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Journal articles on the topic 'Left socialism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Miller, David. "WHAT'S LEFT OF THE WELFARE STATE?" Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (2002): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201059.

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What, if anything, is left of the socialist project? One way of interpreting this question is to ask whether socialism has bequeathed any permanent legacy to the capitalist democracies—do they have any features that would not exist apart from the historical impact of socialism, and that positively reflect socialist values? If we assume, with the political consensus of the moment, that full-blown socialism no longer represents a possible programme for these democracies, perhaps we can still discover the remains of socialism embedded in their practices. Or maybe not—that is the question I want t

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2

Streeten, Paul. "Arthur Lewis Distinguished Lecture What's Left of What's Left? or: What Does it Mean to be a Socialist Today?" Review of Black Political Economy 21, no. 1 (1992): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689950.

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After a few reminiscences about Arthur Lewis, several questions on what socialism is not about are raised. Neither public ownership, nor welfare services nor central planning are considered essential to it. The view that the distinction capitalism-socialism is obsolete is briefly discussed. It is argued that many important distinctions cut across the divide. The United States is held up as a socialist country. Changes in the socialist creed in the last century are noted. An alternative window of looking at the private-public sector distinction is discussed. And the essence of socialism as the

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JEFFREYS-JONES, RHODRI. "Changes in the Nomenclature of the American Left." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 1 (2009): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809991356.

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A frequency survey of Google Books and other digital sources indicates that in political terminology the use of the phrase “American socialism” yielded to “American left” in the course of the twentieth century. Reasons for this include the tactical and personal ambitions of reformers who saw advantage in dropping the socialist tag in the face of domestic antisocialism. In mid-century, domestic antisocialism revived both in extremist rhetoric and in mainstream Republican charges of “creeping socialism.” The Cold War also played a role in changing the nomenclature balance, as it led to the ident

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Géryk, Jan. "Counter-Revolution, or Authentic Socialism?" Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (2019): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7360.

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For the majority of Leftists in the 1960s, the Soviet Union ceased to be intellectually and ideologically inspiring. Both Soviet Communism and Western capitalism at that time represented “the System” which offered universal manipulability and universal marketability as its only alternative modes. Thus, the Left searched for authentic socialism, whether in the Marxist-humanist philosophy, in the Third World revolutions, or in the local socialist traditions. However, even though the global Left faced several general problems common to all Cold War worlds, there were also important contextual dif

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Choi,Kab-soo. "The Left, Socialism and Democracy." MARXISM 21 5, no. 2 (2008): 362–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.5.2.200805.014.

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Wang, Huan. "The Enlightenment by Western Eco-Socialist Ideas on Socialist Harmonious Eco-Construction." Advanced Materials Research 524-527 (May 2012): 3553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.524-527.3553.

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Western Eco-socialist Ideas, combined product between the contemporary western eco-movement and socialist ideas, and important part of new socialist movement in the west, is the rising western social thought of the left wing since the 1960s and 1970s. Broadly speaking, eco-socialism can be divided into three closely-related parts, eco-Marxist theory, eco-socialism (narrowly) theory and the "red-green" political movement theory. Confronted with the increasingly serious eco-crisis, eco-socialism puts forward to build a harmoniously-developing socialist society of between people and nature, betwe

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Steen, Shannon. "World Factory: Theatre, Labor, and China's “New Left”." Theatre Survey 58, no. 1 (2017): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557416000673.

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In today's China, how are we supposed to understand the notion of “work,” after the chaos of the socialist period, and after the conversion to capitalism, and now after globalization? Marx said that labor makes people, this was one of his fundamental principles. So how are we supposed to understand labor today? What does it mean for us?—Grass Stage,World FactoryThe insistence on “socialism with Chinese characteristics” often sounds quite vacuous, and yet it is a constant reminder of the Chinese resistance to dissolution into capitalism and the continued reaffirmation of one kind of socialist p

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Zavaleta Betancourt, José Alfredo. "El laberinto de Octavio." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 14 (April 3, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i14.2664.

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Este ensayo propone una interpretación de las posiciones políticas de Octavio Paz, con el propósito de identificar su legado político. Para tal efecto, pone a discusión la idea de que Octavio Paz era un intelectual de izquierda socialista, a partir de la relectura de sus principales ensayos políticos. En esta lógica, lo conceptúa como poeta con posiciones políticas, que discursivamente defendía un tipo de socialismo democrático desde una posición nacional-revolucionaria.En la búsqueda de las reglas y estrategias discursivas utilizadas por Paz para hablar de la violencia, la izquierda, la democ

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Martínez-Cava Aguilar, Julio. "Enemigo a las puertas. La libertad política en el socialismo británico." Daímon, no. 81 (July 25, 2020): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/daimon.428181.

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El objetivo de este artículo es proporcionar algunas claves históricas y conceptuales para comprender la historia del socialismo británico libertarian y su relación con la concepción fiduciaria del poder político y del poder económico. Las expresiones de este socialismo no son homogéneas, convivieron con otras ideas rivales llegando en ocasiones a mezclarse con ellas; y fueron formuladas siempre como respuestas concretas ante los problemas que planteaba cada momento histórico. Desde el socialismo republicano de algunos seguidores de Robert Owen hasta los desafíos que planteó la New Left, las t

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10

Clarke, Ellen. "Anarchy, socialism and a Darwinian left." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 37, no. 1 (2006): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsc.2005.04.001.

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Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.

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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endea

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PIEKUT, BENJAMIN. "Music for Socialism, London 1977." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 1 (2019): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000100.

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AbstractMembers of the rock band Henry Cow co-founded Music for Socialism in early 1977 with the assistance of several associates in London's cultural left. Their first large event, a socialist festival of music at the Battersea Arts Centre, gathered folk musicians, feminists, punks, improvisers, and electronic musicians in a confabulation of workshops, performances, and debates. The organization would continue to produce events and publications examining the relationship between left politics and music for the next eighteen months. Drawing on published sources, archival documents, and intervi

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13

Arnold, N. Scott. "Marx And Disequilibrium in Market Socialist Relations of Production." Economics and Philosophy 3, no. 1 (1987): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100002728.

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One feature of socialism that has been little discussed in the recent revival of interest in Marx is the basic form of economic organization that will characterize such a society. Marx's view, to be documented in what follows, is that socialism would not have a market economy. This prediction should be a matter of some embarrassment or consternation to twentieth-century socialists outside of the Soviet bloc who claim a Marxist heritage. Despite the fact (or perhaps because of the fact) that some socialist regimes in the first half of this century did carry out a program of (largely) abolishing

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Karkov, Nikolay. "Against the Double Erasure: Georgi Markov's Contribution to the Communist Hypothesis." Slavic Review 77, no. 1 (2018): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.14.

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This paper argues against what can be called a “double ontological erasure” of state socialism in eastern Europe, by both the east European right-wing intelligentsia and the west European militant left. In an effort to challenge said erasure, the paper draws on the journalistic and fictional work of Bulgaria's major dissident writer of the 1970s, Georgi Markov. Against mainstream readings of his work as staunchly anti-communist, the paper suggests that Markov makes at least three major contributions to the “communist hypothesis” from the perspective of eastern Europe. First, by offering a “pos

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Rüdig, Wolfgang. "Eco‐socialism: Left environmentalism in West Germany∗." New Political Science 6, no. 1 (1985): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148508429598.

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Aschheim, Steven E. "Nietzschean Socialism — Left and Right, 1890-1933." Journal of Contemporary History 23, no. 2 (1988): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948802300201.

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Ivanov, A. A. "Bishop Andrey (Ukhtomsky): Church Comprehension and Criticism of Ideology and Practice of Socialism." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 8 (August 24, 2021): 323–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-323-340.

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The question of the attitude of the famous church publicist Bishop Andrey (Ukhtomsky) to the theory and practice of socialism in Russia and the USSR is considered. For the first time, the views of the bishop on the similarities and differences between socialist ideology and the Orthodox faith, starting with the events of the First Russian Revolution and ending with the Soviet period, are reconstructed and analyzed. Particular attention is paid to Andrey (Ukhtomsky)’s criticism of socialism, professed by left political forces and attempts to oppose it with a different socialism, which the churc

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Simmonds, Nigel. "Rights, socialism and liberalism." Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (1985): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1985.tb00318.x.

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In his recent book, The Left and Rights, Tom Campbell argues that the concept of an individual right has no special or exclusive connection with the political philosophy of liberalism, or with the legal order of a liberal society. The belief that there is some such connection has been shared by both the revolutionary left and the libertarian right. Campbell argues that both groups falsely attribute to the concept of a right features that are contingently associated with the particular rights enforced in bourgeois society. A socialist society, he argues, would have good reason to accord and res

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Camarinha Lopes, Tiago. "Technical or political? The socialist economic calculation debate." Cambridge Journal of Economics 45, no. 4 (2021): 787–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beab008.

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Abstract The paper presents both the key arguments and the historical context of the socialist economic calculation debate. I argue that Oskar Lange presented the most developed strategy to deal with bourgeois economics, decisively helping to create the scientific consensus that rational economic calculation under socialism is possible. Lange’s arguments based on standard economic theory reveal that the most ardent defenders of capitalism cannot reject socialism on technical terms and that, as a consequence, the Austrian School was left with no choice but to diverge from mainstream economics i

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Saresella, Daniela. "Christianity and Socialism in Italy in the Early Twentieth Century." Church History 84, no. 3 (2015): 585–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000517.

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Though a Catholic country, Italy has been distinguished by the presence of a deeply-rooted Socialist Party. At the beginning of the twentieth century, encouraged by the economic and social changes taking place as well as by a new and growing awareness, a number of Catholics decided to open up to a dialogue with the socialist world. Some, such as Don Murri, identified Turati's party as a possible political interlocutor, in the conviction that the programmes of the democratic Catholics and those of the left had many elements in common. Others sensitive to modernist issues, particularly in intell

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Schwarzmantel, J. J. "Class and Nation: Problems of Socialist Nationalism." Political Studies 35, no. 2 (1987): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb01886.x.

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The strength of nationalism can be explained in terms of the malleability of the concept of the nation, which can be defined in very different ways, with consequently varying political implications. Socialism, in theory and practice, has had to respond to the appeal and force of nationalism. One possible response has been to take over and develop a form of left-wing nationalism, and this is illustrated by examples taken primarily from French socialist thought in the period before 1914. Such a form of socialist nationalism has its strengths, both theoretical and practical; but it also involves

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22

ÇINAR, Ali Can. "Yol Ayrımında Bir Sosyalist: Kemal Tahir’de Marxizm ve Sosyalizm." Sosyolojik Bağlam Dergisi 2, April 2021 (2021): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52108/2757-5942.2.1.7.

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In this study, Kemal Tahir's thoughts on Marxism and socialism are discussed in comparison with the left orthodoxy of the 1960s. The main motivating factor for the study is that Kemal Tahir's distinctive features from the orthodoxy of the period in terms of his thoughts on Marxism and socialism and the emphasis on his criticism will make an important contribution to the literature. Therefore, it focuses on the question “What are the features that differentiate Kemal Tahir's view of Marxism and socialism from his contemporary intellectuals?”. Due to the characteristics of his intellectual herit

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Lebowitz, Michael A., Roland Denis, Sara Motta, et al. "The Bolivarian Process in Venezuela: A Left Forum." Historical Materialism 19, no. 1 (2011): 233–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x564734.

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AbstractThe ‘Bolivarian Revolution’ in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez has reignited debate in Latin America and internationally on the questions of socialism and revolution. This forum brings together six leading intellectuals from different revolutionary traditions and introduces their reflections on class-struggle, the state, imperialism, counter-power, revolutionary parties, community and communes, workplaces, economy, politics, society, culture, race, gender, and the hopes, contradictions, and prospects of ‘twenty-first-century socialism’ in contemporary Venezuela.

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Eisenschitz, Aram, and Gough Jamie. "Socialism and ‘Social Economy’." Human Geography 4, no. 2 (2011): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861100400201.

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Many socialists support initiatives to develop the social economy. Yet the social economy is deeply ambiguous in its politics: it promises radical economic democracy, yet it is often sponsored by the Right and Centre as a means of class stabilization, workers’ self-exploitation, and social reproduction on the cheap. We locate this political ambiguity in the contradictions of capitalist accumulation, particularly the contradictions of socialisation with value relations, and show how the social economy has responded to these. This analysis of the mainstream actually-existing social economy throw

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O’Shea, Tom. "Socialist Republicanism." Political Theory 48, no. 5 (2019): 548–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719876889.

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Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the workplace and wider society. I defend this soc

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Shinkarenko, V. D. "INFLUENCE OF «LEFT» AND «RIGHT» IDEAS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL RELATIONS." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Sociology. Pedagogy. Psychology 6(72), no. 4 (2021): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1709-2020-6-4-58-73.

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The formation of relations in society between different social groups is greatly influenced by various ideas aimed at building a more just society. Social relations permeate the entire society from the very bottom to the top, and changes in these relations lead to changes in social institutions. Feudalism in its depths gave birth to capitalism, and capitalism in turn gave birth to communism and socialism. This is dialectics. Feudalism and capitalism co-existed as systems of social relations for quite a short time. Capitalism and socialism lasted even less, and this existence ended with the col

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Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.

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The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgar

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Favretto, Ilaria. "1956 and the PSI: The end of ‘ten winters’." Modern Italy 5, no. 1 (2000): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940050003023.

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SummaryThe focus of this article is the revisionist course which the Italian Socialist Party embarked upon after 1956 and which led up to the first Centre-Left government. The article challenges two quite well established views. One view is that the transformation experienced by the PSI during the 1956-64 period was simply tactically expedient and devoid of any substance and consistency. This article argues, by contrast, that these years represented, in Alessandro Pizzorno's words, a veritable ‘Copernican revolution’. This period of revisionism was as important as the better-known revisionisms

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Butler, Anthony. "Ayes to the left: a future for socialism." International Affairs 72, no. 2 (1996): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624388.

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Lavigne, Marie. "The political economy of socialism: What is left?" Europe-Asia Studies 49, no. 3 (1997): 479–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139708412453.

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Boucas, Dimitris. "Theory, Reality, and Possibilities for a Digital/Communicative Socialist Society." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (2020): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1140.

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Digital capitalism is guided by the organising principles of digital automation, information processing, and communication. It rests on the consolidation of relations of exploitation of digital labour based on flexibility and generating precarity. It makes profit from user data under conditions of surveillance. What would an alternative paradigm look like? This paper aims to sketch a possible socialist society resting on digital technology but organised on a different logic, namely that of autonomous production, leisure, and social engagement. It draws on relevant theories of the Left, evaluat

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Van Den Abbeele, Georges. "The Post-marxist Gramsci: A Reply to James Martin." Global Discourse 9, no. 2 (2019): 323–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15526540593570.

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James Martin astutely reads the haloed place Gramsci holds in the post-war Western Marxist tradition as exactly where strident divergences in that tradition have emerged, most particularly between those who, according to him, remain mired in varying modes of left melancholia and those who have successfully mourned the loss of what we used to call the socialist alternative. My response questions the validity of this alternative by reconsidering Traverso's arguments in defence of left melancholia as a call to action, on the one hand, and by questioning why we should mourn the loss of real world

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Scoppola, Iacopini Luigi. "I moti di Torino dell'agosto 1917 nelle memorie di un socialista." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001003.

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- This article presents an unpublished paper taken from the memoirs of Gino Mangini; the author was an italian socialist, who stood by the democratic vision of socialism for his whole life. At that time, he was a member of the radical left wing of the Psi, as well as a witness and an actor of the dramatic riots between the civilian population and the police forces joined by soldiers coming directly from the military front. This paper is relevant for two reasons: it is one of the few documents which allow us to partially review the accepted vision (embraced by many among whom Paolo Spriano in 1

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Pateman, Joe. "Friedrich Engels on state socialism." Human Geography 14, no. 2 (2021): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620983631.

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In the ideological legacy of Friedrich Engels, the critique of ‘state socialism’ has a prominent, if overlooked, place. According to this conception, the essence of socialism is that the existing state intervenes in the capitalist economy and society with reforms to benefit the working class. The first section of this article outlines Engels’ critique of state socialism. It mentions how left geographers have approached his remarks on the trend, specifically in regard to the housing question, nationalisation and liberal democracy. The second part highlights the contemporary significance of Enge

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Granadino, Alan. "Possibilities and Limits of Southern European Socialism in the Iberian Peninsula: French, Portuguese and Spanish Socialists in the mid-1970s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (2019): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000067.

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AbstractThis article discusses the relations between the French, Portuguese and Spanish socialist parties during the transitions to democracy in the Iberian Peninsula (1974–7). It focuses on the attempt of these parties to establish a distinctive ideological trend, Southern European socialism. The main argument is that the French socialists attempted to promote their ideological line – and predominantly the union between socialists and communists – in the Iberian Peninsula during the transitions to democracy. The Portuguese Socialist Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party initially cons

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Berger, Martin. "The First Darwinian Left: Socialism and Darwinism, 1859–1914." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 2 (2004): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10528602.

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Beilharz, Peter. "The Left, the Accord and the Future of Socialism." Thesis Eleven 13, no. 1 (1986): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368601300102.

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Cline, Catherine Ann, and David Howell. "A Lost Left: Three Studies in Socialism and Nationalism." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (1988): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865743.

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Claeys, Gregory. "The Lion and the Unicorn, Patriotism, and Orwell's Politics." Review of Politics 47, no. 2 (1985): 186–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003669x.

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The Lion and the Unicornhas remained the most obscure of Orwell's major works, condemned both as a propagandistic attempt to enlist the British left in the war effort and for its erroneous prediction that the war could not been won without a socialist revolution in Britain. Yet it can also be read as Orwell's greatest single attempt to define the values of the democratic socialism to which he adhered from 1936 until his death.Patriotismrepresented for Orwell not the temporary need to fight for one's country, but the essential decency and democratic bias of British customs and institutions, whi

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Sheehan, Helena. "As the World Turned Upside Down: Left Intellectuals in Yugoslavia, 1988–90." Monthly Review 69, no. 3 (2017): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-03-2017-07_5.

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Throughout Eastern Europe, there was an unleashing of pent-up questions, hopes, and fears brewing for decades. There was a sense that the ground was trembling underneath these experiments in socialism. It was clear to most of us that socialism could only survive through radical democratization.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

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Page, Robert. "Social Democracy Then and Now." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 1 (2002): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402001100.

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C.A.R. Crosland (1956) The Future of Socialism, Jonathan Cape, London.Donald Sassoon (1997), One Hundred Years of Socialism, HarperCollins London. (First published by I.B.Tauris in 1996).John Callaghan (2000), The Retreat of Social Democracy, Manchester University Press, Manchester.Between them these three books provide an excellent overview of the theory and practice of social democracy as it has twisted and turned over the past century. As Sassoon reminds us in his magisterial review of the West European left, revisionism of one kind or another has been a constant feature of socialist discou

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Laybourn, Keith. "The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain c. 1893–1914." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679219.

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SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left with in a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. Subsequently the creation of other socialist parties, most particularly the Independent Labour Party (ILP) led to further disunity within die British socialist movement. Nevertheless, notwidistanding die proliferation of British s

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Normand, Brigitte Le. "Rijeka as a socialist port: Insights from Jugolinija's early years, 1947-1960." International Journal of Maritime History 33, no. 1 (2021): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871421991171.

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To understand the distinctiveness of ports under state socialism, it is necessary to shift the focus from the built environment to flows of people, goods, knowledge and capital. In so doing, this article examines the operation of Yugoslavia's main shipping line, Jugolinija, from its inception in 1947 until 1960. This enterprise was based in the port of Rijeka, with both firm and port experiencing rapid growth during this period. The impact of state socialism can be seen in the primacy of the political over the profitability of the firm, with Jugolinija used to advance Yugoslavia's foreign trad

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Galston, William A. "AFTER SOCIALISM: MUTUALISM AND A PROGRESSIVE MARKET STRATEGY." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (2002): 204–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201096.

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I undertake three tasks in this exploratory essay. First, I examine some of the lessons of recent history concerning the relation between socialism, markets, and liberal democracy. Second, I lay out the basic theoretical building-blocks of an alternative to both socialism and laissez-faire that I call “mutualism.” Finally, I draw some conclusions for public policy and practice, in the form of what I call a “progressive market strategy.” A brief conclusion ponders the question, What's left of socialism?

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MORRELL, FRANCES. "BEYOND ONE-NATION SOCIALISM: AN AGENDA FOR THE EUROPEAN LEFT." Political Quarterly 59, no. 3 (1988): 300–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1988.tb02401.x.

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Ragin, Charles. "A Lost Left: Three Studies in Socialism and Nationalism.David Howell." American Journal of Sociology 93, no. 5 (1988): 1257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/228882.

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Duncan, S. S. "Book Review: Local Socialism? Labour Councils and New Left Alternatives." Progress in Human Geography 9, no. 4 (1985): 610–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913258500900415.

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Sheri Berman. "Unheralded Battle: Capitalism, the Left, Social Democracy, and Democratic Socialism." Dissent 56, no. 1 (2009): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.0.0015.

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Katsakioris, Constantin, and Alexander Stroh. "Africa and the crisis of socialism: postsocialism and the Left." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 55, no. 2 (2021): 241–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.1850307.

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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.

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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were consta

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