Journal articles: 'Left periphery of sentence'

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Beschi, Fulvio. "The Ancient Greek sentence left periphery." Journal of Greek Linguistics 18, no. 2 (November 22, 2018): 172–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01802003.

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Abstract The pattern (Setting – Topic –) Focus. NB: The Verb always follows, which was proposed by H. Dik in order to describe AG’s left periphery, raises some issues. In particular, it presents a number of exceptions, which scholars (Matić and others) have variously attempted to resolve. In the present contribution, based on case studies drawn from Homer, the following pattern for the Homeric left periphery is proposed: (Setting – Topic – Focus). NB: Unmarked elements follow. This is not dramatically different from Dik’s pattern; rather, it is an extension of it.

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De Cesare, Anna-Maria. "Italian sentence adverbs in the left periphery." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 53, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.00007.dec.

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Abstract This contribution describes the functional properties of Italian sentence adverbs (SAs) occurring in the left periphery, i.e. in clause initial position, on the basis of a corpus-based analysis of articles drawn from online daily newspapers. We show that a qualitative analysis of the data found in our corpus (albeit relatively small) using the Basel model for paragraph segmentation allows to substantially refining our understanding of the information and discourse properties of these items. Our data suggests that there are important differences in the information properties of two classes of SAs, thereby confirming a classification of the category of SAs in at least two main categories. Finally, the data analyzed allows further refining our taxonomic model of Sentence Adverbials.

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Zimmermann, Malte. "Discourse particles in the left periphery." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 35, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 543–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.35.2004.241.

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This article analyses the German discourse particle wohl 'I suppose', 'presumably' as a syntactic and semantic modifier of the sentence types declarative and interrogative. It is shown that wohl does not contribute to the propositional, i.e. descriptive content of an utterance. Nor does it trigger an implicature. The proposed analysis captures the semantic behaviour of wohl by assuming that it moves to SpecForceP at LF, from where it can modify the sentence type operators in Force0 in compositional fashion. Semantically, a modification with wohl results in a weaker commitment to the proposition expressed in declaratives and in a request for a weaker commitment concerning the questioned proposition in interrogatives. Cross-linguistic evidence for a left-peripheral position of wohl (at LF) comes from languages in which the counterpart of wohl occurs in the clausal periphery overtly. Overall, the analysis sheds more light on the semantic properties of the left periphery, in particular of the functional projection ForceP.

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Ott, Dennis. "Connectivity in left-dislocation and the composition of the left periphery." Linguistic Variation 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 225–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.15.2.04ott.

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This paper proposes a crosslinguistically uniform analysis of Left-dislocation constructions, according to which left-dislocated XPs are elliptical sentence fragments surfacing in linear juxtaposition to their host clause. The analysis is shown to provide a principled solution to Cinque’s Paradox: dislocated XPs are extra-sentential constituents akin to parentheticals while behaving in certain respects as having moved to their surface position from within the host clause, in apparent violation of the boundaries of “sentence grammar” as typically defined. The solution in terms of deletion and endorphoric linkage undermines templatic analyses of the ‘cartographic’ tradition, showing that in at least some cases the “sentential periphery” reflects not syntactic composition but juxtaposition in discourse.

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Wakefield, John C. "The Syntax and Semantics of Cantonese Particles in the Left Periphery." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 41, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 109–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2020-0004.

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Abstract Adopting the cartographic approach, this paper proposes syntactic positions for all left-periphery particles above the tense phrase (TP) in Cantonese. These include both sentence-final particles and sentence-initial particles that can be used in isolation as interjections. Based on previous syntactic proposals for the left periphery, a modification of Rizzi’s (2001) split-complementizer phrase (Split-CP) structure is proposed. A Deictic Phrase (DeicP) is added above the finite phrase (FinP) for the Cantonese “tense” particles laa3 and lei4(ge3). Then, based on a number of proposals inspired by Speas and Tenny (2003), two functional phrases are added above the force phrase (ForceP) – a higher affect phrase (AffectP) for Cantonese sentence-initial particles and a lower discourse phrase (DiscourseP) for most of the sentence-final particles. The resulting structure is tentatively proposed to account for the word order of all left-periphery particles in Cantonese, bringing the description of their syntax closer in line with a number of proposals based on left-periphery particles in other languages. This proposal includes a three-way distinction of the functions and meanings of left-periphery particles: 1) particles that lie between ForceP and TP do not refer directly to the discourse context; 2) particles that head DiscourseP do refer directly to the discourse; and 3) particles that head AffectP refer to the discourse and express human emotions.

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Burchert, Frank, Christiane Weidlich, and Ria De Bleser. "Focus in the left periphery: A cue to agrammatic sentence comprehension?" Brain and Language 95, no. 1 (October 2005): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bandl.2005.07.062.

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Badan, Linda, and Claudia Crocco. "Italian wh-questions and the low periphery." Linguistics 59, no. 3 (May 1, 2021): 757–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0059.

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Abstract This article deals with Italian questions with a post-verbal wh-element, which are generally defined as in situ. We show that post-verbal wh-questions can be interpreted as information-seeking questions, and provide syntactic arguments supporting the hypothesis that the post-verbal wh-element is only apparently in situ. We claim that, in certain contexts, the post-verbal wh-element undergoes a syntactic movement targeting a low-peripheral focus position dedicated to the expression of informational focus. We integrate our analysis with the examination of a number of cases of low-peripheral wh-elements from the CLIPS and LIP corpora of spoken Italian. As for prosody, the available data show that a sentence-final wh-element carries the nuclear accent of the utterance. Moreover, low-peripheral wh-questions seem pragmatically more restricted compared to their counterparts with a fronted wh-. Although further investigation may reveal additional contexts for the questions at stake, low-peripheral wh-questions need to be linked to the preceding discourse context and can be used to add emphasis to the missing piece of information represented by the wh-element. Our low-peripheral analysis complements the current left-peripheral analysis of Italian wh-questions: wh-elements in left and low periphery display different interpretive and prosodic properties, indicating that they are involved in different phenomena. The results of this study also support the view that the low periphery is more subject to pragmatic restrictions compared to the left periphery.

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López, Laura González, and Andreas Trotzke. "¡Mira! The grammar-attention interface in the Spanish left periphery." Linguistic Review 38, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2021-2057.

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Abstract In this paper, we focus on Spanish hearer-oriented particles like the highly frequent verb-based particle mira (lit. ‘look’). We provide a detailed syntactic account of these particles by demonstrating (i) that they must be distinguished from both vocative/appellative and expressive/exclamative particles, and (ii) that they feature illocutionary restrictions familiar from the class of discourse particles in languages other than Spanish. Since our proposal locates mira in the information-structural layer of the clause and, at the same time, demonstrates its sensitivity to the illocutionary component of sentence interpretation, we thus raise more general questions about the interaction between the syntax of speech acts and the syntactic encoding of information structure.

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Harbert, Wayne. "Studies on Old High German Syntax: Left sentence periphery, verb placement and verb-second." Diachronica 25, no. 3 (November 1, 2008): 431–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.2.08har.

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Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. "A Case of V2 in Chinese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 36, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0006.

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Abstract As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory wh-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.

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Newmeyer, Frederick J. "On split-CPs, uninterpretable features, and the 'perfectness' of language." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 35, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.35.2004.235.

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This paper discusses critically a number of developments at the heart of current syntactic theory. These include the postulation of a rich sequence of projections at the left periphery of the sentence; the idea that movement is tied to the need to eliminate uninterpretable features; and the conception put forward by Chomsky and others that advances in the past decade have made it reasonable to raise the question about whether language might be in some sense ‘perfect’. However, I will argue that there is little motivation for a highly-articulated left-periphery, that there is no connection between movement and uninterpretable features, and that there is no support for the idea that language might be perfect.

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Roussou, Anna. "A Balkan View on the Left Periphery: Modal and Discourse Particles." Languages 6, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6020075.

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The present paper discusses two sets of so-called particles in the Balkan languages, arguing that the correspondences attested in the E-languages reveal abstract properties at the level of the I-language. The first set involves modal particles which participate in the analytic expressions of the “future” and the “subjunctive”. Future markers are construed as V-related elements externalizing a scope position of the verb, while the subjunctive markers take their features from the nominal set. The second set of data involves the discourse marker “haide” which is argued to externalize features associated with the force of the sentence and its anchoring to the discourse participants. In the case of modal particles, the languages under consideration retain their own lexica, while in the case of the discourse marker, they share the same lexical item (lexical borrowing). Analysis of these phenomena supports an articulated left periphery which also accounts for the similar distribution of the discourse marker “haide”. At the same time, the different externalizations leave room for further microparametric variation.

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Höhmann, Doris. "“Am besten, du gehst.” Zur nähesprachlichen Verwendung des am-Superlativs im Vor-Vorfeld." Glottotheory 10, no. 1-2 (February 25, 2020): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/glot-2019-0001.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the use of the German am-superlative in colloquial utterances such as am besten, du gehst jetzt. In a first approximation, this construction can be described as elliptically used am-superlative occurring on the left sentence periphery within an Operator-Skopus-Struktur (Barden/Elstermann/Fiehler 2001). As will be shown in the empirical core part of the study, a qualitative-quantitative analysis, the pattern appears to be characterized by different overlapping and interplaying tendencies in language use (e.g. the selection and frequency of pronouns and sentence mood). The data used for the qualitative-quantitative analysis is taken mainly from a large-scale web corpus (deTenTen13).

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Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. "(Inter)subjectification and unidirectionality." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 8, no. 2 (June 27, 2007): 295–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.8.2.07clo.

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In this paper the importance of distinguishing synchronic (inter)subjectivity and diachronic (inter)subjectification is stressed. Questions are posed concerning the robustness of hypotheses about matches between semantic function and syntactic position at the left or right periphery of the clause in Japanese, the extent to which subtypes of (inter)subjective function constrain the direction of shift over time, and the optimal unit of analysis (sentence, clause, or intonation unit).

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Munaro, Nicola, Cecilia Poletto, and Jean-Yves Pollock. "Eppur si muove!" Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2001 1 (December 31, 2001): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.1.07mun.

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This article offers a comparative syntax approach to wh-questions in French and Bellunese, a Northern Italian dialect spoken in the town of Belluno. A striking difference between the two languages, otherwise very closely related, lies in the fact that bare wh-words in root questions, which display obligatory subject clitic inversion (SCLI), must appear at the right edge of the sentence in Bellunese. In French on the other hand apparent in situ structures ban SCLI and do not accept que in sharp contrast with Bellunese. To make sense of these data we suggest that despite appearances wh-words in Bellunese do move to the left periphery, just as they must in French SCLI structures. This in turn requires that the remaining IP also move to the left periphery which should then be highly split. The minimal parameter distinguishing French and Bellunese, we claim, lies in the existence of a class of non assertive clitics in Bellunese, which have turned into interrogative markers. Their absence in French triggers obligatory wh-movement to a high operator position at the left edge of the CP domain. In this light it is suggested that French wh in situ questions also involves invisible remnant IP movement and wh movement to a truncated left periphery.

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Yang, Barry C. Y. "Two types of peripheral adjunct WHATs." Concentric. Studies in Linguistics 47, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/consl.00023.yan.

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Abstract This study investigates two types of adjunct WHATs merged at peripheral positions in Chinese. The L-WHAT is merged within VP and denotes a why-interpretation with an aggressive, prohibitive force. The H-WHAT is merged at the left periphery of a sentence and is exclusively used in expressing a speaker’s refutatory force without interrogativity. The two WHATs are encoded with different modalities: the L-WHAT with root modality while the H-WHAT with epistemic modality. It is proposed that the interpretations of the two types of WHATs are compositionally derived from the modality and speaker force. This study not only explores the origins of different interpretations of adjunct WHATs, but also advances a uniform approach in mapping the speaker force onto syntax.

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Tajsner, Przemysław. "On focus marking and predication. Evidence from Polish with some notes on Hausa." Lingua Posnaniensis 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2015-0006.

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Abstract Purpose: The primary aim of the paper is to provide a new, derivational analysis of two types of Polish sentences with the occurrence of a particle to, which syntactically code focus and topic. These are: to-clefts (To Janek napisał list. ‘It was Janek who wrote the letter’), and topic-to sentences (Janek to napisał list. ‘As for Janek, he wrote the letter’). The secondary aim is to reflect on the relevance of the isomorphism of focus markers and non-verbal copulas in Polish with some reference to Hausa. Method: The approach follows a minimalist method but departs from cartographic accounts with dedicated heads in sentence left-periphery. Instead, it postulates that focus and topic are interpretive by-effects of Specification Predication. In this, the paper extends and modifies Kiss’s (2006, 2010) central idea that focusing is predication. Result & Conclusion: The account proves successful in explaining a few syntactic constraints, doing so in a simple, unitary fashion. Viewing focus as a derivative of predication is a step towards understanding the relation between narrow syntax and information structure.

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Doherty, Monika. "'Acceptability' and Language-Specific Preference in the Distribution of Information." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.9.1.02doh.

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Abstract The paper generalizes upon some basic aspects of acceptability concerning language-specific preferences in the distribution of information in original texts and translations. It is assumed that the pragmatic principle of Optimal Relevance and major grammatical parameters jointly determine language-specific processing conditions for an optimal distribution of information. The claims are illustrated by the German translation of a passage from an English novel, where the preferred translational variants meet different processing conditions in 'right-peripheral' German, as opposed to 'left-peripheral' English. The differences concern word order, including initial and final position in simple and complex sentences, and may have an impact on the semantic readings of formally similar sentence structures, which can require redistribution of information beyond sentence boundaries.

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Donaldson, Bryan. "Discourse functions of subject left dislocation in Old Occitan." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 16, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.16.2.01don.

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This paper reports an empirical study of the discourse-pragmatic functions of subject left dislocation (LD) in Old Occitan. Data come from the complete troubadour biographies, in which the most common manifestation of subject LD is a nominal subject + sentence adverb si + verb, as in “Bertrans de Born si fo uns castellans” [Bertran de Born was a nobleman]. Whereas previous accounts fail to integrate syntax with discourse-pragmatic function, these results reveal the importance of both in explaining the occurrence of subject LD. Using recent approaches to the clausal left periphery (e.g., Benincà 2006), I distinguish LD subjects from conventional (i.e., non-dislocated) pre-verbal subjects. Next, following Fleischman’s (1991) analysis of si in Old French, I illustrate how subject LD structures the flow of information in discourse. In particular, subject LD marks a constituent as a discourse topic and can also introduce a new referent into the discourse and thereby mark it as topical.

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Kiss, Katalin. "Topic and focus: Two structural positions associated with logical functions in the left periphery of the Hungarian sentence." Acta Linguistica Hungarica 55, no. 3-4 (December 2008): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aling.55.2008.3-4.4.

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Harbert, Wayne. "Review of Axel (2007): Studies on Old High German Syntax: Left sentence periphery, verb placement and verb-second." Diachronica 25, no. 3 (December 9, 2008): 431–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.3.08har.

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De Clercq, Karen, Liliane Haegeman, and Terje Lohndal. "Medial adjunct PPs in English: Implications for the syntax of sentential negation." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 35, no. 1 (May 2012): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586512000108.

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This paper provides evidence that medial adjunct PPs in English are possible. On the basis of corpus data, it is shown that sentence-medial adjunct PPs are not unacceptable and are attested. Our corpus data also reveal a sharp asymmetry between negative and non-negative adjunct PPs. The analysis of the corpus revealed the following pattern: Non-negative adjunct PPs such as at that time resist medial position and instead tend to be postverbal; negative adjunct PPs such as at no time appear medially rather than postverbally. In the second part of the paper, we broaden the empirical domain and include negative complement PPs in the discussion. It is shown that when it comes to the licensing of question tags, English negative complement PPs, which are postverbal, pattern differently from postverbal negative adjunct PPs. That is, sentences with a postverbal negative adjunct PP pattern with negative sentences in taking a positive question tag, while sentences containing a postverbal negative argument PP pattern with affirmative sentences in taking a negative tag. To account for the observed adjunct–argument asymmetry in the licensing of question tags, we propose that clauses are typed for polarity and we explore the hypothesis that a polarity head in the left periphery of the clause is crucially involved in the licensing of sentential negation.

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Pavičić Dokoza, Katarina, and Zdravko Kolundžić. "Auditory Processing in People with Chronic Aphasia." Collegium antropologicum 44, no. 2 (2020): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5671/ca.44.2.5.

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The preconditions for successful voice communication are good hearing and listening, and auditory processing that includes the ability to process the audio signal. Damage or deceleration of sound signal processing at any level from the periphery to the central structures leads to disintegration and inability to process the signal effectively. Auditory processing in people with aphasia has not been examined in Croatia to date. Results of studies conducted in other languages point to negative effects of auditory processing difficulties on the receptive and expressive component of the language. This study was conducted on a sample of subjects with chronic aphasia and a group of control subjects with no neurological or any other disorders that can affect auditory processing. The inclusion criteria for persons with aphasia were impaired language skills as a result of cerebrovascular accident that occurred at least six months before the examination, regardless of severity and type of aphasia and normal hearing status. The study did not include persons with aphasia who were unable to repeat the six-word sentence, due to impaired comprehension or speech expression, and those whose comprehension was not sufficient to cooperate well during the test. The test was conducted individually for 30 minutes per subject using the Auditory processing test (PSP) that is standardized for the Croatian language. Results from this study showed statistically significant lower achievement on all subtests on PSP-1 (filtered words, speech in noise, dichotic words test, and dichotic sentence test) in people with aphasia compared with the control group. People with aphasia and control group subjects showed better results in favor of the left ear on variable speech in noise. Filtered words were easily processed through the left ear in people with aphasia while dichotic sentences were easily processed through the left ear in the control group. The results of this study confirm the hypothesis of the presence of auditory processing difficulties in people with aphasia and are consistent with previous studies conducted in other languages. In addition, the study points to the need of introducing specific therapeutic procedures in rehabilitation in order to improve the function of auditory processing in persons after a cerebrovascular accident.

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Kluender, Robert, and Marta Kutas. "Bridging the Gap: Evidence from ERPs on the Processing of Unbounded Dependencies." Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 5, no. 2 (April 1993): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jocn.1993.5.2.196.

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Since the early days of generative grammar, the study of “unbounded dependencies” such as wh-questions and relative clauses has occupied a central place in both syntactic theory and language processing research. The problem that such constructions pose is as follows. In a normal wh-question, a wh-phrase is typically displaced to the left periphery of a clause (What did you say — to John?); this displaced constituent is often referred to as a “filler.” The vacant position (indicated in the previous example by a blank line) where it would ordinarily occur in an “echo” question (You said what to John?) is correspondingly referred to as a “gap.” Filler and gap are mutually dependent on each other since they share syntactic and semantic information essential for successful sentence interpretation. However, since sentence processing is a sequential operation, a filler cannot be assigned to its gap until some time after it has occurred. In other words, the filler must be held in working memory until such time as filler-gap assignment can take place. The intent of the research reported here was to examine the processing of unbounded dependencies in English as revealed in event-related brain potentials (ERPs). To this end, subjects were shown both grammatical and ungrammatical yes/no-questions (Did you say something to John?) and wh-questions. A number of comparisons made at various points in these questions showed that both the storage of a filler in working memory and its subsequent retrieval for filler-gap assignment were associated with an enhanced negativity between 300 and 500 msec poststimulus over left anterior sites. This effect of left anterior negativity (LAN) was independent of and orthogonal to the grammaticality of the eliciting condition. We show how this interpretation coincides with recent studies that demonstrate a correlation between left anterior negativity, working memory capacity, and successful language processing.

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Dalmi, Gréte. "Little pro’s, but how many of them? – On 3SG null pronominals in Hungarian." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 3 (December 30, 2017): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.5650.

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While Hungarian 3SG individual reference null pronominals are in free variation with their lexical counterparts, 3SG generic reference null pronominals do not show such variation. This follows from the fact that Hungarian 3SG generic null pronominals behave like bound variables, i.e. they always require a 3SG generic lexical antecedent in an adjacent clause. Both the 3SG generic lexical antecedent and the 3SG generic null pronominal must be in the scope of the GN operator, which is seated in SpeechActParticipantPhrase (SAPP), the leftmost functional projection of the left periphery in the sentence (see Alexiadou & D’Alessandro, 2003; Bianchi, 2006). GN binds all occurrences of the generic variable in accessible worlds (see Moltmann 2006 for English one/oneself). These properties distinguish Hungarian from the four major types of Null Subject Languages identified by Roberts & Holmberg (2010).

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Njui, Martha Mbu, and Théodore Bebey. "Building Topics in Guiziga: A Cartographic Perspective." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 11, no. 3 (March 1, 2021): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1103.01.

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This article attempts to provide a description of topic constructions in the Guiziga language within the cartographic framework. Data for this work were collected using both the primary and secondary source. The analyses reveal that this language does not select topicalizers as it is the case in other Chadic languages (Bebey 2015 and 2018). It also demonstrates that the topicalized constituents undergo an upward movement to land in the Spec,Top, while it leaves an empty trace in the original position. The language tolerates multiple Topic Phrases (TopP) in the sentence left periphery. Also, it is demonstrated that the subject –NP involves the apparition of the presumptive pronoun given the prominence of the latter. At the semantic level, the article indicates that topics in Guiziga are revelations about old information, rather than simple old information.

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Olaogun, Simeon O. "Focus Constructions in Ǹjò̩-kóo." American International Journal of Education and Linguistics Research 2, no. 1 (April 7, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijelr.v2i1.65.

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Focusing is a universal syntactic phenomenon. That is, there is no language in the world that does not have a means of placing prominence on constituents for focus purposes. However, the formal expression of focus differs from one language to another. Some languages express focus morphologically by using distinct morphemes or elements while others employ suprasegmentally means. The paper, therefore examines the focus strategies in Ǹjò̩-Kóo. It gives a detailed description of different constituents that may be focused in the language and the changes that are triggered in the clause as a result of the focusing. Adopting the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (1995) and Cartographic analysis of Rizzi (1997) Split-CP projections within the clausal left periphery, the study investigates how focus clauses are derived in the language and reveals that the syntax of focus in the language involves two probes: focus (foc) and emphasis (emph) each of which can provoke displacement operations. The paper employs information and clause structure evidence to motivate the constituents being focused. It is also observed among other things, that the constituents that could be focused in Ǹjò̩-kóo are subject DP, object DP or object DP of preposition, possessor DP and a whole sentence, and that the language does not distinguish between sentence and verbal focus hence the same strategy is employed for both focus types.

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Pinelli, Maria Cristina, Cecilia Poletto, and Cinzia Avesani. "Does prosody meet syntax? A case study on standard Italian cleft sentences and left peripheral focus." Linguistic Review 37, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2045.

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AbstractIn this work we deal with two structures that have a very similar pragmatic function in Italian and have been claimed to have similar semantic and syntactic properties, namely clefts and left peripheral focus. Since Chomsky (1977. On wh-movement. In Peter W. Culicover, Thomas Wasow & Adrian Akmajian (eds.), Formal Syntax, 71–132. New York: Academic Press.) they have been both considered as instances of A’-movement and should therefore behave alike. Here we investigate their prosody and their syntax on the basis of three experimental studies and show that while the prosodic patterns found are indeed very similar, their syntax is less homogenous than expected if we apply general tests that have been traditionally used to distinguish A- from A’-movement. In particular, we will discuss three of these tests, namely parasitic gaps, weak crossover and anaphoric binding and show that the two constructions yield quite different results. We analyse the differences within the framework of featural relativized minimality originally proposed in Rizzi (2004. Locality and the left periphery. In Adriana Belletti (ed.), Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures 3, 223–251. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and subsequent work. On this basis, we conclude that there is no one to one match between prosodic and syntactic properties, since we observe differences in the syntactic behaviour of the two constructions that do not surface in the prosodic patterns. Indirectly, this study sheds new light on the interface between prosody and syntax and is a confirmation of a modular theory of the components of grammar: some specific syntactic properties have no reflex in other components of grammar and can only be detected through purely syntactic tests.

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Rada Alshamari, Murdhy, and Manal Saleh Alghannam. "Marking Mirativity in Syntax: Minimalsit Mechanisms." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 12, no. 4 (August 31, 2021): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.12n.4.p.155.

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This paper offers a generative minimalist investigation to the derivation and interpretation of mirativity information in Central Najdi Arabic (CNA), arguing that grammar of CNA morphologically marks mirativity in syntax by means of the discourse particle wara. Implementing minimalist mechanisms (Chomsky 2001), it is shown that wara instantiates a functional, discoursal projection MrvP in the left periphery of the sentence, articulating the feature [Mrv] at the PF-interface. LF-interface analyses demonstrate that [Mrv] on wara is interpretable/valued, while the counterpart on the subject DP that wara marks is uninterpretable/unvalued. Agree between wara and the subject DP creates a PF-chain wara>SubjectClitic>SubjectDP that results in the subject DP being marked with and interpreted mirativity at LF-interface. Further explorations show that movement of the subject DP across wara is only legitimised if the subject DP has a discourse, information structural feature beyond [Mrv]. Evidence for this claim comes from the fact that when wara marks the subject DP with mirativity, the subject DP remains in situ. Thus, on minimalist empirical groundings, movement is argued to be motivated by interpretive reasons beyond mirativity. Further analyses show that Agree between wara and subject is of mutual manner; wara u-[φ]-probes the subject goal, while the goal seeks valuation of u-[Mrv] on it (Alshamari 2017).

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Villa-García, Julio. "Recomplementation and locality of movement in Spanish." Probus 24, no. 2 (November 16, 2012): 257–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2012-0011.

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Abstract The paper investigates recomplementation (i.e. double-complementizer) constructions in Spanish and provides a number of arguments in favor of analyzing secondary que as the head of TopicP in the left periphery. The paper further examines left-dislocated phrases occurring between overt complementizers and lays out the proposal that sandwiched dislocates are not moved into but merged in the specifier of TopicP, which is headed by secondary que (or its null counterpart). Likewise, it is shown that extraction across double-que constructions is prevented by locality of movement (i.e. any movement operation across secondary que is illicit). The paper argues that the locality effects induced by movement across secondary que are reminiscent of the notorious English Comp-t phenomenon. Drawing on the Rescue-by-PF-Deletion analysis of the ameliorating effect of ellipsis on island violations, the paper provides an account of the contrast between ungrammatical sentences displaying extraction across secondary que and their grammatical counterparts without it.

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Anzalone, C. Lane, Sarah Nuhanovic, Amy P. Olund, and Matthew L. Carlson. "Cochlear Implantation in Charcot-Marie-Tooth Disease: Case Report and Review of the Literature." Case Reports in Medicine 2018 (2018): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/1760978.

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Introduction. Charcot-Marie-Tooth (CMT) disease is a peripheral hereditary neuropathy associated with motor and sensory impairment and can result in profound sensorineural hearing loss (SNHL). Currently, the role of cochlear implantation in the setting of CMT and other progressive peripheral neurodegenerative disorders is not well established. Methods. Case report and review of the English literature. Results. A 70-year-old male with CMT was referred for evaluation of progressive asymmetric SNHL and reported a 15-year duration of deafness involving the left ear. Audiometric testing confirmed profound SNHL in the left ear, while the right ear exhibited moderate-to-severe SNHL. Left-sided cochlear implantation was performed using a conventional length lateral wall electrode. Intraoperative device testing found normal impedance levels throughout the array; however, electrically evoked auditory potentials were absent on all electrodes. Upon initial activation 3 weeks after surgery, the patient reported excellent access to sound in the cochlear implant-only condition. He has made good progress at each subsequent visit; speech perception testing after seven months showed improvement from 0% to 32% on AzBio sentence and 53% on CNC phoneme testing in the cochlear implant-only condition. Conclusion. We report the third case of cochlear implantation in a patient with CMT. SNHL in CMT is hypothesized to result from disruption of synchronous activity of the cochlear nerve. In patients with CMT, cochlear implantation may reconstitute synchronous neural activity by way of supraphysiological electrical stimulation. Our results corroborate two earlier reports that cochlear implantation is a viable option for rehabilitation of SNHL in this unique subset of patients.

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Szeteli, Anna, and Gábor Alberti. "The interaction between relevant-set based operators and a topic–predicate dimension." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 4 (December 30, 2018): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.5672.

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Hungarian relevant-set based operators, such as universally quantified noun-phrases and the also-quantifier, signal a logico-pragmatic relation between their explicit meaning and a broader implicit set of relevant participants which property can be mentioned as “double referentiality” of the operator. Furthermore, they indicate the new or correcting information in a topic–predicate dimension which belongs to the broader world of the discourse. Our research aims to identify the differences by investigating the suprasegmental features of each-quantifiers and also-quantifiers on the Hungarian left-periphery indicating the two functions in the topic–predicate dimension. Short sentences in which quantifiers functioning either as the main (new/correcting) information or as a topic (anchor of relevant information) were read by 41 non-linguist native Hungarian subjects. The pitch, intensity and duration properties were analyzed by Praat. On the basis of paired t‑tests of the data, it can be stated that a two-dimension model of information structure is required to capture the phenomenon.

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Labelle, Marie, and Paul Hirschbühler. "Topic and focus in Old French V1 and V2 structures." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 63, no. 2 (January 25, 2018): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2017.52.

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AbstractThe hypothesis that Old French was not a verb-second (V2) language, but rather a Topic-initial language, is evaluated in a corpus of verb initial (V1) and V2 matrix clauses extracted from a corpus of 12th- and 13th-century texts. It is shown that the initial constituent of V2 clauses is not always a Topic; it may be part of the informational Focus, or it could be an element that is neither Topic nor Focus. In addition, in V1 and V2 sentences with subject inversion, the postverbal subject may be an informational Topic, contrary to the hypothesis that subjects must move to the preverbal position to avoid being interpreted as part of the informational Focus. Therefore, from an Information-Structure point of view, Old French is similar to a standard V2 language like German. However, certain differences between 12th- and 13th-century texts could suggest that the use of the left periphery evolved during the period considered.

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Bortolussi, Bernard. "Topicalizations, left dislocations and the left-periphery." Catalan Journal of Linguistics 16 (December 22, 2017): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.208.

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Hudson, Richard. "Trouble on the left periphery." Lingua 113, no. 7 (July 2003): 607–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(02)00086-4.

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Horrocks, Geoffrey. "Ouk ´Ismen Oudén: Negative Concord and Negative Polarity in the History of Greek." Journal of Greek Linguistics 14, no. 1 (2014): 43–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01401003.

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In Ancient Greek a single set of indefinite enclitic pronouns was used indifferently in both negative/affective environments (i.e. like negative polarity items (NPI)) and in positive ones (i.e. like positive polarity items (PPI)). At the same time the negative pronouns used as negative quantifiers (NQ) were also employed as emphatic NPIs, with negative concord. The two functions of each class (i.e. PPI-like vs NPI-like, NQ vs NPI) were determined by syntactic distribution. In the specific case of negative sentences, an indefinite before a sentential negative marker (NM) functioned like a PPI but after a NM like an NPI, while a negative pronoun before a NM was an NQ but after an NM an NPI. This pattern was at odds with the canonical VSO clause structure that evolved in later antiquity, in which focal constituents were contrastively stressed and fronted to the left periphery: neither indefinite nor negative pronouns could be focalised because of the prosodic and/or semantic restrictions on their distribution. This deficiency was eventually remedied by formal/prosodic recharacterisation, the loss of NQs and the generalisation of NPIs to all syntactic positions available to DPs, including the focus position, a process that triggered their reinterpretation as involving universal quantification over negation rather than, as before, existential quantification under negation. The Modern Greek PPI kápjos and NPI kanís are traced from their origins in Ancient Greek and their role in the evolution of the system is explored. The final outcome is typologically to be expected in so far as NQs are redundant in a system in which NPIs appear freely both before and after NMs.

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Hyeran Lee. "Wh-phrases and the Left Periphery." Studies in Generative Grammar 19, no. 4 (November 2009): 495–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.15860/sigg.19.4.200911.495.

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Haegeman, Liliane. "Conditionals, factives and the left periphery." Lingua 116, no. 10 (October 2006): 1651–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2005.03.014.

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Yamato, Naoyuki. "The left periphery of Japanese exclamatives." Studia Linguistica 64, no. 1 (April 2010): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9582.2010.01166.x.

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Abbondanza, Martina, Laura Passarini, Francesca Meneghello, Stefania Laratta, Francesca Burgio, Daniela D’Imperio, and Carlo Semenza. "The left periphery in neglect dyslexia." Aphasiology 34, no. 8 (March 15, 2020): 1101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02687038.2020.1738330.

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Weifeng, Han, and Shi Dingxu. "Topic and left periphery in Shanghainese." Journal of Chinese Linguistics 44, no. 1 (2016): 29–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2016.0007.

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Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. "Left periphery and how-why alternations." Journal of East Asian Linguistics 17, no. 2 (April 10, 2008): 83–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10831-008-9021-0.

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Grohmann, Kleanthes K. "Prolific domains and the left periphery." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 20 (January 1, 2000): 85–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.20.2000.80.

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The left periphery has enjoyed extensive study over the past years, especially drawn against the framework of Rizzi (1997). It is argued that in this part of the clause, relations are licensed that have direct impact on discourse interpretation and information structure, such as topic, focus, clause type, and the like. I take this line of research up and argue in favour of a split CP on the basis of strictly left-peripheral phenomena across languages. But I also want to link the relation of articulated clause structure, syntactic derivations, and information structure. In particular, I outline the basics of a model of syntactic derivation that makes explicit reference to the interpretive interfaces in a cyclic, dynamic manner. I suggest a return to older stages of generative grammar, at least in spirit, by proposing that clausal derivation stretches over three important areas which I call prolific domains: the part of the clause which licenses argument/thematic relations (V- or θ-domain), the part that licenses agreement/grammatica1 relations (T- or ϕ-domain), and the part that licenses discourse/information-relevant relations (C- or ω-domain). It is thus a rather broad and conceptual notion of "adding" and "omitting" that I am concerned with here, namely licensing of material to relate to information structure, and the desire to find an answer to the question which elements might be added or omitted across languages to establish such links.

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Haegeman, Liliane M. V. "Topicalization, CLLD and the left periphery." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 157–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.35.2004.226.

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Starting from a consideration of the internal make-up of adverbial clauses this paper shows that the widespread assumption that fronted arguments in English and CLLD constituents in Romance occupy the same position leads to a number of problems. I will conclude that the position occupied by English topicalized arguments differs from that of the CLLD topics in Romance. In particular, English topics occupy a higher position in the left periphery. The final part of the paper compares three proposals for the lower topic position in Romance.

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Tantucci, Vittorio, and Aiqing Wang. "Diachronic change of rapport orientation and sentence-periphery in Mandarin." Discourse Studies 22, no. 2 (December 11, 2019): 146–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445619893777.

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This article provides a corpus-based analysis of formal structure and rapport orientation of evaluative speech acts in written Mandarin starting from the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) leading up to the present. It focuses on illocutional concurrences (IC) where the change of rapport management with the interlocutor significantly correlates with evaluative speech acts. The IC are holistic patterns that emerge at various levels of an utterance. They contribute both locally (i.e. at the morphosyntactic level) and peripherally (i.e. at the illocutionary level) to the encoding of contextually and temporally situated speech acts or pragmemes. Mixed methods of hierarchical clustering and multiple correspondence analysis indicate that the recent history of evaluative speech acts in written Chinese is characterised by a shift from prevalently rapport-maintaining orientation to utterances more overtly marked for (im-)politeness. Evaluative language in written Mandarin became less mitigated at the structural level and increasingly oriented towards rapport enhancement and rapport challenge. This shift significantly intersects with a progressive replacement of clause-final particles during the 20th century, especially after the so-called ‘May the 4th Movement’.

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Kim, Inchon. "Left Periphery and Demonstrative Pronouns in Czech." East European and Balkan Institute 42, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2018.42.3.31.

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Barrie Michael Jonathan Mathew, Roronhiakehte Deer, and 정인기. "Clitics and the Left Periphery in Cayuga." Studies in Generative Grammar 24, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15860/sigg.24.1.201402.1.

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Song, Jinsoon. "Information Structure and Left Periphery in English." New Korean Journal of English Lnaguage & Literature 60, no. 2 (May 2018): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25151/nkje.2018.60.2.008.

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Burchert, Frank. "The left periphery of clauses in aphasia." Journal of Neurolinguistics 21, no. 2 (March 2008): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jneuroling.2007.09.003.

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Kaiser, Elsi. "Negation and the left periphery in Finnish." Lingua 116, no. 3 (March 2006): 314–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2004.08.008.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Left periphery of sentence'

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