Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Left periphery of sentence'

The purpose of the present study was to provide a modern syntactic analysis of Shanghainese, the regional language spoken in Shanghai, China. While Shanghainese has received significantly less exposure in the published literature compared to other regional counterparts, there is much that the language can contribute to the overall study of human language. In spite of the fact that Shanghainese has been experiencing a decline in first language learners in recent generations, this thesis aims to increase its exposure in the academic discourse and enforce the legitimacy of its standing as a distinct, living language and as a valuable piece of cultural identity that belongs to the people of Shanghai. This exposure will be specifically limited to the language’s inventory and treatment of a class of lexical items known as sentence-final particles, which encode discourse material and information about the speaker’s subjective states (e.g. surprise or assumption). These particles have been analyzed in detail in several languages by postulating the presence of rich functional fields at the upper periphery of a language’s syntactic structure. In a joint effort to introduce Shanghainese to the academic discourse and to test claims about hypothetical universal structures in an empirical fashion, this study developed two tasks to test some hypotheses about the functional field.

The paper explicates the notions of topic, contrastive topic, and focus as used in the analysis of Hungarian. Based on distributional criteria, topic and focus are claimed to represent distinct structural positions in the left periphery of the Hungarian sentence, associated with logical rather than discourse functions. The topic is interpreted as the logical subject of predication. The focus is analyzed as a derived main predicate, specifying the referential content of the set denoted by the backgrounded post-focus section of the sentence. The exhaustivity associated with the focus and the existential presupposition associated with the background are shown to be properties following from their specificational predication relation.

A dissertação A periferia esquerda da sentença no português de Angola tem como objetivo a descrição e análise da periferia esquerda da sentença no português angolano, especificamente, as categorias discursivas foco e tópico. Iniciamos nosso trabalho com as considerações acerca dos aspectos históricos-sociais e linguisticos de Angola, que nos auxiliam a compreender a presença da língua portuguesa em território angolano e a sua situação linguistica em um ambiente multilingue como Angola. Baseados na Teoria Gerativa, modelos de Princípios e Parâmetros, versão pré-minimalista, estabelecemos a noção de foco e a tipologia adotada em nosso trabalho para essa categoria. A partir de uma interface morfossintaxe/discursiva, consideramos as sentenças clivadas e as pseudoclivadas como veiculadoras de foco por apresentarem uma leitura especificacional, em que há a obrigatoriedade de predicação de um valor a uma variável, disparando as leituras de \'contrastividade\', \'exclusividade\' e \'exaustividade\', próprias do constituinte focalizado. Apresentamos, portanto, uma análise para o foco no português angolano, a partir da tipologia para as sentenças clivadas e pseudoclivadas realizadas com os estudos do português brasileiro e europeu. Para as sentenças tradicionalmente classificadas como \'interrogativas clivadas sem cópula\', propomos uma análise em que consideramos esse tipo de sentença fora do âmbito das clivadas. Consideramos que o elemento fronteado que recebe a leitura de foco é seguido de uma partícula focalizadora apontando para um foco controlado gramaticalmente. Para a categoria tópico, limitamo-nos, apenas, na apresentação de uma tipologia preliminar, baseados em estudos recentes sobre o português vernacular brasileiro.
The purpose of the study The left periphery of the sentence in portuguese of Angola aims to describe and analyze the left periphery of the sentence in portuguese of Angola, specifically the discursive categories focus and topic. We begin our work with the considerations about the historical, social and linguistics aspects of Angola that help us to understand the presence of portuguese language in Angola and its linguistic situation in a multilingual environment like this country. Based on Generative Theory, Principles and Parameters model, pre-minimalist version, we established the concept of focus and the typology adopted in our work for this category. From an interface morphosyntax / discursive, we consider the clefts and pseudoclefts sentences as focus carrying by presenting a specificational reading, where there is an obligatory predication of value to a variable, expressing the readings of contrast, exclusiveness and exhaustive. We present, therefore, an analysis to focus on the portuguese of Angola, from the typology of clefts and pseudoclefts sentences works of the european and brazilian portuguese language. For the sentences traditionally classified as interrogative cleft without copula, we propose an analysis in which we consider this kind of sentence outside of the cleft classification. We consider that the fronted element receiving the focus reading is followed by a particle focussing pointing to a grammatically controlled focus. For topic category, we limit ourselves, only in presenting a preliminary typology to the portuguese in Angola, based on recent studies of the vernacular brazilian portuguese.

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Esta Dissertação investiga, a partir do quadro teórico da gramática gerativa, a estrutura de sentenças negativas do Português Brasileiro (PB), com foco sobre aquelas em que a partícula NÃO aparece em posição pós-verbal, co-ocorrendo com outra pré-verbal [Não V não] ou como o único marcador de negação da oração [V não]. A análise é baseada em um levantamento e descrição dos usos das negativas, realizado de acordo com a metodologia de quantificação de dados da Sociolingüística Variacionista, em um corpus de três comunidades afro-brasileiras do interior da Bahia, e na comparação dos resultados com os de trabalhos sobre outras variedades do PB. São utilizados, também, dados de introspecção. A análise apresentada aponta para restrições sintáticas para a ocorrência de [V não] que não se aplicam a [Não V não], contestando, portanto, estudos já realizados, seja em uma perspectiva gerativista, variacionista ou funcionalista, por assumirem os seguintes pressupostos: (i) a posição da partícula negativa final é a mesma nos dois tipos de sentença; (ii) as sentenças se diferenciam tão somente pelo apagamento da partícula pré-verbal no segundo tipo de construção, mesmo que ambas tenham usos discursivos distintos. Diferentemente de [Não V não], a estrutura [V não] não ocorre em sentenças encaixadas, sejam elas substantivas, adverbiais ou relativas, bem como em construções que envolvem topicalização de objeto, o que sugere a existência de alguma diferença na posição do marcador final nos dois tipos de negativas, em função da ativação da categoria do sistema CP. Embora os trabalhos sobre o português, em geral, assumam que o marcador final está alojado sobre alguma categoria funcional do tipo PolP responsável pela checagem da polaridade (positiva ou negativa) da sentença, esta pesquisa defende que o marcador final ocupa uma posição mais alta na sentença, uma projeção funcional responsável pela codificação de relações discursivas, DenP. Discute também os contextos que desfavorecem [V não], apontando a impossibilidade de se manter a mesma estrutura para os dois tipos de negativas em sentenças subordinadas.
Salvador

Nesta tese, analiso, a partir do arcabouço teórico da gramática gerativa (Chomsky 1957 e outros), uma série de fenômenos relacionados à expressão da negação no português brasileiro (PB). Trato de quatro temas principais: (i) a distribuição dos marcadores negativos em diferentes contextos sintáticos; (ii) as formas de codificação da negação enfática; (iii) a negação de constituintes; (iv) e a determinação do escopo em sentenças com adjuntos. Os fenômenos examinados possuem duas propriedades em comum: (a) ao contrário do normalmente esperado para o PB, o marcador não se coloca à esquerda, mas à direita do elemento negado, em uma configuração [X(P) Neg]; (b) o marcador apresenta um requerimento anafórico, ocorrendo apenas em contextos em que o constituinte negado tenha sido previamente introduzido no discurso. A tese principal é que a ordem linear e anaforicidade são resultado de uma propriedade sintática básica: esses marcadores são gerados no CP e, portanto, apresentam sensibilidade a propriedades codificadas nesse sistema. Ao longo da tese, demonstro como essa sensibilidade se manifesta em diferentes fenômenos. Quanto à distribuição dos marcadores, mostro que o não pós-VP apresenta um série de restrições com propriedades ilocucionárias e sintáticas das sentenças em que ocorre. Argumento que essas propriedades são derivadas de o não pós-VP não ser um adjunto verbal nem a realização da polaridade sentencial, mas a realização de uma categoria funcional associada à confirmação e rejeição de proposições prévias, o que aproxima o não pós-VP de partículas como o yes e no do inglês ao invés de marcadores internos como not. Quanto à negação enfática, argumento que o não pós-VP do PB não é um recurso de ênfase ou reforço da negação pré-verbal enfraquecida. Proponho que o quantificador nada, aparecendo em posições não-argumentais, é que pode exercer as funções de negação enfática e de negação exclamativa (ou metalinguística). Quanto à negação de constituintes, mostro que, assim como na negação sentencial, o PB também pode exibir a configuração [X Neg] com a negação agindo sobre DPs, APs, PPs e AdvPs. Argumento que essa configuração só está disponível em contextos em que o elemento negado ocorra isoladamente ou em posição periférica da sentença, sendo proibido em contextos mediais. Defendo, então, que a configuração [X Neg] na negação de constituintes não é derivada por adjunção da negação à direita do elemento negado, mas pela ativação da mesma categoria (do CP) em que são gerados o não pós-VP e o marcador nada, com o constituinte não-oracional aparecendo no especificador dessa categoria, com apagamento opcional da estrutura sentencial abaixo da negação. Quanto ao escopo, analiso a interpretação da negação em sentenças com adjuntos verbais e com marcadores pré-verbais (em que há ambiguidade de escopo) e com marcadores pré-verbais e pós-VP (em que a ambiguidade se desfaz). Argumento contra a análise de ambiguidade nas relações de c-comando (cf. Huang 1982; Johnston 1994) e assumo a proposta de Hornstein & Nunes (2008) sobre a opcionalidade de atribuição de rótulo nas operações de adjunção. Proponho que a presença ou ausência de rótulo afeta as relações de escopo negativo ao tornar (ou não) o adjunto visível para o marcador negativo pré-verbal.
In this Dissertation, I analyze a set of phenomena related to the expression of negation in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). I deal with four main themes: (i) distribution of negative markers in different syntactic contexts, (ii) forms of encoding emphatic negation and (iii) constituent negations, (iv) and negative scope ambiguity in sentences with verbal adjuncts. These phenomena have two properties in common: (a) differently from what is normally expected in BP, the negative marker não is not placed at the left, but at the right of the negated constituent, in a configuration like [X(P) Neg]; (b) the marker has an anaphoric requirement and is acceptable only in contexts where the negated constituent has been previously introduced in the discourse or in the communicative context. The main hypothesis is that the linear order and the anaphoric requirement are the result of a syntactic property: these markers are generated in the CP and therefore are insensitive to properties encoded in the CPsystem. Throughout the thesis, I show how this sensitivity appear in different phenomena. As for item (i), I show that post-VP não shows a set of restrictions with discursive, illocutionary and syntactic properties of the sentences it occurs. I argue against proposals that analyze post- VP não as a verbal adjunct or the head of the sentential polarity category (PolP). I defend that post-VP não heads a functional category associated with confirmation and rejection of previous propositions and functions as English particles like yes and no rather than as internal markers as not. As for item (ii), I argue that post-VP não is not a form of emphasis or reinforcement of a weakened preverbal marker (in Jespersens 1917 sense). I propose that the negative quantifier nada, in non-argumental positions, is the marker responsible for emphatic negation and exclamative (or metalinguistic) negation in BP. As for item (iii), BP constituent negation behaves like sentential negation in allowing the configuration [X Neg], with the negative marker at the right of non-clausal phrases like DPs, APs, PPs and AdvPs. I show that [X Neg] is available only in contexts where negated XP occurs isolated or in a peripheral position of the sentence and is banned in medial positions. I argue then that [X Neg] in constituents negation also involves the category where post-VP não and non-argumental nada are generated, with the non-clausal constituent appearing in its specifier. As for item (iv), I examine the interpretation of negation over with verbal adjuncts in sentences with pre-verbal markers (which show scope ambiguity) and in sentences with both preverbal and post-VP markers (which show no scope ambiguity). I argue against Huang 1982 and Johnstons 1994 analyses, based on differences in c-command relations, and assume Hornstein & Nunes (2008) proposal on adjunction and labeling. I propose that the presence or absence of label in adjunctions affects scope relations in making verbal adjunct visible or invisible to negative marker.

Aquesta tesi tracta sobre la perifèria esquerra de coreà i espanyol des de la perspectiva de lingüística comparada. Aquest treball ofereix dades empíriques de in-situ de focus/Qu-/tòpic, scrambling i topicalització en coreà, que sembla que no és compatible amb la cartografia (Rizzi 1997 i següents). A més d’això, aquesta tesi proposa un sistema uniforme dins de la perifèria esquerra a més d’un sistema entre les dues llengües basat en l’anàlisi ofert per a espanyol i coreà en aquest treball. Aquesta tesi està enfocada en FinP i moviment encobert.
Esta tesis trata de la periferia izquierda de coreano y español desde perspectiva de lingüística cruzada. Este trabajo ofrece datos empíricos de in-situ de focus/Qu-/tópico, scrambling y topicalización en coreano, que parece que no es compatible con la cartografía (Rizzi 1997 y siguientes). Además de esto, esta tesis propone un sistema uniforme dentro de la periferia izquierda además de un sistema paramétrico entre las dos lenguas basado en el análisis ofrecido para español y coreano en este trabajo. Esta tesis está enfocada en FinP y movimiento encubierto.
This dissertation deals with the Left Periphery of Korean and Spanish from a cross-linguistic perspectives. This work provides empirical data of in-situ of focus/wh/topic,scrambling and topicalization in Korean, which seem to be not compatible with the cartographic project (Rizzi 1997 et seq.). In addition to this, this dissertation proposes a uniform system within Left Periphery as well as parametric system betweeen the two languages based on the adduced analysis for Spanish and Korean in this work. This dissertation focuses on FinP and covert movement.

This thesis investigates the syntax of the left periphery in two varieties of Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic and Tabuki Arabic. The thesis adopts the Split-CP hypothesis proposed by Rizzi (1997) and the minimalist theoretical framework proposed by Chomsky (2000; 2001; 2008; 2013). The thesis looks at the possible constituent orders in the two varieties of Arabic, and how they differ, and accounts for that variation order within a minimalist analysis. Within the core clause, an account is proposed for the agreement patterns and the case assignment between the subject and the verb in the two main orders VS and SV. Then Rizzi’s (1997) proposals for the CP-left periphery are examined here with data from Modern Standard Arabic and Tabuki Arabic, with regard to the positioning of two kinds of topic and focus. In embedded clauses, there are different lexical complementizers in the left peripheries of the two varieties of Arabic, and an account is given for their properties of assigning case or mood. Based on the feature valuations of the complementizers in Arabic, they interact with other left peripheral elements differently. Finally, the phenomenon of Complementizer Agreement in Modern Standard Arabic and Tabuki Arabic is analysed, as a kind of clitic agreement of Complementizer Agreement following the establishment of an Agree relation between the complementizers and the relevant following elements of clausal structure.

This thesis investigates the syntax of the left periphery in two varieties of Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic and Tabuki Arabic. The thesis adopts the Split-CP hypothesis proposed by Rizzi (1997) and the minimalist theoretical framework proposed by Chomsky (2000; 2001; 2008; 2013). The thesis looks at the possible constituent orders in the two varieties of Arabic, and how they differ, and accounts for that variation order within a minimalist analysis. Within the core clause, an account is proposed for the agreement patterns and the case assignment between the subject and the verb in the two main orders VS and SV. Then Rizzi’s (1997) proposals for the CP-left periphery are examined here with data from Modern Standard Arabic and Tabuki Arabic, with regard to the positioning of two kinds of topic and focus. In embedded clauses, there are different lexical complementizers in the left peripheries of the two varieties of Arabic, and an account is given for their properties of assigning case or mood. Based on the feature valuations of the complementizers in Arabic, they interact with other left peripheral elements differently. Finally, the phenomenon of Complementizer Agreement in Modern Standard Arabic and Tabuki Arabic is analysed, as a kind of clitic agreement of Complementizer Agreement following the establishment of an Agree relation between the complementizers and the relevant following elements of clausal structure.

Towards a Unified Treatment of Modality (abstract) Sumayya Racy, Ph.D. The primary claim of this thesis is that despite the numerous forms modality may take, both within and across languages, there are relatively few features, structures and operations which give rise to these numerous forms. For example, in English the modal notion of obligation may be expressed by a verb (He must go), but an adverb (He obligatorily goes), by an adjective (He is obliged), by a noun (He has an obligation), and even by a preposition (It's on him to go) or by no clear modal marker (He is to go). In other languages, we find still more ways in which modality may be expressed, such as through affixes (Garo), through evidentials (Tuyuca), through modal particles (Norwegian), and through mood (Latin). It is shown in this thesis that by adopting Cinque's (1999) hierarchy of functional projections, Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), the semantics of Kratzer (1991) and Hacquard (2006) and a limited feature set, we may account for many of these expressions of modality within a single unified framework. In particular, it is argued that modal roots are acategorial (accounting for the many parts of speech we find in modal expressions) and it is proposed that head movement and fusion may take place among modal functional heads (accounting for the fact that modality may be expressed through other categories like evidentiality). Along the way, several interesting facets of modality are pointed out, including the fact that modal nouns may only be used with unusual abilities, and the fact that in English intonation and ASL repeated movement we may find phonological correlates of epistimicity.

Aquesta tesi tracta la comprensió agramàtica del focus contrastiu, les dislocacions a l'esquerra i les construccions de clític en català. Aquestes estructures gairebé no han estat investigades anteriorment, tot i que presenten algunes propepietats que les fan interessants per testar les hipòtesis sobre el dèficit en comprensió en l'afàsia de Broca. En aquest treball presento els resultats de cinc tasques experimentals –dues tasques de condicions de veritat i tres tasques d'aparellament d'imatges i frases– dissenyades per investigar la comprensió dels pacients d'aquestes estructures. Els resultats d'una tasca preliminar de discriminació de patrons entonatius demostren que els pacients conserven les seves habilitats prosòdiques i, per tant, que el dèficit en comprensió no pot ser conseqüència d'un problema de percepció de l'entonació característica de les construccions examinades. Els resultats de les tasques de comprensió demostren que els afàsics entenen les declaratives, les focalitzacions i topicalitzacions de subjecte, i les construccions amb clítics, però tenen problemes en la interpretació de topicalitzacions i focalitzacions d'objecte. Aquestes dades afavoreixen les hipòtesis sobre el dèficit que es basen en les nocions de moviment i intervenció, és a dir, la Trace-Deletion Hypothesis (Grodzinsky, 2000) i la Feature-Underspecification Hypothesis (Grillo, 2008). Per tal d'avaluar aquestes dues hipòtesis, també examino el rol dels trets morfosintàctics en la comprensió afàsica per determinar si el dèficit afecta només la representació de trets discursius, com prediu Grillo, o la de les còpies, com defensa Grodzinsky. Segons la FUH, una diferència en els trets que provoquen el moviment de constituents hauria de bloquejar l'emergència dels efectes de localitat en les estructures amb l'objecte desplaçat. Els resultats, però, indiquen que la comprensió dels pacients no millora quan aquests trets són diferents. En conseqüència, les dades d'aquest estudi són inconsistents amb la FUH i donen suport a l'assumpció de la TDH que les còpies són eliminades de les representacions sintàctiques dels afàsics de Broca. A més, els resultats aporten evidència experimental a favor de l'anàlisi sintàctica de les dislocacions com a estructures derivades per moviment (López, 2009; Rubio, 2014).
Esta tesis trata sobre la comprensión agramática del foco constrastivo, las dislocaciones a la izquierda y las construcciones de clíticos en catalán. Hay muy pocos estudios sobre la interpretación de estas estructuras en la afasia de Broca, a pesar de que presentan algunas propiedades interesantes para determinar la validez de las hipótesis sobre el déficit en la comprensión agramática. En este trabajo presento los resultados de cinco tareas experimentales –dos tareas de juicios de condiciones de verdad y tres de apareamiento de imágenes y frases– diseñadas para investigar la comprensión de los pacientes de las estructuras mencionadas. Los resultados de un experimento preliminar sobre la discriminación de los patrones entonativos característicos de las estructuras examinadas demuestran que los pacientes los identifican y, por lo tanto, que los problemas en comprensión no pueden atribuirse a un problema de percepción de la prosodia. Por otro lado, los resultados de las tareas de comprensión indican que los afásicos entienden las declarativas, las topicalizaciones y focalizaciones de sujeto, y las construcciones de clíticos; sin embargo, tienen problemas para interpretar las topicalizaciones y focalizaciones de objeto. Estos resultados favorecen las hipótesis sobre el déficit que se basan en las nociones de movimiento e intervención, es decir, la Trace-Deletion Hypothesis (Grodzinsky, 2000) y la Feature-Underspecification Hypothesis (Grillo, 2008). Para poder evaluar estas dos hipótesis, también examino el rol de los rasgos morfosintácticos en la comprensión afàsica para determinar si el déficit concierne la representación de los rasgos discursivos, como predice Grillo, o la de las copias, como defiende Grodzinsky. En el marco de la FUH, una diferencia en los rasgos morfosintácticos que atraen el movimiento de constituyentes debería bloquear la emergencia de los efectos de localidad. Los resultados de este estudio, sin embargo, demuestran que la comprensión de los pacientes no mejora cuando los rasgos son distintos; por lo tanto, los resultados comprometen la FUH y favorecen la asunción de la TDH de que las copias son eliminadas de las representaciones sintácticas de los afásicos. Asimismo, los resultados aportan evidencia a favor del análisis sintáctico por derivación de las dislocaciones a la izquierda (López, 2009; Rubio, 2014).
This dissertation is a study of the comprehension of contrastive focus, clitic left dislocation and clitic constructions in Catalan agrammatism. These structures remain mostly unexplored in agrammatic literature, and present some relevant properties that make them suitable for evaluating current hypotheses on the deficit in agrammatic comprehension. Here I present new data from five experimental tasks –two truth-value judgement tasks and three sentence-picture matching tasks– designed to assess the interpretation of the referred structures by Broca’s aphasics. The findings from a preliminary discrimination task corroborate that agrammatics preserve their ability to distinguish the intonational contours characteristic of these constructions and, therefore, that the impairment in comprehension cannot be attributed to a misperception of prosodical patterns. The results from the comprehension tasks indicate that the agrammatics’ interpretation of declaratives, subject focalisations and topicalisations and clitics is preserved, whereas their performance on object topicalisations and focalisations is compromised. The results also show that the notions of movement and intervention are useful to explain the patterns of loss in agrammatic comprehension and, consequently, provide further support for accounts based on these notions, namely, the Trace-Deletion Hypothesis Grodzinsky (2000a) and the Feature-Underspecification Hypothesis Grillo (2008). For the purpose of testing these two hypotheses, I also examine the role of morphosyntactic features in the comprehension of the referred constructions to learn whether the deficit selectively affects only discourse-scope features, in line with the FUH’s predictions, or copies, as hypothesised by the TDH. A mismatch between relevant features that function as attractors of movement is expected to prevent minimality effects from occurring in object-derived structures under the FUH. The finding that a mismatch of number between the displaced object and the subject does not improve the aphasics’ performance on focalisations and topicalisations shows that agrammatic aphasics cannot use morphosyntactic features to establish syntactic chains, thus strengthening the TDH’s assumption that copies are deleted from aphasics’ representations. Finally, the experimental data reported in this dissertation also provide further evidence in favour of the derivational analysis of clitic left dislocation (López, 2009; Rubio, 2014).

It has long been theorized that, after the so-called critical period has passed, acquiring language becomes a more difficult enterprise. While general differences between adult second language (L2) learners and normally developed child (L1) acquirers have been more or less empirically established, a strand of recent L2 accounts have focused on the specific locus of these differences. The main goal of this dissertation project is to test the predictions of one such account: Clahsen and Felser's Shallow Structure Hypothesis (SSH; Clahsen & Felser 2006a, 2006b). The SSH places emphasis on the empirical testing of native/non-native language processing asymmetries, which are argued to be due to less detailed L2 grammatical representations. This dissertation tests the predictions of the SSH using a long-distance dependency: Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) in L2 Spanish. The study includes on-line and an off-line tasks, which were completed by a control group of native speakers of Spanish and an experimental group constituted by L2 learners of Spanish whose first language was English. In view of the well-known fact that L2 learning outcomes vary widely across individuals, a secondary goal of this dissertation project is to determine whether variability in individual learning abilities, such as inhibitory control and statistical learning predicts variability in L2 learning. Part of L2 learning involves detecting the probabilistic patterns of a language (Saffran, Aslin, & Newport, 1996), such that individuals who are better pattern learners may be better able to learn the structural regularities of the L2 input. Results were analyzed in order to determine whether the predictions of the SSH could account for the patterns present in the data. These results suggest that although the acquisition of long-distance dependencies is a protracted process, both intermediate and advanced L2 learners of Spanish could anticipate (predict) a syntactic element based in previously occurring cues. Thus, these results fail to support the predictions of the SSH. In terms of individual differences, overall, neither statistical learning nor inhibitory control appear to modulate the on-line processing of this particular long-distance dependency in Spanish.

The present dissertation is a comparative investigation between the Germanic-like structural phenomena found in the left periphery of Old French (OF) clauses and the syntactic phenomena found in the left periphery of Old High German (OHG). The goal of this thesis is to provide evidence that only a synchronic analysis can explain the presence of Germanic-like structures in OF syntax. The reason for this lies in the similarities between the V2 properties found in OF and OHG. The two languages show V2 properties such as V-to-C movement and XP fronting, but also properties which are not found in Modern V2 languages such as a frequent V1 and V3 word order. The corpus I use consists of four OF texts from the 12th and 13th century which correspond to the late OF period. They are composed in different OF dialects from the northern part of France. The poetic texts chosen for this study are Le voyage de Saint-Brandan and Gormont et Isembart. The prose texts are Le Roman de Tristan en prose and Les Miracles de Saint Louis. I coded these OF documents according to certain criteria: main clause type, embedded clause type, finite verb position, first element preceding the finite verb, etc. The results indicate that OF can be considered a true V2-language that shares a certain amount of properties with OHG, namely V-to-C movement, XP fronting, Stylistic Fronting as well as verb-initial clauses. This thesis illustrates that the OF dialects closer situated to the Germanic language border show a higher frequency in Germanic-like syntactic phenomena than the dialects situated further away. A difference between poems and prose texts concerning the presence and intensity of certain syntactic phenomena can also be observed.

Adopting a minimalist framework, the dissertation provides an analysis for the syntactic structure of comparatives, with special attention paid to the derivation of the subclause. The proposed account explains how the comparative subclause is connected to the matrix clause, how the subclause is formed in the syntax and what additional processes contribute to its final structure. In addition, it casts light upon these problems in cross-linguistic terms and provides a model that allows for synchronic and diachronic differences. This also enables one to give a more adequate explanation for the phenomena found in English comparatives since the properties of English structures can then be linked to general settings of the language and hence need no longer be considered as idiosyncratic features of the grammar of English. First, the dissertation provides a unified analysis of degree expressions, relating the structure of comparatives to that of other degrees. It is shown that gradable adjectives are located within a degree phrase (DegP), which in turn projects a quantifier phrase (QP) and that these two functional layers are always present, irrespectively of whether there is a phonologically visible element in these layers. Second, the dissertation presents a novel analysis of Comparative Deletion by reducing it to an overtness constraint holding on operators: in this way, it is reduced to morphological differences and cross-linguistic variation is not conditioned by way of postulating an arbitrary parameter. Cross-linguistic differences are ultimately dependent on whether a language has overt operators equipped with the relevant – [+compr] and [+rel] – features. Third, the dissertation provides an adequate explanation for the phenomenon of Attributive Comparative Deletion, as attested in English, by way of relating it to the regular mechanism of Comparative Deletion. I assume that Attributive Comparative Deletion is not a universal phenomenon, and its presence in English can be conditioned by independent, more general rules, while the absence of such restrictions leads to its absence in other languages. Fourth, the dissertation accounts for certain phenomena related to diachronic changes, examining how the changes in the status of comparative operators led to changes in whether Comparative Deletion is attested in a given language: I argue that only operators without a lexical XP can be grammaticalised. The underlying mechanisms underlying are essentially general economy principles and hence the processes are not language-specific or exceptional. Fifth, the dissertation accounts for optional ellipsis processes that play a crucial role in the derivation of typical comparative subclauses. These processes are not directly related to the structure of degree expressions and hence the elimination of the quantified expression from the subclause; nevertheless, they are shown to be in interaction with the mechanisms underlying Comparative Deletion or the absence thereof.
Unter Verwendung eines minimalistischen Frameworks wird in der Dissertation eine Analyse der syntaktischen Struktur von Vergleichskonstruktionen vorgestellt, mit besonderem Augenmerk auf der Ableitung des eingebetteten Satzes. Die vorgeschlagene Analyse erklärt, wie der komparative Nebensatz mit dem Matrixsatz verbunden ist, wie der Nebensatz in der Syntax gebildet wird und welche zusätzlichen Prozesse zu seiner endgültigen Struktur beitragen. Außerdem beleuchtet sie diese Probleme aus cross-linguistischer Sicht und bietet ein Modell, das synchrone und diachrone Unterschiede berücksichtigt. Dies ermöglicht auch eine adäquatere Erklärung der Phänomene in englischen Vergleichskonstruktionen, da die Eigenschaften der englischen Strukturen mit allgemeinen Eigenschaften der Sprache verknüpft werden und es daher nicht mehr nötig ist, sie als idiosynkratrische Merkmale der Grammatik der englischen Sprache zu behandeln. Die Dissertation bietet zum einen eine einheitliche Analyse von Gradphrasen, wobei die Struktur von Vergleichskonstruktionen mit der von anderen Graden verbunden wird. Es wird gezeigt, dass graduierbare Adjektive sich in einer Gradphrase (degree phrase, DegP) befinden, die wiederum eine Quantorenphrase (QP) projiziert, und dass diese beiden Funktionsschichten immer vorhanden sind, unabhängig davon, ob es ein phonologisch sichtbares Element in diesen Schichten gibt. Zweitens präsentiert die Dissertation eine neue Analyse von Komparativ-Tilgung (Comparative Deletion), die auf eine Overtheits-Bedingung für Operatoren reduziert wird: dadurch wird das Phänomen auf morphologische Unterschiede zurückgeführt, und cross-linguistische Variation wird nicht durch die Postulierung eines arbiträren Parameters begründet. Cross-linguistische Unterschiede sind letztlich davon abhängig, ob eine Sprache overte Operatoren mit den relevanten Merkmalen – [+ compr] und [+ rel] – hat. Drittens bietet die Dissertation eine adäquate Erklärung für das Phänomen der attributiven Komparativ-Tilgung (Attributive Comparative Deletion), wie man sie im Englischen findet, indem sie mit dem regulären Mechanismus der Komparativ-Tilgung in Zusammenhang gebracht wird. Ich gehe davon aus, dass attributive Komparativ-Tilgung kein universelles Phänomen ist, und dass ihr Vorhandensein im Englischen durch unabhängige, allgemeinere Regeln erfasst werden kann, während das Fehlen solcher Regeln zur Abwesenheit des Phänomens in anderen Sprachen führt. Viertens erklärt die Dissertation bestimmte Phänomene in Bezug auf diachronische Veränderungen und untersucht, wie Veränderungen im Status der Komparativoperatoren beeinflussen, ob Komparativ-Tilgung in einer Sprache vorkommt: Ich argumentiere dafür, dass nur Operatoren ohne eine lexikalische XP grammatikalisiert werden können. Die zugrunde liegenden Mechanismen sind im Wesentlichen allgemeine Prinzipien der Ökonomie, und damit sind die Prozesse nicht sprachspezifisch oder Ausnahmen. Fünftens bietet die Dissertation eine Erklärung für optionale Ellipsenprozesse, die bei der Ableitung von typischen komparativen Nebensätzen eine entscheidende Rolle spielen. Diese Prozesse haben nicht direkt mit der Struktur von Gradphrasen und somit mit der Entfernung der quantifizierten Phrase aus dem Nebensatz zu tun; aber es wird gezeigt, dass sie mit den Mechanismen, die Komparativ-Tilgung oder deren Abwesenheit zugrunde liegen, interagieren.

This paper deals with Kiezdeutsch, a way of speaking that emerged among adolescents in multiethnic urban neighbourhoods of Germany. We show that, in Kiezdeutsch, we find evidence for both grammatical reduction and new developments in the domain of information structure, and hypothesise that this points to a systematic interaction between grammar and information structure, between weakened grammatical constraints and a more liberal realisation of information-structural preferences. We show that Kiezdeutsch can serve as an interesting test case for such an interaction, that this youth language is a multiethnolect, that is, a new variety that is spoken by speakers from a multitude of ethnic backgrounds, including German, and forms a dynamic linguistic system of its own, thus allowing for systematic developments on grammatical levels and their interfaces with extragrammatical domains.

Esta tesis es un estudio de las condiciones en las cuales la Clitic Left Dislocation, un tipo de topicalización, puede violar restricciones de isla del tipo fuerte en diferentes lenguas románicas. En la caracterización clásica de Cinque (1990), los Tópicos están descritos como insensibles a las restricciones de localidad débiles (las islas-Q, por ejemplo) pero sensibles a las islas de tipo fuerte (islas de sujeto, de adjunto y de sintagma nominal complejo). Sin embargo, los hechos empíricos muestran cómo en las circunstancias apropiadas, tales islas también se pueden violar mediante la Clitic Left Dislocation: (1) a. A Pedro, que le hayas hablado de ese tema, me molesta muchísimo. Violación de isla de sujeto b. A María, si le cuentas esa historia, Juan se enfadará. Violación de isla de adjunto c. A Pedro, el médico que lo vio, le dijo que volviera mañana. Violación de sintagma nominal complejo Esta tesis tiene como objetivo examinar bajo qué condiciones es posible este tipo de violación y ofrecer un análisis para dichos casos. Para ello, en primer lugar se realiza una caracterización de la Clitic Left Dislocation en términos de movimiento sintáctico. Los motivos proporcionados para ello incluyen: (i) la presencia de efectos de reconstrucción relacionados con las relaciones de ligamiento; (ii) la presencia de asignación de Caso, del cual se asume que es local; (iii) las diferencias sistemáticas con los Hanging Topics, de los cuales se puede asumir que se generan in situ en la periferia oracional; y (iv) la propia existencia de restricciones de localidad. El resto de la tesis está dedicado al examen de cada tipo de violación de isla. Para las islas de sujeto, la observación crucial es que la Clitic Left Dislocation que tiene lugar desde un sujeto oracional puede ocurrir con verbos inacusativos, lo cual apunta al hecho de que dichos sujetos se deben haber generado en posición post-verbal. Dado que se acepta generalmente que las posiciones de objeto son más transparentes para la extracción que las de especificador, se propone que los Tópicos escapan de los sujetos clausales antes de que éstos se desplacen a una posición de especificador, conviertiéndose en islas en el proceso. Por lo tanto, el orden de las operaciones sintácticas resulta crucial para el análisis de este tipo de violación. Las islas de adjunto y de sintagma nominal complejo no se pueden violar en general, y el único caso en el que esto parece posible sucede cuando hay un pronombre en una posición permitida que es co-referencial con el pronombre en la posición prohibida. Una excepción notable la constituyen ciertos tipos de subordinadas adverbiales, con particular mención a las condicionales. Para las oraciones condicionales, la observación más importante es que permiten la topicalización desde su interior siempre que hayan sido topicalizadas a su vez. La tesis acaba con una conclusión para cada capítulo y algunas propuestas para desarrollar algunas de las líneas de investigación sugeridas.
This dissertation is a study of the conditions under which Clitic Left Dislocation, a type of topicalization, can violate island constraints of the strong kind in different Romance languages. Under the classical characterization by Cinque (1990), Topics are described as insensitive to locality constraints of the weak kind (Wh-islands, for instance) but sensitive to islands of the strong kind (Subject Islands, Adjunct Islands and Complex-NP Islands). Nevertheless, the empirical facts show how under the appropriate circumstances, such islands can also be violated by Clitic Left Dislocation: (1) a. A Pedro, que le hayas hablado de ese tema, me molesta muchísimo. To Pedro, that CL-him you have talked about that issue, CL-me bothers very much. Subject Island Violation b. A María, si le cuentas esa historia, Juan se enfadará. To María, if CL-her you tell that story Juan will get angry. Adjunct Island Violation c. A Pedro, el médico que lo vio, le dijo que volviera mañana. To Pedro, the doctor who CL-him saw, CL-him told to come back tomorrow. Complex-NP Violation The dissertation aims to examine under which conditions such violation is possible and to offer an analysis for such cases. In order to do so, in the first place a characterization of Clitic Left Dislocation as a process involving syntactic movement is carried out. The reasons provided for that include (i) the presence of reconstructions effects involving binding relations; (ii) the presence of Case assignment, which is assumed to be local; (iii) the systematic differences in behaviour with respect to Hanging Topics, which can be safely assumed to be generated in situ in the sentential periphery; and (iv) the very existence of locality constraints. The rest of the dissertation is devoted to the examination of each case of island violation. For Subject Islands, the crucial observation is that Clitic Left Dislocation from a clausal subject can take place with unaccusative verbs, which points to the fact that their subjects must have been generated post-verbally. Since it is generally accepted that object positions are more transparent for extraction than specifier positions, it is proposed that Topics escape clausal subjects before they move to a specifier position, thus becoming islands. Therefore, the timing of syntactic operations is crucial for this type of violation. Adjunct and Complex-NP islands are not generally violable, and the only case in which it seems to be possible happens when there is a pronoun in a permitted position which is co-referential with the pronoun in the banned position. A noteworthy exception happens with certain kinds of adverbial subordinate clauses, conditionals most notably. For conditional clauses, the crucial observation is that they allow topicalization from within as long as they have been topicalized in turn. The dissertation closes with a conclusion for each of the chapter and a few proposals to develop the research lines pursued.

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Definimos como objeto de estudo neste trabalho a análise das construções de tópico deslocado à esquerda do português europeu, dos séculos XVIII e XIX, e do português brasileiro, do século XIX, numa perspectiva sintático-discursiva, sob a abordagem da teoria da gramática gerativa e da estrutura da informação, para identificarmos as diferenças e/ou semelhanças sintáticas e discursivas entre essas duas variedades do português a partir da posição sintática ocupada pelo tópico e da sua relação com os outros constituintes da oração, como os advérbios, o sujeito, os elementos interrogativos e os clíticos. Para a realização dessa análise, estabelecemos como corpora cartas pessoais e peças de teatro, retiradas do Corpus do Projeto Tycho Brahe (disponível no site da USP), no caso do português europeu, e coletadas na Biblioteca Pública do Estado da Bahia, no caso do português brasileiro. Levantamos como hipótese a possibilidade de que algumas construções de tópico do português brasileiro poderiam ser explicadas à luz dos dados diacrônicos, principalmente no período selecionado para estudo. A análise dos dados, contudo, revelou que, nesse período, as construções de tópico do português europeu e do português brasileiro ainda não apresentavam diferenças sintáticas que pudessem identificar a primeira como língua de proeminência de sujeito e a segunda como língua de proeminência de tópico. Além disso, não encontramos dados suficientes que pudessem indicar que algumas construções de tópico do português brasileiro atual já estivessem registradas no português europeu. Em termos gerais, entretanto, a partir da comparação entre os dados do português europeu e do português brasileiro, detectamos que: (i) em ambos, é possível a ativação das três posições de tópico no sistema C – TopP1, TopP2 e TopP3 – considerando a proposta de Rizzi (1997, 2002). Essas posições, entretanto, não são ativadas simultaneamente. A escolha do português europeu e do brasileiro é pela seqüência TopP2 + FocP, talvez em função da relação operador-variável entre o foco e a oração. Mas é possível a ocorrência simultânea de TopP1 e TopP2; (ii) não existem, de acordo com os dados, evidências de que tipos diferenciados de tópico ocupem posições diferenciadas na periferia à esquerda; (iii) a identificação da posição do tópico na periferia à esquerda depende da ativação de outras projeções funcionais nessa periferia; (iv) as diferenças observadas entre o português europeu e o português brasileiro não se restringem especificamente às construções de tópico, mas a outros fatores, como: o movimento do verbo auxiliar acima do advérbio baixo, detectado no português europeu, mas com oscilação no português brasileiro; tendência ao preenchimento do sujeito, iniciante no português brasileiro; flutuação na colocação dos clíticos com as construções de tópico, tanto no português europeu quanto no português brasileiro; (v) a posição do tópico tanto no português europeu quanto no português brasileiro sofreu reanálise. O primeiro parece ter desenvolvido construções de tópico mais voltadas para o discurso, daí a sua impossibilidade de colocar IP em segunda posição; enquanto o segundo passou a ter uma direção do tópico mais voltada para a sintaxe, daí a possibilidade de alguns tópicos poderem concordar com o verbo.
Salvador

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A presente tese tem por objetivo investigar o status das construções de tópico na Língua de Sinais Brasileira (Libras). Visa-se, assim, oferecer discussão a respeito do papel assumido pelo tópico nessa língua semelhante à que tem sido feita em torno de línguas orais, tal como o Português Brasileiro (PB) (cf., dentre outros, GALVES, 2001; NEGRÃO, 1990; NEGRÃO & VIOTTI, 2000; ORSINI, 2003; PONTES, 1987; VASCO, 1999, 2006). Pretende-se, com isso, contribuir para a caracterização mais aprofundada dessas estruturas, propondo, por fim, uma representação formal para as mesmas, considerando-se as abordagens sobre a periferia esquerda (cf. RIZZI, 1997, 1999) e sobre o custo da computação (cf. CORRÊA & AUGUSTO, 2007, 2012). A hipótese é de que a Libras seja uma língua orientada para a sentença, cuja estrutura básica é a do tipo “sujeito > predicado”, a estrutura “tópico > comentário”, por sua vez, corresponderia àquela marcada nesta língua (cf., dentre outros, FERREIRA BRITO, 1995; QUADROS & KARNOPP, 2004). É possível assumir, dessa forma, que, em se tratando de uma estrutura marcada, possui realidade psicológica diferente e mais custosa do que aquela que representa a ordenação canônica na língua, isto é, “sujeito > predicado”, podendo ser essa diferença investigada em experimentos psicolinguísticos. Desse modo, tem-se, ainda, como objetivo desenvolver a implementação da metodologia experimental de investigação do fenômeno na Libras. Nesse sentido, foram adaptados/criados os seguintes tipos de experimento: (i) teste de julgamento de aceitabilidade; (ii) testes de produção induzida; (iii) teste com rastreamento ocular. Os resultados desses experimentos corroboram a hipótese de que a Libras seja língua de orientação para a sentença, isto é, sua ordenação básica seria “sujeito > predicado”. Entretanto, testada a condição de saliência para que um constituinte seja tomado como tópico, uma vez que a demanda discursiva evidencie um argumento interno como candidato, observa-se ser esse recurso uma estratégia significativa de representação da informação discursiva na sentença da Libras, competindo, em igualdade, com o sujeito. Tal estratégia foi muito pouco empregada quando da ausência desse contexto discursivo apropriado, isto é, sem saliência de um candidato a tópico de argumento interno. Para além desse aspecto, observou-se que a marca não manual associada à construção, levantamento de sobrancelhas, não parece ser indispensável para que usuários da Libras produzam e compreendam sentenças do tipo “tópico > comentário”, assim como o tipo de verbo, com concordância ou sem concordância, não parece ser restrição para que haja topicalização numa sentença da Libras. As análises dos experimentos indicam, ainda, que o tópico nessa língua possa estar deixando de corresponder a uma estratégia marcada, numa espécie de mudança em curso.
This doctoral dissertation investigates the status of the topic constructions in the Brazilian Sign Language (Libras). The objective is offer a discussion about the topic‟s role in that language similar to what has been built around oral languages, as in Brazilian Portuguese (PB) (cf., dentre outros, GALVES, 2001; NEGRÃO, 1990; NEGRÃO & VIOTTI, 2000; ORSINI, 2003; PONTES, 1987; VASCO, 1999, 2006). The objective is also to contribute to the further characterization of these structures and eventually proposing a formal representation for them, considering the approaches to the left periphery (cf. RIZZI, 1997, 1999) and the cost of computing (cf. CORRÊA & AUGUSTO, 2007, 2012). The hypothesis is that Libras is a sentence – oriented language, whose basic structure is "subject > predicate," the "topic > comment", on the other hand, corresponds to the marked structure (cf., among others, FERREIRA BRITO, 1995; QUADROS & KARNOPP, 2004). Therefore, it is possible to assume that this marked structure is different and has a more costly psychological reality than the one representing the canonical ordering in that language, i.e., "subject> predicate". Being so, this difference can be investigated in psycholinguistic experiments. Thus, another aim is to develop the experimental methodology implementation for the Libras‟ phenomenon investigation. Then, the following types of experiment have been adapted/created: (i) acceptability judgment task; (ii) language production induced; (iii) tracking of eye movements. The results of these experiments confirm the hypothesis that Libras is a sentence – oriented language, that is, its basic order is "subject> predicate." However, once the most likely condition for a constituent to be taken as a topic is tested, since the discursive demand highlights an internal argument as a candidate, this feature is assumed to be a significant strategy for the representation of discursive information on Libras‟s sentence, competing equally with the subject. Such strategy has been very little used when this appropriate discursive context is absent, i.e., without a highlighted topic candidate for an internal argument. Furthermore, it was observed that the nonmanual topic marker, raised eyebrows, does not appear to be indispensable for Libras users to produce and understand sentences like "topic> comment", as well as the kind of verb – agreement verbs or plain verbs – does not seem to offer restriction for the topicalization in Libras. Thus, the analyses of the experiments also show that the topic in that language may be less marked, a kind of ongoing change in the language.

Cette thèse fournit une étude comparative des constructions disloquées à gauche en anglais et en arabe standard (AS). À la lumière des cadres théoriques récents, nous examinons la syntaxe et les propriétés discursives de la dislocation à gauche en AS que nous comparons avec leurs équivalents en anglais. La première partie de cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude des propriétés syntaxiques translinguistiques des constructions placées dans la périphérie gauche. Il est soutenu notamment que l’anglais et l’AS partagent beaucoup de similarités syntaxiques. Une typologie prenant en compte des faits constatés dans les structures disloquées à gauche AS est proposée. La seconde partie est consacrée à la résomptivité dans les constructions disloquées à gauche. Il est démontré que le résomptif dans la HTLD est un pronom indépendant étant donné qu’il n y a aucune exigence syntaxique pour l’élément disloqué d'être présent. De même, il est soutenu que l’optionalité du résomptif dans la CLD est mieux expliquée en termes discursifs. Dans la troisième partie, nous proposons que les constructions CLD en AS suivent le même modèle que les CLD en anglais, en ce qu'elles expriment une fonction de Focus contrastif préétabli dans le discours. De même, nous soutenons que les HTLD en AS sont analogues aux données translinguistiques en ce sens que ce sont des entités discursives de saillance préalable, étant déjà présentes dans la conscience du locuteur. En outre, nous démontrons que l’insertion du PR dans la CLD II n’est ni facultative, ni n’émane d’effets de spécificité / référentialité ; il s'agit plutôt d'un dispositif discursif qui promeut l’élément disloqué au statut de Topique
In this thesis, I offer a comparative approach to Left-dislocation constructions in both standard Arabic (SA) and English. Under recent theoretical developments, I investigate the syntax and the discourse properties of constructions involving left-dislocation in SA and compare them with their English counterparts. In the first part, I discuss the syntactic properties of SA left-dislocation and compare them with cross-lingusitic CLLD, HTLD, and Topicalization. A further comparison between SA and English Left-dislocation is presented provides an important ground for an evaluation of the SA data. A new classification of Left-dislocated structures, which takes into account SA and English data, is offered. In the second part, I investigate the status of resumptives in both HTLD and CLD. I claim that in HTLD, the RP is a syntactically non-connected argument but a pragmatically “connected” referential pronoun, provided the HTLDed is salient enough in discourse. It is further argued that resumptives and gaps in CLD are not in free variation. In the third part, it is proven that SA CLD left-dislocation constructions pattern alike with English data at the discourse level. Likewise, it is argued that the absence of resumptives in CLD I does not promote the CLDed element to a Topic status. It is only the overt coreference of a RP with a discourse-linked antecedent in CLD II that renders the CLDed salient in discourse thereby promoting it to a Topic status

Dans une perspective résolument classificatoire, cette thèse propose une analyse multidimensionnelle de la sous-classe de marqueurs discursifs qui ont la particularité de commencer par « si » : si je veux, si tu veux / si vous voulez, si on veut, si tu permets, si tu me permets, si vous permettez, si vous me permettez, si je puis / peux dire, si on peut dire, si j’ose dire et si on ose dire. La multidimensionnalité de l’étude tient au fait que ces marqueurs sont polyfonctionnels : une même unité, en effet, peut, par exemple, tantôt remplir la fonction d’atténuateur, tantôt celle de durcisseur. L’étude que nous proposons est structurellement multidimensionnelle dans la mesure où elle articule une approche à la fois diachronique et synchronique. En diachronie, nous montrons tout d’abord les périodes auxquelles les marqueurs sont apparus pour ensuite en proposer une analyse positionnelle et combinatoire détaillée. Dans cette même perspective diachronique, nous traitons également la question de la sélection du verbe dire pour les marqueurs étant formés avec cet archiverbe, le patron syntaxique à l’origine des unités étudiées évoluant effectivement du schéma Si+Personne+Verbe au schéma Si+Personne+Verbe+(Dire). Nous avons pour ce faire utilisé les nouvelles fonctionnalités de la base Frantext 2 et, dans le cadre de cette exploitation, nous avons mis en place une méthodologie que nous décrivons et dont nous présentons les résultats. En synchronie, et sur la base de l’exploration de plusieurs corpus oraux, nous proposons un focus sur deux marqueurs fréquents, remarqués et remarquables en français moderne et contemporain, à savoir si tu veux / si vous voulez et si je puis dire. Cette démarche nous permet in fine de mettre l’existence du couple pragmatico-modal vouloir / pouvoir en relief
From a resolutely classificatory perspective, this thesis proposes a multidimensional analysis of the subclass of French discourse markers which have the particularity of starting with “si” : si je veux, si tu veux / si vous voulez, si on veut, si tu permets, si tu me permets, si vous permettez, si vous me permettez, si je puis / peux dire, si on peut dire, si j’ose dire and si on ose dire. The multidimensional aspect of the study is due to the fact that these markers are polyfunctional: the same unit, in fact, can, for example, sometimes fulfill the function of softener, sometimes that of hardener. The study we propose is structurally multidimensional in that it articulates an approach that is both diachronic and synchronic. In diachrony, we first show the periods in which the markers appeared and then propose a detailed positional and combinatorial analysis. In this same diachronic perspective, we also deal with the question of the selection of the French verb dire for the markers being formed with this archiverb, the syntactic pattern at the origin of the studied units effectively evolving from the Si + Person + Verb scheme to the Si + Person + Verb + (Dire) scheme. To do this, we used the new functionalities of the Frantext 2 database and, within the framework of this exploitation, we set up a methodology that we describe and whose results we present. In synchrony, and on the basis of the exploration of several oral corpora, we offer a focus on two frequent, noticed and remarkable markers in modern and contemporary French, namely si tu veux / si vous voulez and si je puis dire. This approach ultimately allows us to highlight the existence of the French pragmatic-modal couple of vouloir/ pouvoir

碩士
國立清華大學
語言學研究所
106
This thesis aims to give a preliminary study on wh-elements, negative markers and sentence final particles in Hakka from the cartographic viewpoint. By following Tsai’s (2000, 2007, 2008) analysis of how, how come and why in Chinese, I propose that how come and how in Hakka can be divided into resultative how, instrumental/manner how, causal how, denial how and refutatory how. How and how come in Hakka is similar to Mandarin. But there are still some differences between the two dialects. It is found that in Hakka the higher how’s, i.e., causal how and denial how, can’t occur in the sentence initial position before the subject. They trigger the subject topicalization, unlike the refutatory how. The reason for this phenomenon is relative to the mood, speech act and context. Five negative markers, ‘毋mˇ’ , ‘無moˇ’, ‘吂mangˇ’, ‘moiˊ’, ‘莫mokˋ’, and four sentence final particles, ‘無moˇ’, ‘吂mangˇ’, ‘話vaˋ’, ‘嘎gaˊ’, are also investigated in Hakka to observe their interaction with modals and to map out their syntactic positions. Moreover, the covert and overt modals in Hakka, are also observed and can serve as evidence supporting Tsai’s (2015) claim that some modals in Chinese can be implicit, unlike English.

碩士
國立清華大學
臺灣研究教師在職進修碩士學位班
97
The thesis deals with wh-questions and left periphery in Saisiyat. We focus on the topics regarding the interpretation and the syntactic distribution of wh's. The interrogatives in Saisiyat are grouped into two types: nominal and adverbial according to their corresponding syntactic and morphological behaviors. Among them, nominal wh-words like general nouns can either be marked by case markers or function as predicates in equational constructions. On the other hand, the free distribution of adverbial wh-words, which violate subject-sensitive theory, can be reasonably illustrated under the T-feature checking hypothesis proposed by Tsai (2004). Moreover, we will also discuss some wh-words with dual-status, which can serve as a head and as a modifier. We argue that Saisiyat is a true wh-in-situ language. Since nominal wh-words are licensed by operator-variable binding involving no syntactic movement, it lacks locality effects, and violates ECP and Subjacency. Crucially, the interpretation procedure is through the choice function put forward by Reinhart (1998). That is, wh’s serve as a choice function which selects the set variable denoted by N-restriction. The choice function, in turn, is translated as an f-variable being long-distantly bound by a Q-operator far away. Thus, it solves the problems of incorrect entailment resulting from applying unselective binding mechanism. Furthermore, the indefinite wh construals are due to the intervention between the Q-operator and other quantifiers. We propose that the adverbial wh-words, i.e. nak ’ino’ ‘how’ and ’am powa’ ‘why’, in Saisiyat have different significance depending on their corresponding syntactic positions. According to the evidence from subjectivity restriction, intervention effects, no-matter constructions, multiple wh-constructions, etc., it follows that causal how and reason why are directly merged into left periphery and function as sentential operators, whereas manner how, instrumental how and purpose why occupy the vP periphery and serve as event predicates. Manner how as an adverb with quantifier feature must undergo LF movement. However, the latter two are licensed by operator-variable binding. Dissimilar licensing procedure results in intervention effects with different degree. Besides, reason how as an argument occurs in the complement position of predicate and is governed by the verb. Adopting the cartographic approach (cf. Rizzi 1997, Ramchand 2003) and inner-outer dichotomy (cf. Tsai 2007), we depict the syntax-semantics map of the wh’s. Thus, the asymmetry of intervention effects on wh’s can get a reasonable explanation under Rizzi’s (1997) Generalized Relativized Minimality (see also Tsai 2008).

Although the syntax of the left periphery of the Irish clausal architecture has been the subject of considerable research within the generative paradigm, many questions remain unresolved. The general goal of this thesis is to explore some of these understudied territories. Specifically, I consider two distinct, but ultimately related phenomena: headless relative clauses and dependent verbal morphology. I will make four major claims: The first two concern the syntax (and semantics) of the headless relative clause. First, despite the fact that the particles that appear in resumptive relative clauses and in headless relative clauses are morpho-phonologically identical as aN, headless relative clauses are derived by movement, not by means of resumption, and thus the particles in these two constructions are not the same. Second, headless relative clauses are amount relative clauses, in the sense of Carlson (1977); and thus I claim, adopting Grosu and Landman's (1998) notion of complex degree, that the element that undergoes A$'$-movement in a headless relative clause is a complex degree, causing degree-abstraction in the semantics. The maximalization operator then applies to the degree-abstracted relative CP. I argue that it is this operator that triggers the appearance of the particle aN in the headless relative construction. The latter two claims concern the morphosyntax of the left periphery of Irish syntax: First, I claim that there are two tense features in a single finite clause domain of Irish, and that the so-called dependent forms of irregular verbs are the surface realization of the two tense features. This account provides a stepping stone to my final claim that a feature agreeing with the maximalization operator, but not the operator itself, is realized in the headless relative particle aN and that the particles found in resumptive relative clauses and in headless relative clauses are in fact distinct Vocabulary Items and thus they are homophonous. This thesis thus fills a gap in the descriptive account of Irish syntax, and provides new insights to the theory of relativization.

abstract: Despite the vast research on language carried out by the generative linguistics of Noam Chomsky and his followers since the 1950s, for theoretical reasons (mainly their attention to the mental abstraction of language structure rather than language as a performed product), historical linguistics from the start lay outside their research interest. This study is an attempt to bridge the gap between the formalism and theoretical constructs introduced by generative grammar, whose ultimate goal is to provide not only a description but also an explanation to linguistic phenomena, and historical linguistics, which studies the evolution of language over time. This main objective is met by providing a formal account of the changes hwæðer undergoes throughout the Old English (OE) period. This seemingly inconspicuous word presents itself as a case of particular investigative interest in that it reflects the different stages proclaimed by the theoretical assumptions implemented in the study, namely the economy principles responsible for what has become known as the CP cycle: the Head Preference Principle and the Late Merge Principle, whereby pronominal hwæðer would raise to the specifier position for topicalization purposes, then after frequent use in that position, it would be base-generated there under Late Merge, until later reanalysis as the head of the Complementizer Phrase (CP) under Head Preference. Thus, I set out to classify the diverse functions of OE hwæðer by identifying and analyzing all instances as recorded in the diachronic part of the Helsinki Corpus. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses of the data have rendered the following results: 1) a fully satisfactory functional and chronological classification has been obtained by analyzing the data under investigation following a formal theoretical approach; and 2) a step-by-step historical analysis proves to be indispensable for understanding how language works at the abstract level from a historical point of view. This project is part of a growing body of research on language change which attempts to describe and explain the evolution of certain words as these change in form and function.
Dissertation/Thesis
Ph.D. English 2013

碩士
國立清華大學
臺灣語言研究與教學研究所
106
This thesis aims to map out the syntactic distribution of the wh-phrase zenme ‘how-come’ in Chinese under the cartographic approach. In this thesis, I focus on zenme which occurs in the CP domain. It has been observed that zenme in the pre- modal position can either serve as a question to ask the cause of an event (i.e., the causal zenme), or serve as a reply to deny the occurrence of an event (i.e., the denial zenme) (Tsai 1999, 2000, 2007, 2008). However, there are two more new usages of the wh-phrase zenme ‘how’ which both demonstrate even stronger illocutionary force than the denial zenme. One kind of zenme denotes a stronger degree of denial interpretation (hereafter the ‘strong denial or ‘s-denial’ for short) than that of denial zenme and thus the original denial zenme is henceforth viewed as the weak denial zenme (‘w-denial’ for short) in this thesis. Another usage of zenme denotes negative interpretation so as to negate the whole proposition that the sentence denotes. In this thesis, I investigate the four wh-phrase zenme's ‘how-come’: (1) the causal zenme, (2) the w-denial zenme, (3) the s-denial zenme, and (4) the negative zenme. Following Rizzi’s (1997, 1999) Split-CP hypothesis, I propose that the wh-phrase zenme ‘how-come’ in Chinese demonstrates a transparent mapping of syntax and semantics in line with Tsai (1994, 1999, 2000, 2007, 2008).

This thesis investigates the functional categories in the vP domain, including aspect, modality, and focus. For this research initiative, five constructions were examined: the Mandarin temporal adverbial, the Mandarin excessive ta, the Mandarin de/bu, the Turkish question particle –mI, and the Armenian auxiliary constructions. These constructions involve functional categories that are expected to appear at the C/IP periphery; however, they surface inside the vP domain. The existence of these low grammatical elements raises non-trivial questions such as how functional categories should be mapped out in the structure, and whether a unified structure can be proposed to account for the cross-linguistic phenomena examined in this thesis. The investigation of these constructions showed that there are cross-domain interactions between low and high functional categories. While Mandarin temporal adverbial constructions showed interactions between viewpoint aspect and lexical aspect via the distributions of the temporal adverbials and various co-occurrence restrictions, the other four constructions demonstrated interactions between the low and the high categories via intervention effects. I argue that low functional categories must be licensed by their counterparts in the C/IP domain, and that the licensing relation and the structural conditions imposed on this relation can be captured if an Agree relation is established between the functional categories in these two domains. The analysis also reveals that low functional categories are the result of feature lowering from v* to some functional projection below it, and the formal features of the low functional categories must assign their values to their counterparts in the C/IP domain via Agree to provide a meaningful input to LF. I propose a parallel analysis between CP and vP to account for the existence of the low grammatical elements in two respects: (1) C and *v, as phase heads, have an edge feature (EPP) and Agree features that need to be valued and/or checked at a functional projection lower than the each phase head; (2) the formal features of C can appear at *v if they are licensed by an associate feature present in the C/T domain for the purpose of Full Interpretation (Chomsky 1995, 2000).