Academic literature on the topic 'Left-wing art'
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Journal articles on the topic "Left-wing art"
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Xing, Fan. "BRAZILIAN LEFT-WING LITERATURE." Revista Brasileira de Literatura Comparada 22, no. 41 (December 2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2596-304x20202241fx.
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Abstract: The rise and development of Left-wing literature in Brazil is closely connected to the obstacles and dilemmas encountered during the evolution of its nation, and it is also inseparable from international political movements and intellectual trends. From the abolishment of slavery and collapse of empire in the nineteenth century, to the establishment and return of dictatorship in the 30s and 60s of the twentieth century, at every moment of crisis, Brazilian left-wing literature always played a seminal role. While criticizing social injustices, it also invigorates the development of modern Brazilian literature by incorporating different forms of language, thoughts and art. It is safe to say that left-wing literature forms a kind of literary tradition in Brazil, as it not only represents a moral and ethical stand, but also innovates the form and aesthetics.
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Lidtke, Vernon L. "Abstract Art and Left-Wing Politics in the Weimar Republic." Central European History 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916104322888998.
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In the midst of the upheaval created by military defeat, the collapse of the Hohenzollern and other German monarchies, and the threat of radical social revolution, a movement that had been taking shape for some time became a visible presence in German public life. Intellectuals, writers, visual artists, and numerous others declared that they would no longer remain aloof from the world of politics, social reform, and even revolution. On the contrary, they would seek to merge the arts and politics into a synthesis that would help to mold a new and greatly improved society. They issued manifestos and programs, founded organizations and journals, joined political parties — primarily on the left — and went to the streets, at least to observe if not also to act. The majority of the participants in this movement were, at some point in their careers, part of new artistic trends and, as such, contributors to the formation and advancement of aesthetic modernism in Germany.
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Kompatsiaris, Panos. "Contemporary art and left-wing populism: theArtist Taxi Driveras working class ideology." Journal of Visual Art Practice 17, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702029.2017.1381008.
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Atkinson, Jeanette, Tracy Buck, Simon Jean, Alan Wallach, Peter Davis, Ewa Klekot, Philipp Schorch, et al. "Exhibition Reviews." Museum Worlds 1, no. 1 (July 1, 2013): 206–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/armw.2013.010114.
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Steampunk (Bradford Industrial Museum, UK)Framing India: Paris-Delhi-Bombay . . . (Centre Pompidou, Paris)E Tū Ake: Māori Standing Strong/Māori: leurs trésors ont une âme (Te Papa, Wellington, and Musée du quai Branly, Paris)The New American Art Galleries, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, RichmondScott's Last Expedition (Natural History Museum, London)Left-Wing Art, Right-Wing Art, Pure Art: New National Art (Museum of Modern Art, Warsaw)Focus on Strangers: Photo Albums of World War II (Stadtmuseum, Jena)A Museum That Is Not: A Fanatical Narrative of What a Museum Can Be (Guandong Times Museum, Guandong)21st Century: Art in the First Decade (QAGOMA, Brisbane)James Cook and the Exploration of the Pacific (Art and Exhibition Hall of the Federal Republic of Germany, Bonn)Land, Sea and Sky: Contemporary Art of the Torres Strait Islands (QAGOMA, Brisbane) and Awakening: Stories from the Torres Strait (Queensland Museum, Brisbane)
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.
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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
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Warnaby, John. "A New Left-Wing Radicalism in Contemporary German Music?" Tempo, no. 193 (July 1995): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298200004277.
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‘Communism is dead’, crowed a recent Prime Minister, little realizing that the shaky condition of capitalism would precipitate her downfall in short order. ‘Socialist art is a phenomenon of the past’, pronounced many post-modernist critics, who equated creative expressions of radical politics with a modernist aesthetic they had already consigned to their re-interpretation of history. Yet as the developed economies totter from one crisis to the next, interspersed with stock market upheavals or corruption scandals, and the ‘new world order’ fails to materialize, a new left-wing idealism is beginning to assert itself in the work of several German composers, and the growing number of discs of their music testifies to the existence of a substantial international audience for their output. It is a movement of considerable diversity, but also genuine sophistication, for it takes account of the limitation of modernism, and is not averse to encompassing expressions of radicalism from the ‘romantic’ era, where appropriate. Thus, it does not shun post-modernism, but incorporates those features which have not been sucked into the new world chaos, or into the prevalent nostalgia, usually associated with the banner of ‘pluralism’. Above all, the new radicalism reaffirms certain fundamental truths, respected by socialism, which have been overlooked both by postmodernists and proponents of the ‘new world order’. It also asserts the importance of artistic integrity at a time when consumerism is undermining creative values.
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Menezes, Marta de. "The Artificial Natural: Manipulating Butterfly Wing Patterns for Artistic Purposes." Leonardo 36, no. 1 (February 2003): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002409403321152257.
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Recent advances in biology allow interference with normal animal development, making possible the creation of novel live organisms. The author's project explores this potential through her work in a laboratory creating live adult butterflies with wing patterns modified for artistic purposes. Although these patterns are determined by direct human intervention, they are made exclusively of normal live cells. As genes from the germ line are left untouched, the new patterns are not transmitted to the offspring. Therefore, this form of art literally lives and dies. It is simultaneously art and life.
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Wallis, Mick. "Pageantry and the Popular Front: Ideological Production in the 'Thirties." New Theatre Quarterly 10, no. 38 (May 1994): 132–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00000300.
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The British working-class pageants of the nineteen-thirties were curiously cross-bred between, on the one hand, the resolutely bourgeois civic pageants which had become popular around the turn of the century and remained so still, and, on the other, the new Soviet style of mass-declamations with agit-prop intent. Often ignored even by left-wing theatre historians, these pageants drew on other influences varying from endemic communal forms of creation such as choirs and processions to the work of contemporary, left-leaning ‘high art’ poets and musicians. Here, Mick Wallis looks in detail at one such pageant, Music and the People, mounted in London in April 1939, and at the tripartite five-day festival of which it formed a part. He goes on to explore the politics, aesthetics, and logistics of this long-neglected form of popular performance. Mick Wallis, who teaches drama at Loughborough University, has recently published on using Raymond Williams's work in the integration of practical and academic approaches to teaching. His one-man act, Sir John Feelgood and Marjorie, was an experiment in popular form for the sake of left-wing benefits.
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Šešić, Milena Dragićević, and Mirjana Nikolić. "The Mediatization and Culturalization of Populist Political Communication." Cultural Management: Science and Education 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/cmse.4-1.04.
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Researching the impact of populist political communication on media, art, and the cultural sphere in Serbia, the authors investigate various different phenomena that are rising under the pretext of market liberalisation and identity politics. Deregulation of media may have brought “independence” from power, but also complete market-dependence. In the cultural sphere, pressures on the arts from right-wing populism have lead to extreme nationalism in Serbian media and cultural practices while simulta-neously seeing a commercialisation of programming. “National discussions” regarding the status of real-ity show programmes on commercial television and accusations of anti-patriotism against most promi-nent Serbian artists have been lead by right-wing populists. At the same time, this research takes into account several forms of left-wing populism, mostly developed within the independent scene.
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Shaw, Vivian. "Strategies of Ambivalence." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359482.
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Abstract In recent years, Japan has witnessed the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, a rise in racist hate speech, and the reinterpretation of the constitution to enable state militarization. In response to these crises, a segment of Japanese activists has adopted antifa to bolster their ongoing participation in antinuclear, antiracist, and antiwar social movements. This intervention focuses on what the author calls liberal antifa. Informed by its vexed relationships to the Japanese New Left, liberal antifa in Japan attempts to encompass a broad spectrum of political positions including liberal, left-wing, and even right-wing activism. This intervention traces linkages between liberal antifa and the resurgence of protest after Fukushima, drawing on ethnographic observations and interviews to analyze opposition to fascism within multiple, overlapping social movements. The author also shows how liberal antifa borrows from transnational influences to blend radical and popular cultural practices in relation to music, fashion, art, and food.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Left-wing art"
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Wray, Lynn Marie. "Turning left : counter-hegemonic exhibition-making in the post-socialist era (1989-2014)." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2016. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4426/.
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This research examines how the practice of curating has been used to further counter-hegemonic agendas in public art institutions since 1989. The central aim is to provide a fuller, contextualised, and medium specific understanding of the how the institutional exhibition might be used to challenge the hegemony of neoliberalism and the post-political consensus politics that sustains its dominance. It provides insights, through both historic case studies and reflective practice, that problematise the idea that the institutional art exhibition is a viable medium for counter-hegemonic critique, or represents the ideal space for the development of an agonistic public discourse. This thesis presents collaborative research undertaken with Tate Liverpool and Liverpool John Moores University. The research presented both extrapolated from, and contributed to, the development of an exhibition, co-curated with Tate Liverpool, entitled Art Turning Left (8 November 2013 – 2 February 2014) and a supplementary publication of the same name. The first section investigates how the idea that curators can counter neoliberal dominance, through institutional exhibition-making, developed. It draws from analyses of previous exhibitions, and the theory of Chantal Mouffe, in order to critically evaluate the curatorial application of counter-hegemonic critique and agonistic practice. It also provides a review of how exhibitions (held in major art institutions since 1989) have articulated politics, in order to determine their relationship to neoliberal dominance, and to identify significant gaps in the dialogue facilitated by these institutions. These analyses provides the theoretical and contextual grounding for the final two chapters, which provide a rationale and critical evaluation of my own attempt to develop an alternative counter-hegemonic curatorial strategy for the exhibition at Tate Liverpool. They document, and analyse, the areas of dissensus, and the ideological and pragmatic limitations that emerged, in trying to realise these theoretical propositions (in practice) in a public art museum. The thesis therefore provides a critical framework for the development of an alternative practice that positions the exhibition as a form of post-political critique and specifically targets the hegemonic role that institutional exhibitions play in reinforcing class distinctions and devaluing nonprofessional creativity.
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Stigermark, Anton. "Alt-Modernism : Challenging the idea of postmodernism as a left-wing movement." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324280.
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In this thesis, I’m working from the premise that postmodernism hitherto has been associated with the left. The next line of argument is, however, that this relation is contingent and that there is no necessity in postmodernisms association with left-wing ideas and political ambitions. To challenge this assumption, I intend to demonstrate that the Alt-Right, a far-right movement, at least in some respects can be considered as postmodern. If there is indeed cause to think of the Alt-Right as postmodern, then we would have to rethink postmodernisms political inclination. I intend to operationalize this by looking at the Alt-Right’s views on the changeability of politics and the social world, and pop culture, through the lens of a set of postmodern ideas. In particular, postmodern ideas concerning language, discourse and culture, and in doing so get a grip on whether it is correct to view the Alt-Right as postmodern or not. If a connection between the Alt-Right and postmodernism indeed exists, then we would have to rethink the necessity in the left-wing nature of postmodernism.
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Merlyn, Teri, and n/a. "Writing Revolution: The British Radical Literary Tradition as the Seminal Force in the Development of Adult Education, its Australian Context, and the Life and Work of Eric Lambert." Griffith University. School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040616.131738.
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This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.
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Chiang, Wan-Ling, and 江婉綾. "The Problematics of Canon Formation in Taiwanese Art History: A Case Study of Left-Wing Woodcuts During the Early Post-War Period （1945-1949）." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/71136477180570435190.
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碩士國立臺灣師範大學
美術學系
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This thesis is focus on the disciplinarity in Taiwanese art history. I choose the “canon formation” as the subject, and take the “left-wing woodcuts” as a case. Using the method of discourse analysis, I try to set my study on the methodology dimension. First, I will define the core concepts, especially the meanings, origins, and uses of the word “Canon”. When studying the problematics of canon formation in Taiwanese art history, the develop processes of literary history and Western art history would be good references. Second, the concept Canon should be seen as a theorical intrument. Through comparing different concepts─Canon and Paradigm, and investing researchers how to apply these terms, we can trace the develop paces of canon issue in Taiwan. Third, in order to realize canonicity of the left-wing woodcuts in Taiwan, reviewing previous literatures is necessary. This thesis surveys the statements about left-wing woodcuts in general readings and text books. In this way, we can examine the historical reputations of art works, and figure out the effects of canon formation. The left-wing woodcuts are usually seen as “time witnesses” by many critics, but up to now, we know nothing more than that. Researchers still need lots of information to recover the woodcut-artisits’ tracks and their communicate channels. We shouldn’t take their historical orientation for grant. The left-wing woodcuts becoming the famous works in the Taiwan’s history of art is due to the discursive construction. This is the result of the cultural capital distributions and power operatations. During studying progress, this case mades me rethink the practical effects of weastern art theory applied in local condition. The phenomenon of canon formation in Taiwan means not only Taiwanese art history gets its discipline status, but also tells that academic achievements is rich enough to be re-evaluated. Introducing new methods and view points to recheck the historical discourses will be an important lesson. From this perspective, canonical art works may be a new experiment subject of methodology in the future.
Books on the topic "Left-wing art"
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Left-wing Nietzscheans: The politics of German expressionism, 1910-1920. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1990.
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Gráfica política de izquierdas: Argentina 1890-2001 = Left-wing political graffics. Buenos Aires: La marca, 2006.
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Chavez, Norberto, and Horacio Tarcus. Left Wing Political Graphics. La Marca Editora, 2007.
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Nicole, Colin, ed. Der "Deutsche Herbst" und die RAF in Politik, Medien und Kunst: Nationale und internationale Perspektiven. Bielefeld: Transcript, 2008.
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Art of Resistance: Cultural Protest Against the Austrian Far Right in the Early Twenty-First Century. Berghahn Books, Incorporated, 2018.
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Foley, Barbara. Touching Naked Reality. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038440.003.0001.
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This chapter examines how Toomer's interest in class-conscious radical politics was at best transitory and immature. Drawing on his early left-wing journalism, correspondence, handwritten 1936 autobiography, and psychoanalytic records from the late 1940s, the chapter argues that Toomer not only held strongly left-wing views during the Cane period but also remained in some respects a man of the left throughout his life. It also proposes that his social constructionist view of race, usually attributed to his situation as a light-skinned black man able to “pass,” is also traceable to his awareness of race as a product of capitalist exploitation and state-sanctioned racial violence—ideas that are allegorically displayed in his poem Banking Coal.
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Patterson, Ian. The Penny’s Mighty Sacrifice. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198806516.003.0010.
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In the (often left-wing) writings on the Spanish Civil War, the idea of sacrifice (both transitive and intransitive) is intertwined with theories and practices of class conflict. The secular bent to much left-wing thinking did not preclude using associations with religious sacrifice to characterize the war’s fatalities; the bombing of Guernica and Madrid, for example, were both described as ‘martyrdoms’. Even in those views of the war that emphasized the importance of dialectical materialism, there is often an inherent logic of self-sacrifice—particularly for those middle-class and intellectual members of the Communist left whose commitment to revolution included a commitment to the supersession of their own individuality in the name of the party. This chapter examines how such ideological figurings of sacrifice are presented in lyrical and elegiac poems by poets such as W. H. Auden, Stephen Spender, Clive Branson, George Barker, Margot Heinemann, and Cecil Day Lewis.
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Van Den Bos, Kees. Why People Radicalize. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190657345.001.0001.
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This book focuses on the issue of why people radicalize. This issue includes the question of why sometimes Muslims or those who identify with right-wing or left-wing politics engage in violent extremism and are sympathetic to terrorist acts. The book argues that part of the answer to these important yet complex and multifaceted topics lies in people perceiving certain things in their world as profoundly unfair. For example, they feel that their group is being treated in blatantly unfair manners, or they judge crucial moral principles to be violated. The book makes the case that these unfairness judgments threaten people’s sense of who they are and jeopardize their beliefs about how the world should look. Furthermore, these judgments are not merely perceptions, but instead feel real and genuine to those who constructed them. As a result, these unfairness judgments can fuel people’s radical beliefs, extremist behaviors, and support for terrorist acts. This book explains how this fueling process takes place. In doing so, the book provides in-depth insight into Muslim, right-wing, and left-wing radicalization. The book draws novel conceptual conclusions and suggests usable practical implications. The book was written based on the author’s expertise as fairness researcher and his experiences of giving advice on radicalization (and associated issues of extremism and terrorism) to the Dutch government. Based on this expertise and experiences, the book conveys an engaging line of reasoning to a broad audience of scientists, practitioners, and others who are interested in radicalization, extremism, terrorism, and unfairness.
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Van Den Bos, Kees. Instances of Radicalization, Extremism, and Terrorism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190657345.003.0002.
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Chapter 2 discusses relevant instances of Muslim, right-wing, and left-wing radicalization, extremism, and terrorism, particularly as they pertain to people’s perceptions that things are not fair. The chapter also introduces how people’s feelings of threatening personal uncertainty and rigidity of people’s thoughts are known to impact instances of radicalization, extremism, and terrorism. The chapter argues that when we really want to be able to prevent and counter violent extremism and terrorism, we should systematically analyze how radicalizing persons interpret the world. We also should respect the observation that people value the experience of fairness so much because they want to be taken seriously as full-fledged members of society whose views are genuinely valued. Importantly, taking people seriously implies that we should point people not only to their rights but also to their responsibilities and their duties, which go together with being a mature grown-up and full-fledged citizen of society.
Book chapters on the topic "Left-wing art"
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Lassl, Wolfgang. "The Art of Designing Jobs and Units—The “Left Wing” of Organizations (Part 1)." In The Viability of Organizations Vol. 3, 47–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25854-2_3.
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Rinscheid, Adrian, and Linards Udris. "Referendum Campaigns in Swiss Energy Policy." In Swiss Energy Governance, 283–312. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80787-0_12.
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AbstractWhat are the patterns in media coverage in Swiss energy policy-making, and to what extent do the media influence voters’ decisions at the ballot? In a first step, this chapter provides a comparative investigation of media coverage in the run-up to three recent energy-related referenda (2015 initiative “Energy tax instead of VAT”; 2016 nuclear phase-out initiative; 2017 referendum on the federal Energy Strategy 2050), with 31 other referenda between 2014 and 2018 as a benchmark. Based on a content analysis of articles published in 21 Swiss newspapers, our analysis demonstrates that the three energy-policy referenda are characterized by patterns similar to non-energy votes but also have distinct features. In a second step, we specifically focus on the 2016 nuclear phase-out initiative, which was characterized by balanced newspaper reporting, and explain voting behavior by linking data on media coverage and individual-level data from a panel survey (n = 1014). The analysis relies on “linkage analysis”, a method that takes media contents as quasi-experimental stimuli to explain individual-level outcomes. We find that the failure of the phase-out initiative can be partly explained by exposure to newspaper coverage: one in four left-wing voters who had initially been in favor of the popular initiative but were exposed to strongly negative coverage about it during the “hot” campaign phase changed their initial voting intention. The analysis also suggests that the media coverage may have helped center/right-wing voters to learn about their preferred party’s position so as to align their vote choice with their political predisposition.
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Merusi, Fabio. "Legge e giustizia amministrativa durante il ventennio fascista." In Studi e saggi, 99–117. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-455-7.04.
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The paper focuses on the relationship between the Fascist regime and the administrative justice. Once identified in the “invention” of exclusive jurisdiction (over individual matters) a “revolutionary” act of the early Fascism, the paper faces the problem of the administrative litigation over public debt. The issue is treated starting from the transformation of the jurisdiction of merit in the matter of public debt into exclusive jurisdiction: a special attention is paid to the two opposite theses of the “left-wing fascism” and the Italian Constitutional Court. Subsequently, the reflection shifts to the Fascist laws that have limited or excluded since 1923 the appeal against certain administrative acts, also referring to the reactions of the doctrine of the time. A particular case concerns the vice of excess of power which, in the Fascist period, was rationalized and also took on a different meaning from the original one foreseen by the law of 1889. After the fall of Fascism, a final look is turned to the two elusive techniques of the appeal to the administrative judge represented by the laws-measure and the so called “theft of jurisdiction”
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"Art for Art's Sake in England: A Left-Wing View." In On Bohemia, edited by Dmitri Mirsky, 597–600. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315125503-101.
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Dooley, Michael. "High Way Robbery." In Comic Art in Museums, 243–55. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496828118.003.0027.
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This chapter includes a 1990 review of High and Low: Modern Art, Popular Culture by graphic design journalist Michael Dooley. His critique of the exhibit as seen in Los Angeles: “The show failed, and not simply by the standards of right- and left-wing axe-grinders. More importantly, and sadder still, it failed on its own terms. The show’s attendees never arrived at an interchange; instead, they were stuck on a one-way drive up the high road.” This chapter discusses specific works of art, comics, and advertising and contains an overview of the surrounding art world politics. Images: 2 exhibit photos (MoMA), 3 ads referencing pop culture. This chapter also includes the essay “My Way along the High Way.” This is a 2017 essay by graphic design journalist Michael Dooley, written as an afterword to his 1990 article "High Way Robbery” about High and Low: Modern Art, Popular Culture and its legacy. This afterword discusses ongoing interaction between pop culture and fine art, specifically Jeff Koons, Ed Ruscha, R. Crumb, Harvey Kurtzman, Art Spiegelman, and the exhibition Masters of American Comics.
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Lena, Jennifer C. "The Museum of Primitive Art, 1940–1982." In Entitled, 41–69. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691158914.003.0003.
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This chapter discusses the creation of the Museum of Primitive Art (MPA). The history of Michael C. Rockefeller's primitive art collection provides an ideal case study of the process of artistic legitimation. Through a detailed analysis of the complete organizational archive—including memos, publications, journals, and administrative paperwork—one can observe this process in detail. The small group of MPA administrators fought to promote artistic interpretations of the objects in the collection against the established view that they were anthropological curiosities. However, these objects were removed from their sites of production and early circulation and left in the care of American curators and tastemakers to make of them what they will; in Rockefeller's case, he leveraged them to produce capital he used in a struggle with other collectors and museum administrators. What he did not do is redistribute those resources toward living artists or register much hesitation about moving those objects to New York. Nor did he have to acknowledge the labor done by earlier advocates of these arts in black internationalist movements. Nevertheless, Rockefeller's triumph was the eventual inclusion of his collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Met), as the Michael C. Rockefeller Wing.
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Spinner, Samuel J. "The Politics of Jewish Primitivism." In Jewish Primitivism, 94–120. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503628274.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 explores the politics of Jewish primitivism, which ranged from the bohemian Left to the radical Right. This political breadth is evident in the poetic relationship between the German poet Else Lasker-Schüler and the Yiddish and Hebrew poet Uri Zvi Grinberg, the former ambivalent about Zionism, the latter a proponent of Zionism’s most radical wing. The idea of an originary Jewish identity rooted in an ancient but unspecified East was central to Lasker-Schüler’s poetry and visual art. Emerging from this landscape was her “Society of Savage Jews,” a utopian community of writers and artists that existed only in her writings and artwork; Grinberg borrowed this trope and used it for very different ends—his savage Jews were Zionist pioneers, creating a nation-state.
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Hee, Wai-Siam. "Malayan Chinese Popular Memory." In Remapping the Sinophone, 58–89. Hong Kong University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528035.003.0003.
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The second chapter examines three Chinese-language films shot in Singapore by mainland Chinese director Wu Cun after the Second World War. Through close reading of these filmic texts, and reportage and discussions of them in the 1940s’ Malayan cinema tabloids Yule and Dianying quan, this chapter aims to reconstruct the popular memory of ‘Mahua (Malaysian Chinese) Cinemas’ and their relationship with ‘Mahua Literature’ and Chinese film culture. It also probes the naming of ‘Mahua Cinema’ in the temporal context of these films and how they represent post-war Malayan Chinese female migrants, loyalists, and foreigners, with reference to historical materials on the early migration of Chinese females to S.E. Asia. This chapter also critically employs relevant Cold War Singaporean and Malaysian theories to analyse and compare the Chineseness and political groups in these films. All three films were produced after the war, when the Malayan Communist Party, which debated aggressively about the ‘uniqueness of Malayan Chinese literature and art’, was flourishing. Besides attempting to portray the real Singapore-Malayan local colour in that time and place as advocated by the ‘uniqueness of Malaysian Chinese literature and art’, Wu Cun and his local production partners, the Shaw Brothers Company, represented the left-wing practice of Malayan Communist Party guerrillas and their supporters, which had been suppressed by mainstream historical discourse.
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Seregina, Svetlana A. "S. A. Esenin and A. A. Bloсk: Towards the History of the Creative Relationships." In Sergey Esenin in the Context of the Epoch, 283–310. A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0672-7-283-310.
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The article analyzes the works of A. A. Block, which became the source of Esenin’s lyrics, as well as his treatise “The Keys of Mary”. At the center of the analysis is the cycle of the Block “Poems about the Beautiful Lady” and his journalism, which was published in the left-wing Socialist-Revolutionary edition “Znamya Truda”. The article reveals the main Block’s ideas, images and motifs creatively perceived by Esenin (the image of the way, ideas about art as a force transforming the world etc.). The author of the article makes a first attempt to briefly analyze the stages of Esenin’s assimilation of the idea of eternal femininity: the author reveals textual links between Esenin’s early lyrics (“To My Princess”, “Dream”) and Block’s works; considers the poem “She Grew up beyond the Distant Mountains...” as the source of “Do not Wander, Do not Crumple in the Рurple Bushes...”. It is proved that the dialogue of meanings and images in both works is a vivid and significant example of literary continuity. A special place in the article is occupied by the topic “N. V. Gogol Тhrough the Еyes of Block” in the perception of Esenin, which previously did not become the subject of special analysis.
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Mukherjee, Sovik. "Left-Wing Extremism From the Indian Perspective." In Encyclopedia of Criminal Activities and the Deep Web, 93–107. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9715-5.ch006.
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The article tries to geographically locate the pockets where such forms of crime are the most prevalent and do a trend analysis for these states over a period of five years. In addition to this, the article models left wing extremist activities across 12 severely affected states in India for a period of nine years from 2008-2017 in a generalized method of moments (GMM) set-up to take care of the endogeneity problem which are quite likely to arise in case of such analysis. In conclusion, the results highlight that while economic growth has a definite positive role in abating such violent forms of left-wing extremist crime, the development strategy should give high priority to literacy, internal security, and human development.
Conference papers on the topic "Left-wing art"
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Killing, Steve. "Alpha and Rocker - Two Design Approaches that led to the Successful Challenge for the 2007 International C-Class Catamaran Championship." In SNAME 19th Chesapeake Sailing Yacht Symposium. SNAME, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/csys-2009-014.
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In 2007 Canada entered its first challenge for the International C-Class Catamaran Championship and was victorious in capturing the trophy with five straight wins by Alpha CAN 6 over the venerable Cogito from the USA. Two boats were designed for this challenge - the first was Alpha, a wingsail catamaran, which incorporated some new thinking on sail configuration and hull shape. This made it a successful evolutionary, but not revolutionary, step from the current state-of-the-art boats. Compared to Cogito, the main rival, she had a taller, narrower and thinner wing, lighter construction and more circular hull cross section. The second was Rocker, the bold hydrofoil catamaran, using hulls from the same mold as Alpha and an identical wingsail as the driving force. The daggerboard hydrofoils automatically controlled the ride height with trim tabs, while the control of the rudder elevators was left to the helmsman. Although she flew well, was very controllable, and was spectacular to watch, Rocker could not match the 20 knot plus speed of Alpha.
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Yang, Changbao, and Xiuqing Wu. "Impact of Shelter Forest Construction on Ecological and Economic Benefits in Horqin Region--Taking Horqin Left Wing Middle Banner As an Example." In Proceedings of the 2017 5th International Education, Economics, Social Science, Arts, Sports and Management Engineering Conference (IEESASM 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ieesasm-17.2018.78.
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Ebeling, Régis, Carlos Córdova Sáenz, Jeferson Campos Nobre, and Karin Becker. "Quarenteners vs. Cloroquiners: a framework to analyze the effect of political polarization on social distance stances." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11963.
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The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has struck people’s lives overnight. With an alarming contagious rate and no effective treatments or vaccines, it has evoked all sorts of reactions. In this paper, we propose a framework to analyze how political polarization affects groups’ behavior with opposed stances, using the Brazilian COVID polarized scenario as a case study. Two Twitter groups represent the pro/against social isolation stances referred to as Chloroquiners and Quarenteners. The framework encompasses: a) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, b) topic modeling to discover the homogeneity of concerns expressed by each group; c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. The political polarization of Chloroquiners and Quarenteners influence the arguments of economy and life, and support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Chloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.
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Filpo, Alessandra, Caio Disserol, Bernardo Corrêa de Almeida Teixeira, Kenzo Hokazono, and Hélio A. G. Teive. "An Unexpected Smile: risus sardonicus and wing-beating tremor in a first office visit." In XIII Congresso Paulista de Neurologia. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/1516-3180.505.
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Context: We present a noteworthy reminder of Wilson disease’s classical manifestations, which may become rarer in clinical practice as availability of genetic tests increases, allowing timely diagnosis and treatment. Case report: A 29 year-old woman developed progressive and asymmetric upper limb tremor and dystonia over 1 year, along with speech and feeding impairment in the last two weeks. Examination revealed segmental dystonia with risus sardonicus, open-jaw oromandibular and severe left arm dystonia, along with wing-beating tremor. Bilateral Kayser-Fleischer ring, low serum ceruloplasmin level, high urinary copper level, bilateral putaminal lesions on brain MRI and detection of ATP7B mutation confirmed Wilson disease (WD). A nasoenteric tube was inserted and D-penicillamine was started. Conclusion: This case illustrates the hallmark neuro-ophtalmological signs of WD: wing-beating tremor, risus sardonicus and Kayser-Fleischer ring. The former is probably associated with lesions in the dentato-rubro-thalamic pathway¹ and means a low frequency, high amplitude, posture-induced proximal arm tremor. Risus sardonicus means a fixed smile due to risorius muscle dystonia². Although it is a well-known manifestation of cephalic tetanus, it is also frequent in WD¹. Finally, the Kayser-Fleischer ring is caused by copper accumulation in the Descemet membrane and occurs in almost 100% of patients with neurological WD².
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Zaks, Lev. "Culture of the Second Half of the 20th Century through the Early 21st Century in Action: Creation of Contemporary Publicity." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-01.
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The article offers a culturological vision of publicity, and partly correlative privacy as universal aspects of the joint existence of people. The analysis methodology is based on the perception of culture as a universal specific way of existence of people and society; the perception of society as a sociocultural system; the perception of the evolution of society and all areas of its existence as a result of their holistic sociocultural determination. Publicity is considered in terms of its characterisation as a sociocultural phenomenon (space-time, socioanthropological, functional, communicative, discursive), and then the evolution of publicity as a function and the product of the cultural system is outlined. The main (and diverse) sociocultural influential factors having determined substantial changes in features of publicity (and its relationship with privacy) as from the second half of the 20th century to the present day are analysed: left-wing influence and democratisation of societies after World War Two; rising prosperity of citizens; origination of consumer society; release of public psychology from some conventional cultural taboos including as a result of secularisation and the sexual revolution; widespread and influential mass-media; informational revolution (information society). Critical effects of these factors in respect of publicity and its evolution have been shown. The information revolution of the second half of the 20th century to the early 21st Century is considered as the crucial factor of the radical qualitive transformation of social life, processes of its institutionalisation and with it, public and private spheres. Peculiarities of contemporary online publicness and its relationship with online privacy are addressed. Axiological problems of online publicness are highlighted.
Reports on the topic "Left-wing art"
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0010.
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Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the article’s first part.
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Blackman, Allen, and Bridget Hoffmann. Diminishing Returns: Nudging Covid-19 Prevention Among Colombian Young Adults. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003223.
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Until a vaccine is widely available, face masks and other nonpharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) will continue to be the frontline defense against Covid-19 in developing countries. But their effectiveness depends critically on compliance by young adults, who are most likely both to become infected and to infect others. We conducted a randomized controlled trial in Bogotá, Colombia, to assess the effectiveness of informational nudges on university students concern about Covid-19, recent compliance with NPI recommendations, and intended future compliance. Although nudges boosted concern, they had limited effects on either recent or intended future compliance. We attribute these null results to high baseline levels of information about and compliance with NPIs an informational diminishing returns scenario that is likely to be increasingly common globally. Nudges were more effective at boosting recent compliance among participants who were politically left-wing, were relatively poor, and lived with more people.
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Just, David, and Amir Heiman. Building local brand for fresh fruits and vegetables: A strategic approach aimed at strengthening the local agricultural sector. United States Department of Agriculture, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2016.7600039.bard.
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Abstract The debate about whether to reduce import barriers on fresh produce in order to decrease the cost of living and increase welfare or to continue protecting the local agricultural sector by imposing import duties on fresh vegetables and fruits has been part of the Israeli and the US political dialog. The alternative of building a strong local brand that will direct patriotic feelings to support of the agricultural sector has been previously discussed in the literature as a non-tax barrier to global competition. The motivation of consumers to pay more for local fresh fruits and vegetables are better quality, environmental concerns, altruism, and ethnocentrism. Local patriotic feelings are expected to be stronger among national-religious consumers and weaker among secular left wing voters. This project empirically analyzes consumers’ attitude toward local agricultural production, perceptions of the contribution of the agricultural sector to society and how these perceptions interact with patriotic beliefs and socio-political variables perhaps producing an ethnocentric preference for fruits and vegetables. This patriotic feeling may be contrasted with feelings toward rival (or even politically opposing) countries competing in the same markets. Thus geo-political landscape may help shape the consumer’s preferences and willingness to purchase particular products. Our empirical analysis is based on two surveys, one conducted among Israeli shoppers and one conducted among US households. We find strong influences of nationalism, patriotism and ethnocentrism on demand for produce in both samples. In the case of Israel this manifests itself as a significant discount demanded for countries in conflict with Israel (e.g., Syria or Palestine), with the discount demanded being related to the strength of the conflict. Moreover, the effect is larger for those who are either more religious, or those who identify with right leaning political parties. The results from the US are strikingly similar. For some countries the perception of conflict is dependent on political views (e.g., Mexico), while for others there is a more agreement (e.g., Russia). Despite a substantially different religious and political landscape, both right leaning political views and religiosity play strong roles in demand for foreign produce.
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Promise and Performance: 10 Years of the Forest Rights Act in India. Rights and Resources Initiative, December 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/dgyr3365.
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Beyond the numbers, this report highlights FRA’s potential in transforming forest governance by empowering local communities and the gram sabha to protect and conserve forests; ensuring livelihood security and poverty alleviation; securing gender justice; meeting SDG, especially the goals of eliminating poverty and achieving ecological sustainability; and dealing with climate change. By securing land and resource rights, FRA provides an opportunity to address Left-wing extremism in 106 districts in India’s 10 states.