressive or challenging: it is an unexceptional (even expected) part of contemporary mainstream marketing. Indeed, the use of actor George Clooney as Nespresso’s brand ambassador since 2005 shows shrewd appraisal of consumers’ political and cultural sensibilities. As a celebrity who splits his time between Hollywood and Lake Como in Italy, Clooney embodies the glamorous, cosmopolitan lifestyle that Nespresso signifies. However, as an actor famous for backing political and humanitarian causes (having raised awareness for crises in Darfur and Haiti, and backing calls for the legalisation of same-sex marriage), Clooney’s meanings extend beyond cinema: as a celebrity, he is multi-coded. Through its association with Clooney, and his fusion of star power and worldly sophistication, the brand is imbued with semantic latitude. Still, in the television commercials in which Clooney appears for Nespresso, his role as the Hollywood heartthrob invariably overshadows that of the political campaigner. These commercials actually pivot on Clooney’s romantic appeal, an appeal which is ironically upstaged in the commercials by something even more seductive: Nespresso coffee. References Bauman, Zygmunt. “Collateral Casualties of Consumerism.” Journal of Consumer Culture 7.1 (2007): 25–56. Betts, Paul. “Nestlé Refines its Arsenal in the Luxury Coffee War.” Financial Times 28 Apr. (2010): 14. Bourdieu, Pierre. 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Karababa, EmInegül, and GüIIz Ger. “Early Modern Ottoman Coffehouse Culture and the Formation of the Consumer Subject." Journal of Consumer Research 37.5 (2011): 737–60 Kjeldgaard, Dannie, and Jacob Ostberg. “Coffee Grounds and the Global Cup: Global Consumer Culture in Scandinavia”. Consumption, Markets and Culture 10.2 (2007): 175–87. Kleinman, Sharon S. “Café Culture in France and the United States: A Comparative Ethnographic Study of the Use of Mobile Information and Communication Technologies.” Atlantic Journal of Communication 14.4 (2006): 191–210. Luckins, Tanja. “Flavoursome Scraps of Conversation: Talking and Hearing the Cosmopolitan City, 1900s–1960s.” History Australia 7.2 (2010): 31.1–31.16. Markides, Constantinos C. “A Dynamic View of Strategy.” Sloan Management Review 40.3 (1999): 55. Nespresso. “Ecolaboration Initiative Directs Nespresso to Sustainable Success.” Nespresso Media Centre 2009. 13 Dec. 2011. ‹http://www.nespresso.com›. 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By the time you read this, it will be wrong. Things seemed to be moving so fast in these first days after airplanes crashed into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and the Pennsylvania earth. Each certainty is as carelessly dropped as it was once carelessly assumed. The sounds of lower Manhattan that used to serve as white noise for residents—sirens, screeches, screams—are no longer signs without a referent. Instead, they make folks stare and stop, hurry and hustle, wondering whether the noises we know so well are in fact, this time, coefficients of a new reality. At the time of writing, the events themselves are also signs without referents—there has been no direct claim of responsibility, and little proof offered by accusers since the 11th. But it has been assumed that there is a link to US foreign policy, its military and economic presence in the Arab world, and opposition to it that seeks revenge. In the intervening weeks the US media and the war planners have supplied their own narrow frameworks, making New York’s “ground zero” into the starting point for a new escalation of global violence. We want to write here about the combination of sources and sensations that came that day, and the jumble of knowledges and emotions that filled our minds. Working late the night before, Toby was awoken in the morning by one of the planes right overhead. That happens sometimes. I have long expected a crash when I’ve heard the roar of jet engines so close—but I didn’t this time. Often when that sound hits me, I get up and go for a run down by the water, just near Wall Street. Something kept me back that day. Instead, I headed for my laptop. Because I cannot rely on local media to tell me very much about the role of the US in world affairs, I was reading the British newspaper The Guardian on-line when it flashed a two-line report about the planes. I looked up at the calendar above my desk to see whether it was April 1st. Truly. Then I got off-line and turned on the TV to watch CNN. That second, the phone rang. My quasi-ex-girlfriend I’m still in love with called from the mid-West. She was due to leave that day for the Bay Area. Was I alright? We spoke for a bit. She said my cell phone was out, and indeed it was for the remainder of the day. As I hung up from her, my friend Ana rang, tearful and concerned. Her husband, Patrick, had left an hour before for work in New Jersey, and it seemed like a dangerous separation. All separations were potentially fatal that day. You wanted to know where everyone was, every minute. She told me she had been trying to contact Palestinian friends who worked and attended school near the event—their ethnic, religious, and national backgrounds made for real poignancy, as we both thought of the prejudice they would (probably) face, regardless of the eventual who/what/when/where/how of these events. We agreed to meet at Bruno’s, a bakery on La Guardia Place. For some reason I really took my time, though, before getting to Ana. I shampooed and shaved under the shower. This was a horror, and I needed to look my best, even as men and women were losing and risking their lives. I can only interpret what I did as an attempt to impose normalcy and control on the situation, on my environment. When I finally made it down there, she’d located our friends. They were safe. We stood in the street and watched the Towers. Horrified by the sight of human beings tumbling to their deaths, we turned to buy a tea/coffee—again some ludicrous normalization—but were drawn back by chilling screams from the street. Racing outside, we saw the second Tower collapse, and clutched at each other. People were streaming towards us from further downtown. We decided to be with our Palestinian friends in their apartment. When we arrived, we learnt that Mark had been four minutes away from the WTC when the first plane hit. I tried to call my daughter in London and my father in Canberra, but to no avail. I rang the mid-West, and asked my maybe-former novia to call England and Australia to report in on me. Our friend Jenine got through to relatives on the West Bank. Israeli tanks had commenced a bombardment there, right after the planes had struck New York. Family members spoke to her from under the kitchen table, where they were taking refuge from the shelling of their house. Then we gave ourselves over to television, like so many others around the world, even though these events were happening only a mile away. We wanted to hear official word, but there was just a huge absence—Bush was busy learning to read in Florida, then leading from the front in Louisiana and Nebraska. As the day wore on, we split up and regrouped, meeting folks. One guy was in the subway when smoke filled the car. Noone could breathe properly, people were screaming, and his only thought was for his dog DeNiro back in Brooklyn. From the panic of the train, he managed to call his mom on a cell to ask her to feed “DeNiro” that night, because it looked like he wouldn’t get home. A pregnant woman feared for her unborn as she fled the blasts, pushing the stroller with her baby in it as she did so. Away from these heart-rending tales from strangers, there was the fear: good grief, what horrible price would the US Government extract for this, and who would be the overt and covert agents and targets of that suffering? What blood-lust would this generate? What would be the pattern of retaliation and counter-retaliation? What would become of civil rights and cultural inclusiveness? So a jumble of emotions came forward, I assume in all of us. Anger was not there for me, just intense sorrow, shock, and fear, and the desire for intimacy. Network television appeared to offer me that, but in an ultimately unsatisfactory way. For I think I saw the end-result of reality TV that day. I have since decided to call this ‘emotionalization’—network TV’s tendency to substitute analysis of US politics and economics with a stress on feelings. Of course, powerful emotions have been engaged by this horror, and there is value in addressing that fact and letting out the pain. I certainly needed to do so. But on that day and subsequent ones, I looked to the networks, traditional sources of current-affairs knowledge, for just that—informed, multi-perspectival journalism that would allow me to make sense of my feelings, and come to a just and reasoned decision about how the US should respond. I waited in vain. No such commentary came forward. Just a lot of asinine inquiries from reporters that were identical to those they pose to basketballers after a game: Question—‘How do you feel now?’ Answer—‘God was with me today.’ For the networks were insistent on asking everyone in sight how they felt about the end of las torres gemelas. In this case, we heard the feelings of survivors, firefighters, viewers, media mavens, Republican and Democrat hacks, and vacuous Beltway state-of-the-nation pundits. But learning of the military-political economy, global inequality, and ideologies and organizations that made for our grief and loss—for that, there was no space. TV had forgotten how to do it. My principal feeling soon became one of frustration. So I headed back to where I began the day—The Guardian web site, where I was given insightful analysis of the messy factors of history, religion, economics, and politics that had created this situation. As I dealt with the tragedy of folks whose lives had been so cruelly lost, I pondered what it would take for this to stop. Or whether this was just the beginning. I knew one thing—the answers wouldn’t come from mainstream US television, no matter how full of feelings it was. And that made Toby anxious. And afraid. He still is. And so the dreams come. In one, I am suddenly furloughed from my job with an orchestra, as audience numbers tumble. I make my evening-wear way to my locker along with the other players, emptying it of bubble gum and instrument. The next night, I see a gigantic, fifty-feet high wave heading for the city beach where I’ve come to swim. Somehow I am sheltered behind a huge wall, as all the people around me die. Dripping, I turn to find myself in a media-stereotype “crack house” of the early ’90s—desperate-looking black men, endless doorways, sudden police arrival, and my earnest search for a passport that will explain away my presence. I awake in horror, to the realization that the passport was already open and stamped—racialization at work for Toby, every day and in every way, as a white man in New York City. Ana’s husband, Patrick, was at work ten miles from Manhattan when “it” happened. In the hallway, I overheard some talk about two planes crashing, but went to teach anyway in my usual morning stupor. This was just the usual chatter of disaster junkies. I didn’t hear the words, “World Trade Center” until ten thirty, at the end of the class at the college I teach at in New Jersey, across the Hudson river. A friend and colleague walked in and told me the news of the attack, to which I replied “You must be fucking joking.” He was a little offended. Students were milling haphazardly on the campus in the late summer weather, some looking panicked like me. My first thought was of some general failure of the air-traffic control system. There must be planes falling out of the sky all over the country. Then the height of the towers: how far towards our apartment in Greenwich Village would the towers fall? Neither of us worked in the financial district a mile downtown, but was Ana safe? Where on the college campus could I see what was happening? I recognized the same physical sensation I had felt the morning after Hurricane Andrew in Miami seeing at a distance the wreckage of our shattered apartment across a suburban golf course strewn with debris and flattened power lines. Now I was trapped in the suburbs again at an unbridgeable distance from my wife and friends who were witnessing the attacks first hand. Were they safe? What on earth was going on? This feeling of being cut off, my path to the familiar places of home blocked, remained for weeks my dominant experience of the disaster. In my office, phone calls to the city didn’t work. There were six voice-mail messages from my teenaged brother Alex in small-town England giving a running commentary on the attack and its aftermath that he was witnessing live on television while I dutifully taught my writing class. “Hello, Patrick, where are you? Oh my god, another plane just hit the towers. Where are you?” The web was choked: no access to newspapers online. Email worked, but no one was wasting time writing. My office window looked out over a soccer field to the still woodlands of western New Jersey: behind me to the east the disaster must be unfolding. Finally I found a website with a live stream from ABC television, which I watched flickering and stilted on the tiny screen. It had all already happened: both towers already collapsed, the Pentagon attacked, another plane shot down over Pennsylvania, unconfirmed reports said, there were other hijacked aircraft still out there unaccounted for. Manhattan was sealed off. George Washington Bridge, Lincoln and Holland tunnels, all the bridges and tunnels from New Jersey I used to mock shut down. Police actions sealed off the highways into “the city.” The city I liked to think of as the capital of the world was cut off completely from the outside, suddenly vulnerable and under siege. There was no way to get home. The phone rang abruptly and Alex, three thousand miles away, told me he had spoken to Ana earlier and she was safe. After a dozen tries, I managed to get through and spoke to her, learning that she and Toby had seen people jumping and then the second tower fall. Other friends had been even closer. Everyone was safe, we thought. I sat for another couple of hours in my office uselessly. The news was incoherent, stories contradictory, loops of the planes hitting the towers only just ready for recycling. The attacks were already being transformed into “the World Trade Center Disaster,” not yet the ahistorical singularity of the emergency “nine one one.” Stranded, I had to spend the night in New Jersey at my boss’s house, reminded again of the boundless generosity of Americans to relative strangers. In an effort to protect his young son from the as yet unfiltered images saturating cable and Internet, my friend’s TV set was turned off and we did our best to reassure. We listened surreptitiously to news bulletins on AM radio, hoping that the roads would open. Walking the dog with my friend’s wife and son we crossed a park on the ridge on which Upper Montclair sits. Ten miles away a huge column of smoke was rising from lower Manhattan, where the stunning absence of the towers was clearly visible. The summer evening was unnervingly still. We kicked a soccer ball around on the front lawn and a woman walked distracted by, shocked and pale up the tree-lined suburban street, suffering her own wordless trauma. I remembered that though most of my students were ordinary working people, Montclair is a well-off dormitory for the financial sector and high rises of Wall Street and Midtown. For the time being, this was a white-collar disaster. I slept a short night in my friend’s house, waking to hope I had dreamed it all, and took the commuter train in with shell-shocked bankers and corporate types. All men, all looking nervously across the river toward glimpses of the Manhattan skyline as the train neared Hoboken. “I can’t believe they’re making us go in,” one guy had repeated on the station platform. He had watched the attacks from his office in Midtown, “The whole thing.” Inside the train we all sat in silence. Up from the PATH train station on 9th street I came onto a carless 6th Avenue. At 14th street barricades now sealed off downtown from the rest of the world. I walked down the middle of the avenue to a newspaper stand; the Indian proprietor shrugged “No deliveries below 14th.” I had not realized that the closer to the disaster you came, the less information would be available. Except, I assumed, for the evidence of my senses. But at 8 am the Village was eerily still, few people about, nothing in the sky, including the twin towers. I walked to Houston Street, which was full of trucks and police vehicles. Tractor trailers sat carrying concrete barriers. Below Houston, each street into Soho was barricaded and manned by huddles of cops. I had walked effortlessly up into the “lockdown,” but this was the “frozen zone.” There was no going further south towards the towers. I walked the few blocks home, found my wife sleeping, and climbed into bed, still in my clothes from the day before. “Your heart is racing,” she said. I realized that I hadn’t known if I would get back, and now I never wanted to leave again; it was still only eight thirty am. Lying there, I felt the terrible wonder of a distant bystander for the first-hand witness. Ana’s face couldn’t tell me what she had seen. I felt I needed to know more, to see and understand. Even though I knew the effort was useless: I could never bridge that gap that had trapped me ten miles away, my back turned to the unfolding disaster. The television was useless: we don’t have cable, and the mast on top of the North Tower, which Ana had watched fall, had relayed all the network channels. I knew I had to go down and see the wreckage. Later I would realize how lucky I had been not to suffer from “disaster envy.” Unbelievably, in retrospect, I commuted into work the second day after the attack, dogged by the same unnerving sensation that I would not get back—to the wounded, humbled former center of the world. My students were uneasy, all talked out. I was a novelty, a New Yorker living in the Village a mile from the towers, but I was forty-eight hours late. Out of place in both places. I felt torn up, but not angry. Back in the city at night, people were eating and drinking with a vengeance, the air filled with acrid sicklysweet smoke from the burning wreckage. Eyes stang and nose ran with a bitter acrid taste. Who knows what we’re breathing in, we joked nervously. A friend’s wife had fallen out with him for refusing to wear a protective mask in the house. He shrugged a wordlessly reassuring smile. What could any of us do? I walked with Ana down to the top of West Broadway from where the towers had commanded the skyline over SoHo; downtown dense smoke blocked the view to the disaster. A crowd of onlookers pushed up against the barricades all day, some weeping, others gawping. A tall guy was filming the grieving faces with a video camera, which was somehow the worst thing of all, the first sign of the disaster tourism that was already mushrooming downtown. Across the street an Asian artist sat painting the street scene in streaky black and white; he had scrubbed out two white columns where the towers would have been. “That’s the first thing I’ve seen that’s made me feel any better,” Ana said. We thanked him, but he shrugged blankly, still in shock I supposed. On the Friday, the clampdown. I watched the Mayor and Police Chief hold a press conference in which they angrily told the stream of volunteers to “ground zero” that they weren’t needed. “We can handle this ourselves. We thank you. But we don’t need your help,” Commissioner Kerik said. After the free-for-all of the first couple of days, with its amazing spontaneities and common gestures of goodwill, the clampdown was going into effect. I decided to go down to Canal Street and see if it was true that no one was welcome anymore. So many paths through the city were blocked now. “Lock down, frozen zone, war zone, the site, combat zone, ground zero, state troopers, secured perimeter, national guard, humvees, family center”: a disturbing new vocabulary that seemed to stamp the logic of Giuliani’s sanitized and over-policed Manhattan onto the wounded hulk of the city. The Mayor had been magnificent in the heat of the crisis; Churchillian, many were saying—and indeed, Giuliani quickly appeared on the cover of Cigar Afficionado, complete with wing collar and the misquotation from Kipling, “Captain Courageous.” Churchill had not believed in peacetime politics either, and he never got over losing his empire. Now the regime of command and control over New York’s citizens and its economy was being stabilized and reimposed. The sealed-off, disfigured, and newly militarized spaces of the New York through which I have always loved to wander at all hours seemed to have been put beyond reach for the duration. And, in the new post-“9/11” post-history, the duration could last forever. The violence of the attacks seemed to have elicited a heavy-handed official reaction that sought to contain and constrict the best qualities of New York. I felt more anger at the clampdown than I did at the demolition of the towers. I knew this was unreasonable, but I feared the reaction, the spread of the racial harassment and racial profiling that I had already heard of from my students in New Jersey. This militarizing of the urban landscape seemed to negate the sprawling, freewheeling, boundless largesse and tolerance on which New York had complacently claimed a monopoly. For many the towers stood for that as well, not just as the monumental outposts of global finance that had been attacked. Could the American flag mean something different? For a few days, perhaps—on the helmets of firemen and construction workers. But not for long. On the Saturday, I found an unmanned barricade way east along Canal Street and rode my bike past throngs of Chinatown residents, by the Federal jail block where prisoners from the first World Trade Center bombing were still being held. I headed south and west towards Tribeca; below the barricades in the frozen zone, you could roam freely, the cops and soldiers assuming you belonged there. I felt uneasy, doubting my own motives for being there, feeling the blood drain from my head in the same numbing shock I’d felt every time I headed downtown towards the site. I looped towards Greenwich Avenue, passing an abandoned bank full of emergency supplies and boxes of protective masks. Crushed cars still smeared with pulverized concrete and encrusted with paperwork strewn by the blast sat on the street near the disabled telephone exchange. On one side of the avenue stood a horde of onlookers, on the other television crews, all looking two blocks south towards a colossal pile of twisted and smoking steel, seven stories high. We were told to stay off the street by long-suffering national guardsmen and women with southern accents, kids. Nothing happening, just the aftermath. The TV crews were interviewing worn-out, dust-covered volunteers and firemen who sat quietly leaning against the railings of a park filled with scraps of paper. Out on the West Side highway, a high-tech truck was offering free cellular phone calls. The six lanes by the river were full of construction machinery and military vehicles. Ambulances rolled slowly uptown, bodies inside? I locked my bike redundantly to a lamppost and crossed under the hostile gaze of plainclothes police to another media encampment. On the path by the river, two camera crews were complaining bitterly in the heat. “After five days of this I’ve had enough.” They weren’t talking about the trauma, bodies, or the wreckage, but censorship. “Any blue light special gets to roll right down there, but they see your press pass and it’s get outta here. I’ve had enough.” I fronted out the surly cops and ducked under the tape onto the path, walking onto a Pier on which we’d spent many lazy afternoons watching the river at sunset. Dust everywhere, police boats docked and waiting, a crane ominously dredging mud into a barge. I walked back past the camera operators onto the highway and walked up to an interview in process. Perfectly composed, a fire chief and his crew from some small town in upstate New York were politely declining to give details about what they’d seen at “ground zero.” The men’s faces were dust streaked, their eyes slightly dazed with the shock of a horror previously unimaginable to most Americans. They were here to help the best they could, now they’d done as much as anyone could. “It’s time for us to go home.” The chief was eloquent, almost rehearsed in his precision. It was like a Magnum press photo. But he was refusing to cooperate with the media’s obsessive emotionalism. I walked down the highway, joining construction workers, volunteers, police, and firemen in their hundreds at Chambers Street. No one paid me any attention; it was absurd. I joined several other watchers on the stairs by Stuyvesant High School, which was now the headquarters for the recovery crews. Just two or three blocks away, the huge jagged teeth of the towers’ beautiful tracery lurched out onto the highway above huge mounds of debris. The TV images of the shattered scene made sense as I placed them into what was left of a familiar Sunday afternoon geography of bike rides and walks by the river, picnics in the park lying on the grass and gazing up at the infinite solidity of the towers. Demolished. It was breathtaking. If “they” could do that, they could do anything. Across the street at tables military policeman were checking credentials of the milling volunteers and issuing the pink and orange tags that gave access to ground zero. Without warning, there was a sudden stampede running full pelt up from the disaster site, men and women in fatigues, burly construction workers, firemen in bunker gear. I ran a few yards then stopped. Other people milled around idly, ignoring the panic, smoking and talking in low voices. It was a mainly white, blue-collar scene. All these men wearing flags and carrying crowbars and flashlights. In their company, the intolerance and rage I associated with flags and construction sites was nowhere to be seen. They were dealing with a torn and twisted otherness that dwarfed machismo or bigotry. I talked to a moustachioed, pony-tailed construction worker who’d hitched a ride from the mid-west to “come and help out.” He was staying at the Y, he said, it was kind of rough. “Have you been down there?” he asked, pointing towards the wreckage. “You’re British, you weren’t in World War Two were you?” I replied in the negative. “It’s worse ’n that. I went down last night and you can’t imagine it. You don’t want to see it if you don’t have to.” Did I know any welcoming ladies? he asked. The Y was kind of tough. When I saw TV images of President Bush speaking to the recovery crews and steelworkers at “ground zero” a couple of days later, shouting through a bullhorn to chants of “USA, USA” I knew nothing had changed. New York’s suffering was subject to a second hijacking by the brokers of national unity. New York had never been America, and now its terrible human loss and its great humanity were redesignated in the name of the nation, of the coming war. The signs without a referent were being forcibly appropriated, locked into an impoverished patriotic framework, interpreted for “us” by a compliant media and an opportunistic regime eager to reign in civil liberties, to unloose its war machine and tighten its grip on the Muslim world. That day, drawn to the river again, I had watched F18 fighter jets flying patterns over Manhattan as Bush’s helicopters came in across the river. Otherwise empty of air traffic, “our” skies were being torn up by the military jets: it was somehow the worst sight yet, worse than the wreckage or the bands of disaster tourists on Canal Street, a sign of further violence yet to come. There was a carrier out there beyond New York harbor, there to protect us: the bruising, blustering city once open to all comers. That felt worst of all. In the intervening weeks, we have seen other, more unstable ways of interpreting the signs of September 11 and its aftermath. Many have circulated on the Internet, past the blockages and blockades placed on urban spaces and intellectual life. Karl-Heinz Stockhausen’s work was banished (at least temporarily) from the canon of avant-garde electronic music when he described the attack on las torres gemelas as akin to a work of art. If Jacques Derrida had described it as an act of deconstruction (turning technological modernity literally in on itself), or Jean Baudrillard had announced that the event was so thick with mediation it had not truly taken place, something similar would have happened to them (and still may). This is because, as Don DeLillo so eloquently put it in implicit reaction to the plaintive cry “Why do they hate us?”: “it is the power of American culture to penetrate every wall, home, life and mind”—whether via military action or cultural iconography. All these positions are correct, however grisly and annoying they may be. What GK Chesterton called the “flints and tiles” of nineteenth-century European urban existence were rent asunder like so many victims of high-altitude US bombing raids. As a First-World disaster, it became knowable as the first-ever US “ground zero” such precisely through the high premium immediately set on the lives of Manhattan residents and the rarefied discussion of how to commemorate the high-altitude towers. When, a few weeks later, an American Airlines plane crashed on take-off from Queens, that borough was left open to all comers. Manhattan was locked down, flown over by “friendly” bombers. In stark contrast to the open if desperate faces on the street of 11 September, people went about their business with heads bowed even lower than is customary. Contradictory deconstructions and valuations of Manhattan lives mean that September 11 will live in infamy and hyper-knowability. The vengeful United States government and population continue on their way. Local residents must ponder insurance claims, real-estate values, children’s terrors, and their own roles in something beyond their ken. New York had been forced beyond being the center of the financial world. It had become a military target, a place that was receiving as well as dispatching the slings and arrows of global fortune. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Deer, Patrick and Miller, Toby. "A Day That Will Live In … ?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.1 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/adaythat.php>. Chicago Style Deer, Patrick and Miller, Toby, "A Day That Will Live In … ?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 1 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/adaythat.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Deer, Patrick and Miller, Toby. (2002) A Day That Will Live In … ?. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(1). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/adaythat.php> ([your date of access]).