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Journal articles on the topic 'Left-wing art'
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Xing, Fan. "BRAZILIAN LEFT-WING LITERATURE." Revista Brasileira de Literatura Comparada 22, no. 41 (December 2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2596-304x20202241fx.
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Abstract: The rise and development of Left-wing literature in Brazil is closely connected to the obstacles and dilemmas encountered during the evolution of its nation, and it is also inseparable from international political movements and intellectual trends. From the abolishment of slavery and collapse of empire in the nineteenth century, to the establishment and return of dictatorship in the 30s and 60s of the twentieth century, at every moment of crisis, Brazilian left-wing literature always played a seminal role. While criticizing social injustices, it also invigorates the development of modern Brazilian literature by incorporating different forms of language, thoughts and art. It is safe to say that left-wing literature forms a kind of literary tradition in Brazil, as it not only represents a moral and ethical stand, but also innovates the form and aesthetics.
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Lidtke, Vernon L. "Abstract Art and Left-Wing Politics in the Weimar Republic." Central European History 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916104322888998.
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In the midst of the upheaval created by military defeat, the collapse of the Hohenzollern and other German monarchies, and the threat of radical social revolution, a movement that had been taking shape for some time became a visible presence in German public life. Intellectuals, writers, visual artists, and numerous others declared that they would no longer remain aloof from the world of politics, social reform, and even revolution. On the contrary, they would seek to merge the arts and politics into a synthesis that would help to mold a new and greatly improved society. They issued manifestos and programs, founded organizations and journals, joined political parties — primarily on the left — and went to the streets, at least to observe if not also to act. The majority of the participants in this movement were, at some point in their careers, part of new artistic trends and, as such, contributors to the formation and advancement of aesthetic modernism in Germany.
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Kompatsiaris, Panos. "Contemporary art and left-wing populism: theArtist Taxi Driveras working class ideology." Journal of Visual Art Practice 17, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702029.2017.1381008.
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Atkinson, Jeanette, Tracy Buck, Simon Jean, Alan Wallach, Peter Davis, Ewa Klekot, Philipp Schorch, et al. "Exhibition Reviews." Museum Worlds 1, no. 1 (July 1, 2013): 206–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/armw.2013.010114.
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Steampunk (Bradford Industrial Museum, UK)Framing India: Paris-Delhi-Bombay . . . (Centre Pompidou, Paris)E Tū Ake: Māori Standing Strong/Māori: leurs trésors ont une âme (Te Papa, Wellington, and Musée du quai Branly, Paris)The New American Art Galleries, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, RichmondScott's Last Expedition (Natural History Museum, London)Left-Wing Art, Right-Wing Art, Pure Art: New National Art (Museum of Modern Art, Warsaw)Focus on Strangers: Photo Albums of World War II (Stadtmuseum, Jena)A Museum That Is Not: A Fanatical Narrative of What a Museum Can Be (Guandong Times Museum, Guandong)21st Century: Art in the First Decade (QAGOMA, Brisbane)James Cook and the Exploration of the Pacific (Art and Exhibition Hall of the Federal Republic of Germany, Bonn)Land, Sea and Sky: Contemporary Art of the Torres Strait Islands (QAGOMA, Brisbane) and Awakening: Stories from the Torres Strait (Queensland Museum, Brisbane)
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.
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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
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Warnaby, John. "A New Left-Wing Radicalism in Contemporary German Music?" Tempo, no. 193 (July 1995): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298200004277.
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‘Communism is dead’, crowed a recent Prime Minister, little realizing that the shaky condition of capitalism would precipitate her downfall in short order. ‘Socialist art is a phenomenon of the past’, pronounced many post-modernist critics, who equated creative expressions of radical politics with a modernist aesthetic they had already consigned to their re-interpretation of history. Yet as the developed economies totter from one crisis to the next, interspersed with stock market upheavals or corruption scandals, and the ‘new world order’ fails to materialize, a new left-wing idealism is beginning to assert itself in the work of several German composers, and the growing number of discs of their music testifies to the existence of a substantial international audience for their output. It is a movement of considerable diversity, but also genuine sophistication, for it takes account of the limitation of modernism, and is not averse to encompassing expressions of radicalism from the ‘romantic’ era, where appropriate. Thus, it does not shun post-modernism, but incorporates those features which have not been sucked into the new world chaos, or into the prevalent nostalgia, usually associated with the banner of ‘pluralism’. Above all, the new radicalism reaffirms certain fundamental truths, respected by socialism, which have been overlooked both by postmodernists and proponents of the ‘new world order’. It also asserts the importance of artistic integrity at a time when consumerism is undermining creative values.
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Menezes, Marta de. "The Artificial Natural: Manipulating Butterfly Wing Patterns for Artistic Purposes." Leonardo 36, no. 1 (February 2003): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002409403321152257.
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Recent advances in biology allow interference with normal animal development, making possible the creation of novel live organisms. The author's project explores this potential through her work in a laboratory creating live adult butterflies with wing patterns modified for artistic purposes. Although these patterns are determined by direct human intervention, they are made exclusively of normal live cells. As genes from the germ line are left untouched, the new patterns are not transmitted to the offspring. Therefore, this form of art literally lives and dies. It is simultaneously art and life.
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Wallis, Mick. "Pageantry and the Popular Front: Ideological Production in the 'Thirties." New Theatre Quarterly 10, no. 38 (May 1994): 132–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00000300.
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The British working-class pageants of the nineteen-thirties were curiously cross-bred between, on the one hand, the resolutely bourgeois civic pageants which had become popular around the turn of the century and remained so still, and, on the other, the new Soviet style of mass-declamations with agit-prop intent. Often ignored even by left-wing theatre historians, these pageants drew on other influences varying from endemic communal forms of creation such as choirs and processions to the work of contemporary, left-leaning ‘high art’ poets and musicians. Here, Mick Wallis looks in detail at one such pageant, Music and the People, mounted in London in April 1939, and at the tripartite five-day festival of which it formed a part. He goes on to explore the politics, aesthetics, and logistics of this long-neglected form of popular performance. Mick Wallis, who teaches drama at Loughborough University, has recently published on using Raymond Williams's work in the integration of practical and academic approaches to teaching. His one-man act, Sir John Feelgood and Marjorie, was an experiment in popular form for the sake of left-wing benefits.
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Šešić, Milena Dragićević, and Mirjana Nikolić. "The Mediatization and Culturalization of Populist Political Communication." Cultural Management: Science and Education 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/cmse.4-1.04.
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Researching the impact of populist political communication on media, art, and the cultural sphere in Serbia, the authors investigate various different phenomena that are rising under the pretext of market liberalisation and identity politics. Deregulation of media may have brought “independence” from power, but also complete market-dependence. In the cultural sphere, pressures on the arts from right-wing populism have lead to extreme nationalism in Serbian media and cultural practices while simulta-neously seeing a commercialisation of programming. “National discussions” regarding the status of real-ity show programmes on commercial television and accusations of anti-patriotism against most promi-nent Serbian artists have been lead by right-wing populists. At the same time, this research takes into account several forms of left-wing populism, mostly developed within the independent scene.
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Shaw, Vivian. "Strategies of Ambivalence." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359482.
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Abstract In recent years, Japan has witnessed the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, a rise in racist hate speech, and the reinterpretation of the constitution to enable state militarization. In response to these crises, a segment of Japanese activists has adopted antifa to bolster their ongoing participation in antinuclear, antiracist, and antiwar social movements. This intervention focuses on what the author calls liberal antifa. Informed by its vexed relationships to the Japanese New Left, liberal antifa in Japan attempts to encompass a broad spectrum of political positions including liberal, left-wing, and even right-wing activism. This intervention traces linkages between liberal antifa and the resurgence of protest after Fukushima, drawing on ethnographic observations and interviews to analyze opposition to fascism within multiple, overlapping social movements. The author also shows how liberal antifa borrows from transnational influences to blend radical and popular cultural practices in relation to music, fashion, art, and food.
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Shandler, Jeffrey. "¿Dónde están los Judíos en la “Vida Americana?”: Art, Politics, and Identity on Exhibit." IMAGES 13, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 144–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340138.
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Abstract Vida Americana: Mexican Muralists Remake American Art, 1925–1945, an exhibition that opened at the Whitney Museum of American Art in February, 2020, proposed to remake art history by demonstrating the profound impact Mexican painters had on their counterparts in the United States, inspiring American artists “to use their art to protest economic, social, and racial injustices.” An unexamined part of this chapter of art history concerns the role of radical Jews, who constitute almost one half of the American artists whose work appears in the exhibition. Rooted in a distinct experience, as either immigrants or their American-born children, these Jewish artists had been making politically charged artworks well before the Mexican muralists’ arrival in the United States. Considering the role of left-wing Jews in this period of art-making would complicate the curatorial thesis of Vida Americana. Moreover, the exhibition’s lack of attention to Jews in creating and promoting this body of work raises questions about how the present cultural politics of race may have informed the analysis of this chapter of art history.
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Masiero, A., F. Fissore, A. Guarnieri, M. Piragnolo, and A. Vettore. "COMPARISON OF LOW COST PHOTOGRAMMETRIC SURVEY WITH TLS AND LEICA PEGASUS BACKPACK 3D MODELSS." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W8 (November 13, 2017): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w8-147-2017.
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This paper considers Leica backpack and photogrammetric surveys of a mediaeval bastion in Padua, Italy. Furhtermore, terrestrial laser scanning (TLS) survey is considered in order to provide a state of the art reconstruction of the bastion. Despite control points are typically used to avoid deformations in photogrammetric surveys and ensure correct scaling of the reconstruction, in this paper a different approach is considered: this work is part of a project aiming at the development of a system exploiting ultra-wide band (UWB) devices to provide correct scaling of the reconstruction. In particular, low cost Pozyx UWB devices are used to estimate camera positions during image acquisitions. Then, in order to obtain a metric reconstruction, scale factor in the photogrammetric survey is estimated by comparing camera positions obtained from UWB measurements with those obtained from photogrammetric reconstruction. Compared with the TLS survey, the considered photogrammetric model of the bastion results in a RMSE of 21.9cm, average error 13.4cm, and standard deviation 13.5cm. Excluding the final part of the bastion left wing, where the presence of several poles make reconstruction more difficult, (RMSE) fitting error is 17.3cm, average error 11.5cm, and standard deviation 9.5cm. Instead, comparison of Leica backpack and TLS surveys leads to an average error of 4.7cm and standard deviation 0.6cm (4.2cm and 0.3cm, respectively, by excluding the final part of the left wing).
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BURNETT, COLIN. "The “Albert Maltz Affair” and the Debate over Para-Marxist Formalism in New Masses, 1945–1946." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 1 (May 14, 2013): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813000728.
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This article reexamines the “Albert Maltz affair” in light of debates about art and literature in the journal New Masses (1926–48), as well as in international Marxist aesthetics. I argue for a reexamination of the “para-Marxist” theory of art he developed to clarify the role of leftist criticism and the “citizen writer.” The controversy stirred by the publication of Maltz's “What Shall We Ask of Writers?” (New Masses, 12 February 1946) is only fully appreciated through the aesthetic implications that many historians of the Hollywood Ten have overlooked. The immediate attacks on Maltz by critics like Mike Gold were motivated primarily by the view that a properly Marxist aesthetics must follow the Leninist–Zhdanovite theory of “art as a weapon.” More importantly, the support that Maltz and like-minded authors earned from New Masses readers for expressing the “Engelian” thesis that left-wing critics should evaluate art for dialectical tensions of form (and not solely for proletarian messages) suggests that this episode might be read as a beacon of salutary developments in international Marxist aesthetics rather than as an omen of American communist repression caused by the HUAC trials.
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Johansson, Perry. "Resistance and Repetition: The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests." Cultural History 10, no. 1 (April 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.
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The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.
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Zakariya, Mohamed. "Islam and Art." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 2 (December 1, 1986): 327–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i2.2758.
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I met Dr. Lois Lamya al Faruqi last March, while I was giving a lectureon Arabic calligraphy at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. I hadcorresponded with her previously and had been impressed by her graciousnessand her insight into the complex field of Islamic art. Now, here she and herhusband were, and I was pleased to have these bright lights of the Muslimcommunity in my audience. At the end of my remarks, someone asked theinevitable question, "What is the significance, the symbolism of the designsused to highlight a calligraphic piece?" I replied that, while some Islamicdesigns have their origins in the material world, they become abstracted andstylized but do not take on additional symbolic meaning. In other words, Islamicart, at its best, does not depend on visual symbols as clues to its meaning.A flower Wing remains a flower drawing, no matter how abstract it becomes.Dr. Faruqi's was interested in my interpretation and, I think somewhat amused.As she left that evening, I saw a definite twinkle in her eye, and I feltI had found a congenial colleague. Two weeks later, I received an autographedcopy of Islam and Art from her. I never saw her again.I am pleased to have this opportunity to review this volume, Dr. Faruqi'slast published work. Let me make my own position clear: I am neither anacademician nor a genuine scholar of Islamic art. Rather, I approach the subjectas a practitioner; therefore, my interest in Islamic art-and in this book- isat once personal, practical, and professional.Why do the arts of the Muslim peoples-and by arts, I include graphicarts, architecture, crafts, and music -develop with such obvious consistencyfrom people to people, and in such a straight line from their inception to thepresent? This question has baffled scholars for at least a century. Dr. Faruqi'sinsight guides the reader in the direction of a true answer, yet it is an answereach of us must experience for ourselves, through study and contemplation.In short, Dr. Faruqi's answer to this central question is that the arts ofthe Muslim peoples did not develop by chance, but rather, as an attempt toexpress by various media the Quranic doctrine of tawhid, the immense ...
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Baigell, Matthew. "Clement Greenberg, Harold Rosenberg, and Their Jewish Issues." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 651–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002210.
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Clement Greenberg (1909–94) and Harold Rosenberg (1906–78) were the two art critics most closely associated with abstract expressionism in the 1940s and 1950s. Neither began their careers as art critics, however. By the mid-1980s, Rosenberg had published literary essays and poems in left-wing magazines, and Greenberg's articles and reviews first appeared at the end of that decade. During the 1940s, Greenberg began to write art criticism, and Rosenberg's essays began to appear frequently in the 1950s. By that time, both had become part of the group known informally as the New York Intellectuals, many of whom were Jewish and children of immigrant parents.Highly verbal, vocal, argumentative, and politically left of center, they often published in magazines such as Partisan Review, Commentary, and Dissent. Although both Greenberg and Rosenberg ultimately rejected the more dogmatic and authoritarian aspects of leftist politics, they nevertheless supported the idea that society must move forward, but not necessarily by political means. Greenberg thought that such momentum could be maintained by the cultural elite, and Rosenberg, influenced by surrealism's concerns for the creative process, believed that individuals who were independent minded and creative could do the same. Both encouraged artists to turn from the social concerns that engaged many during the 1930s to apolitical, self-searching themes that came to characterize the art of the 1940s. In effect, they, especially Rosenberg, lionized the artist as an heroic individual. In the words of one historian, both “worked to find a safe haven for radical progress within the realm of individualistic culture.” And both, among the most perspicacious critics of their time, discovered, encouraged, and/or supported artists who ultimately became major figures, such as Jackson Pollock and Willem de Kooning.
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Badovinac, Zdenka. "Art Communities at Risk: On Slovenia." October, no. 178 (2021): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00443.
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Abstract “Art Communities At Risk: Slovenia” talks about how it is somehow easier to take a moral than a political position in times of crisis today—and how political manipulations often hide under seemingly moral attitudes. The author analyzes these issues against the background of growing authoritarian forces in Central and Eastern Europe, especially Slovenia, which saw the rise of covid-19 and Janez Janša as prime minister at the same time. Janša's government systematically ignores professional competencies in cultural institutions as well as in science, especially in relation to the epidemic.The voice of experts in the field of culture is ignored, and this is precisely because their specialized knowledge is not neutral. In a time when the space for free speech is shrinking, the need for a clear positioning becomes even more pressing. The author discusses the exhibition Bigger than Myself / Heroic Voices from Ex-Yugoslavia, which she curated for Rome's MAXXI museum last summer. The work shown there addressed Yugoslav emancipatory histories in relation to the issues of particular urgency today: global capitalism, the posthuman condition, and the return of authoritarianism, in particular. The Slovenian authorities took a hostile attitude towards the exhibition, not only because it presented critical voices from the region but also because artists from the former Yugoslavia were presented there, who, according to Slovenian right-wingers, are no longer worthy of participating in national cultural projects. Concerning the example of what is happening in Slovenia today, the essay asks why there has been such a strong turn to the right in Central and Eastern Europe, which is reviving “traditional” morality, patriarchy, and nationalism and engaging in political interference in cultural institutions. The current governments of Slovenia and other countries in the region want to get rid of the critical voices of left-wing experts in culture by favoring ostensibly neutral experts. It removes from important positions all those it considers to be leftists and replaces them with its own people in order to seemingly strike a balance between the various political options. This balancing act and new “neutrality,” however, are just one of the modern disguises of acute authoritarianism in Eastern Europe.
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Casadei, Delia, and Rossella Carbotti. "Towards a multitudinous voice: Dario Fo's adaptation of L'Histoire du soldat." Cambridge Opera Journal 24, no. 2 (July 2012): 201–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586712000201.
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AbstractDario Fo worked with La Scala only once, in 1978–79; the occasion was an adaptation of Ramuz and Stravinsky's L'Histoire du soldat (1918). This brief, pointedly anti-operatic work connected the dissident artist and a leading cultural institution at a time when both were re-evaluating their means of addressing the public. For Fo, as well as for the Italian Left at large, 1978 marked the ten-year anniversary of the 1968 riots and a time of deep doubt about the possibility of collective political action. For La Scala, 1978 was not only the tenth year under the bold musical directorship of Claudio Abbado, but also involved celebrations of the theatre's bicentenary. In this article we weave together the Left's crisis with a close reading of Fo's adaptation, using the notion of vocal address as an interpretative linchpin. By considering the myth of Risorgimento opera as vox populi, the figure of Stravinsky's songless soldier, the sound of babbling crowds and the recorded speaking voice of Antonio Negri, we offer a new exploration of the cross section of art and left-wing politics in the Italy of 1978.
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Stabro, Stanisław. "Motory Emila Zegadłowicza czytane po latach." Ruch Literacki 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ruch-2014-0006.
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Abstract Emil Zegadłowicz’s Motors, which was published in 1937, has to read in the context of the writer’s artistic and ideological evolution, marked by his novel cycle, The Life of his Mikołaj Srebrempisany (1927-1935), in particular Mares (1935), as well as the later The Dead Sea (1939). Close attention should also be paid to the autobiographical aspects of all his fictions. The same is true of Motors, the origin of which is deeply rooted in the writer’s biography. How should we read and interpret the novel today? Should we treat it as erotic fiction? Or focus primarily on the main character’s three types of utopian thinking, the utopia of sex, art and left-wing political activism? It seems that the latter approach may well restore to us and reveal a fresh relevance of a book often regarded as a product of a long gone epoch
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Reed, Arden. "Ad Reinhardt’s “Black” Paintings." Religion and the Arts 19, no. 3 (2015): 214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-01903002.
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By education and inclination, Ad Reinhardt (1913–1967) was a politically engaged artist. His gifts suited him well for producing cartoons and collages in left-wing publications. But could he integrate his abstract, avant-garde painting with his activism? The solution came largely through his readings and lifelong friendship with Trappist monk Thomas Merton. Reinhardt’s famous “black” paintings embody negation theology—defining the deity by what it is not. Further, because these paintings require several minutes of intense looking simply to grasp, they exemplify what I call “slow art,” which recreates in a secular idiom the conditions for rumination common to spiritual practices. To jettison the ecclesiastical was not, for Reinhardt, to abandon the spiritual: Merton described his own “black” painting as “a very ‘holy’ picture … an ‘image’ without features to accustom the mind … to the night of prayer and … set aside trivial and useless images that wander into prayer and spoil it.”
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Scherbinina, Olga I. "Northern Cheyenne Exodus and Negroes Lynching: Historical Novels of Howard Fast in the USSR." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 26, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2021-26-2-217-226.
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The article deals with the historical novels reception of Howard Fast (a writer who was extremely popular in the 1950s, though he is almost forgotten now) in the Soviet Union. Once a USA Communist Party member loyal to the USSR, he became a fierce opponent of Soviet communism. The analysis of the American context uncovers the reasons why the author of left-wing beliefs turned to the genre of a historical novel and peculiarities of the literary market he faced. A close study of Soviet reviews demonstrates that the novels The Last Frontier and The Freedom Road were perceived by Soviet literary critics as Fasts protest against racial discrimination and growing right-wing sentiment. These problems were a matter of urgency against the background of the McCarthy campaign, which Fast fell victim to in 1947. His novel The Freedom Road was put on the stage in Moscow theaters. According to Soviet reviewers, the absence of decadent primitivism set Fast apart from other once-friendly Soviet writers such as Richard Wright and Claude McKay. Within this tradition of exoticism criticism, dating back to the 1920s and 1930s, novels about distant lands were highly appreciated only when ethnographic descriptions were used for consistent social criticism. Being a committed supporter of the concept art as a weapon developed in the Soviet Union, Fast perceived exaggerated exoticism, top-heavy descriptions of historical novels as a sign of escapist literature that ignores the method of dialectical materialism.
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Albinati, Clara. "CEMFLORES: POÉTICAS POLÍTICAS EM BELO HORIZONTE NOS ANOS OITENTA / Cemflores: political poetics in Belo Horizonte in the eighties." arte e ensaios 26, no. 39 (August 15, 2020): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37235/ae.n39.12.
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O artigo traça uma trajetória do grupo Cemflores, a partir do contato crítico-afetivo com o arquivo do poeta Marcelo Dolabela, quem guardou por mais de quarenta anos os restos dessa memória. Formado por “trabalhadores em arte”, como se denominaram, Cemflores surge no seio do Movimento Estudantil – quase todos seus integrantes eram estudantes da UFMG – e atuou no cenário da contracultura em Belo Horizonte, nos anos oitenta, período marcado pelo processo de redemocratização. Buscaram repensar a práxis das esquerdas, através da realização de ações poéticas. Publicam revistas e dezenas de livrinhos em mimeógrafo, distribuem poesia em greves e atos pela anistia, realizam recitais, exposições de arte postal e experiências sonoras que culminam na criação das bandas de estilo pós-punk Sexo Explícito, Divergência Socialista e O Último Número.Palavras-chave: Cemflores; Marcelo Dolabela; Arte e política; Poesia marginal; Arte postal.AbstractThe article traces the Cemflores group’s path, based on the critical-affective contact with the poet Marcelo Dolabela’s archive, who kept the remains of that memory for more than forty years. Formed by, as they called themselves, “workers in art”, Cemflores appears within the Student Movement and they acted in the counterculture scenario in Belo Horizonte, in the 1980s, a period marked by the process of Brazil’s redemocratization. They sought to rethink the praxis of the left-wing tendencies, through the performance of poetic actions. They published magazines and dozens of booklets made in mimeograph, distributed poetry in strikes and acts for Amnesty, held recitals, mail art exhibitions and sound experiences that culminated in the creation of the post-punk style bands Sexo Explícito, Divergência Socialista and O Último Número.Keywords: Cemflores; Marcelo Dolabela; Art and politics; Marginal poetry; Mail art.
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Phipps, Alison M. "Risking Everything: Political Theatre for Mass Audiences in Rural Germany." New Theatre Quarterly 15, no. 2 (May 1999): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0001280x.
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In the south-west German village of Hayingen, the playwright-director Martin Schleker presents large open-air productions of politically sensitive yet entertaining plays to mass audiences on an annual basis. This article explores the element of risk in Schleker's work: his use of purely amateur performers; his job-creation schemes for young people; and his left-wing and often anti-Catholic stance on issues such as racism and nuclear arms before often deeply conservative, culturally Catholic audiences. Schleker's work is situated in the wider context of the state-funded, civic theatres in Germany, and of the tradition of open-air ‘Naturtheater’ which is particularly strong in the Swabian region. Some assumptions surrounding such binary divides as amateur-professional and high art-entertainment are also explored. Data for this article was collected in the Hayingen ‘Naturtheater’ during a period of ethnographic research supported by the Leverhulme Trust. Having completed her doctorate at Sheffield University, Alison Phipps has been working as a lecturer in the Department of German – and in particular in the Centre for Intercultural Germanistics – at Glasgow University since October 1995. She has published in the areas of her research interests, which include contemporary German theatre and performance research, Ethnographic approaches to language education, and popular German culture and intercultural studies.
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Koutsourakis, Angelos. "Militant Ethics." Cultural Politics 16, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 281–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-8593494.
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The publication of Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s play Der Müll, die Stadt und der Tod (Garbage, the City, and Death; 1976) constitutes one of the major scandals in German cultural history. The play was accused of being anti-Semitic, because one of its key characters, a real estate speculator, was merely called the Rich Jew. Furthermore, some (negative) dramatis personae in the play openly express anti-Semitic views. When asked to respond, Fassbinder retorted that philo-Semites (in the West Germany of the time) are in fact anti-Semites, because they refuse to see how the victims of oppression can at times assume the roles and positions assigned to them by pernicious social structures. Fassbinder’s vilification on the part of the right-wing press prevented the play’s staging; subsequently, in 1984 and 1985–86 two Frankfurt productions were banned due to the reaction on the part of the local Jewish community. A similar controversy sparked off by the film adaptation of the play Shadow of Angels by Daniel Schmid. During the film’s screening at the Cannes Film Festival the Israeli delegation walked out, while there was also rumor of censorship in France. Gilles Deleuze wrote an article for Le Monde titled “The Rich Jew” defending the film and the director. Deleuze’s article triggered a furious reaction from Shoah (1985) director, Claude Lanzmann, who responded in Le Monde and attacked the cultural snobbery and “endemic terrorism” of the left-wing cinephile community. Lanzmann saw the film as wholly anti-Semitic and suggested that it identifies the Jew—all Jews—with money. While the author acknowledges the complexity of the subject, he revisits the debate and the film to unpack its ethical/aesthetic intricacy and propose a pathway that can potentially enable us to think of ways that political incorrectness can function as a means of exposing the persistence of historical and ethical questions that are ostentatiously resolved. He does this by drawing on Alain Badiou’s idea of militant ethics and Jacques Rancière’s redefinition of critical art as one that produces dissensus.
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Ryczkowska, Marta Aleksandra. "Redefinicja sztuki i nowe media – Fluxus." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio L – Artes 15, no. 2 (September 19, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/l.2017.15.2.49.
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<p>Esej jest próbą spojrzenia na grupę Fluxus jako na zjawisko, które w znaczny sposób wpłynęło na kulturę współczesną dzięki nieszablonowemu podejściu do aktywności artystycznej oraz płynnym przekraczaniu granic pomiędzy różnymi dyscyplinami sztuki a życiem. Głównym przedmiotem zainteresowania w obrębie Fluxusu jest redefinicja sztuki oraz czerpanie z technologii audiowizualnych, które przyczyniło się do rozwoju sztuki nowych mediów. W tym celu przywołany zostaje jeden z głównych reprezentantów i prekursorów wideo art Nam June Paik, amerykański artysta pochodzenia koreańskiego, który działał w kolektywie oraz tworzył indywidualnie. We wprowadzeniu do rozważań o Fluxusie nakreślony został kontekst historyczny, wskazujący na tendencje i okoliczności towarzyszące powstaniu grupy. Przy przywołaniu najważniejszych artystów i ich około-artystycznych aktywności szczególny akcent zostaje położony na postać George’a Maciunasa oraz na lewicowe wpływy, jakim ulegał konstruując program Fluxusu. Kolejnym punktem rozważań jest analiza zjawiska pod kątem wyjaśnienia jego podstawowych założeń i ich realizacji, aktualności postulatów w czasach współczesnych oraz dziedzictwa. Finalnym i kluczowym elementem tekstu jest przywołanie lat 60. Jako złotej dekady technologicznych eksperymentów, na tle której Nam June Paik ukazał się jako niezwykle kreatywny wizjoner i inicjator procesów, związanych z rozwojem sztuki nowych mediów.</p><p> </p><strong>The art redefinition and new media – Fluxus</strong><p>SUMMARY</p><p>The present essay seeks to look at the Fluxus group as a phenomenon that largely influenced contemporary culture owing to an unconventional approach to artistic activity and the smooth crossing of boundaries between different art disciplines and life. The main subject of interest within Fluxus was to redefine art and draw on audiovisual technologies, which contributed to the development of the art of new media. For this purpose, the text refers to one of the main representatives and predecessors of video art, Nam June Paik, a Korean-born American artist, who worked creatively both in a team as well as individually. The introduction to the considerations on Fluxus outlines the historical context showing the tendencies and circumstances of the origin of the group. When referring to the most important artists and their accompanying artistic activities, special emphasis was laid on the figure of George Maciunas and the left-wing influences to which he yielded while he constructed the Fluxus program. The next point of presentation is the analysis of the phenomenon from the perspective of explaining its fundamental assumptions and their implementation, the relevance of the Fluxus postulates in the contemporary period and its heritage. The final and key element of the text is the reference to the nineteensixties as a golden decade of technological experiments, in whose context Nam June Paik appeared as an extremely creative visionary and initiator of processes associated with the development of art of new media.</p>
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Lubytė, Elona. "MENAS VIEŠOSIOSE MIESTO ERDVĖSE: KŪRĖJO, UŽSAKOVO IR PUBLIKOS VERTYBIŲ SANDRAUGOS KLAUSIMAS." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 35, no. 1 (March 31, 2011): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/tpa.2011.05.
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Public urban spaces reflect the values of society (authors, customers and the public). During transition from the soviet state-planned economy towards market-driven relations, or, in other words, moving from the politically-determined way towards a democratic variety of creative expression, a system of centralized state contracts is being substituted by a more liberal way of contracting works of art in public spaces. As a consequence, nowadays a public urban space should turn into a platform for representation of various artistic programs that are based on different world outlook values. However, in so far, relations between the authors of various artistic programs, their contracting authorities, and the public are undergoing rather the stage of “cold war” than democratic tolerance (those who are not with us are against us). While examining the reasons of this phenomenon by research methodologies of social sciences (marketing, management), including PEST, SWOT, case analyses, the paper discusses links of the world outlook values of the author, customer and the public with expression of the contemporary sculpture in public urban spaces (starting with monumental representation and moving towards the site-specific art objects and socially engaged art). To this end, the focus is turned to the reasons of contradictions between values in various contemporary artistic programs and partnership patterns (post-soviet, liberal, new left-wing, learning from Las Vegas, political appropriation). Santrauka Viešosios miesto erdvės atspindi vertybines visuomenės (kūrėjo, užsakovo ir publikos) nuostatas. Pereinant iš sovietmečio planinės ekonomikos į rinkos santykius, nuo politiškai reglamentuotos link demokratinės kūrybinės raiškos įvairovės, centralizuotą valstybinių užsakymų sistemą keičia liberalesnė meno kūrinių viešosiose erdvėse užsakymo sistema. Todėl šiandien viešoji miesto erdvė turėtų tapti skirtingų pasaulėžiūrinių vertybinių meninių programų pateikimo platforma. Tačiau kol kas santykiams tarp skirtingų meninių programų kūrėjų, užsakovų ir publikos būdinga ne demokratinė tolerancija, o šaltojo karo (kas ne su mumis, tas prieš mus, t. y. mūsų priešas) pozicija. Ieškant šio reiškinio priežasčių, pasitelkus socialinių mokslų (vadybos, marketingo) tyrimų metodus (PEST, SSGG, stebėjimą ir atvejų analizę), pranešime aptariamos kūrėjo, užsakovo ir publikos pasaulėžiūrinių vertybių sąsajos su šiuolaikinės skulptūros viešosiose miesto erdvėse raiška (nuo monumentalios reprezentacijos link skirtų konkrečiai vietai meno objektų (site-specific art object) ir socialiai angažuotos (socially engaged) kūrybos). Tuo tikslu sutelkiamas dėmesys į skirtingų nūdienos meninių programų ir partnerystės modelių (jie yra tokie: posovietinis, liberalus, naujosios kairės, mokymosi iš Las Vegaso, politinės apropriacijos) vertybių prieštarų priežastis.
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Gough, Maria. "Model Exhibition." October 150 (October 2014): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00198.
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Despite the fact that it was never realized at full scale, Vladimir Tatlin's long-lost model for his Monument to the Third International (1920) remains to this day the most widely known work of the Soviet avant-garde. A visionary proposal for a four-hundred-meter tower in iron and glass conceived at the height of the Russian Civil War, the monument was to house the headquarters of the Third International, or Comintern, the international organization of Communist, socialist, and other left-wing parties and workers' organizations founded in Moscow in the wake of the October Revolution with the objective of fomenting revolutionary agitation abroad. Constructed in his spacious Petrograd studio, which was once the mosaics workshop of the imperial Academy of Art, Tatlin's approximately 1:80 scale model comprises a skeletal wooden armature of two upward-moving spirals and a massive diagonal girder, within which are stacked four revolving geometrical volumes made out of paper, these last set in motion by means of a rotary crank located underneath the display platform. In the proposed monument-building, these volumes were to contain the Comintern's legislature, executive branch, press bureau, and radio station. According to the later recollection of Tevel' Schapiro, who assisted Tatlin in his construction of the model, two large arch spans at ground level were designed so that the tower could straddle the banks of the river Neva in Petrograd, the birthplace of the 1917 revolutions.
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Tibbe, Lieske. "ARTISTIEKE VERSUS POLITIEKE AVANT-GARDE." De Moderne Tijd 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2018.1.004.tibb.
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ARTISTIC VERSUS POLITICAL AVANT-GARDISM: THE VISUAL ARTS IN AND AROUND THE MAGAZINE ‘NIEUW RUSLAND’/‘CULTUUR DER U.D.S.S.R.’ (NEW RUSSIA/CULTURE OF THE USSR), 1928-1934 This article concentrates on the position of the visual arts in Russia as presented in Nieuw Rusland (New Russia), organ of the Netherlands – New Russia Society. This Society was initiated by VOKS, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, established to coordinate international cultural contacts with artists and intellectuals in other countries in order to help lending the Soviet Union a positive and civilised image. The Netherlands – New Russia Society was suspected to be a communist umbrella organization, and indeed some of its members were moles. At the time, visual arts in Russia were in transition: the abstract avant-gardism of the first years after the Revolution was making way for moderately modern, figurative, and politically engaged painting. Easel painting in general had to yield to the graphic arts, photography and composite picture, especially as applied in posters, children’s books and magazines. Dutch editors of Nieuw Rusland had to communicate and explain or soften the often staunch political art theories of their Russian authors. From around 1932, Nieuw Rusland made a change of course from cultural information towards explicit political propaganda. In combination with a ban on membership of left-wing organizations for all public servants, this meant the end of the magazine.
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Cvitković, Ivan. "RELIGION IN DEBATES ABOUT THE EUROPEAN IDENTITY." Zbornik radova 17, no. 17 (December 15, 2018): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.2637-1480.2019.17.27.
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A short reflection on the books and publications in which I have already written about religious identities in Europe is presented in the introduction. A situation with religious identities varies from one society to another, from one continent to the other. There are three types of religious identity that dominate in Europe (church, churchless and “distanced“). Have religious identities or their “folklore” aspect become stronger in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the 1990s? Then I come back to the very term and type of identity (acquired, chosen etc.) and their basic sociological characteristics. The importance of self-identification and others’ perception of our identity is discussed. Considering the multiplicity of human identities, there will be elaboration of the place of religion among multiple identities. In what social conditions does religious identity gain significance? What is the correlation between religious identity and family, national and professional identities? What happens if the religious identity is rejected? There will be some elaboration also of the place and the role of religious symbols in identities. What kind of social "game" can these symbols play? The examples of conflicts over religious symbols are provided. In particular, migrations and the religious identity of Europe will be discussed. Migrations lead to establishing more regular contacts between different religious identities. Who does not understand whom: is it that the domicile population does not understand migrants or vice versa? Is the migrants' arrival experienced more as an encounter of different religious cultures than as an encounter of different religious identities? Is the relation of those with the Christian and those with the Muslim identity in fact the central issue in all this matter? Approaching migrants as a "threat" to the "Christian European identity". Who is bothered by the plurality of religious identities in Europe? Above all, conservative consciousness, then right-wing politics growing stronger in Europe and inciting hatred towards the non-Christian, especially towards the Muslim identity. The inability of the left-wing to develop a different, more tolerant model towards migrants. Does this mean that the position of the minority in Europe will become more difficult? Something about the sacrilege and the ways in which it is demonstrated in Europe and in our region. The religious identity in the creeps of criticism and art. How far does the freedom of artistic provocations go? The conclusion will be about whether religious identities lead to their separation from others. How to talk about religious identity of "the other" from the standpoint of a personal worldview and religious identity in a society with multiple religious identities? Are we confident that identity problems will not cause further conflicts and instability in European societies?
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STEVENSON, PAUL. "Class and left-wing radicalism." Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 14, no. 3 (July 14, 2008): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1977.tb00350.x.
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Sutton, Paul. "‘Say Something Left-Wing!’ Nanni Moretti'sIl Caimano." Studies in European Cinema 6, no. 2&3 (December 2009): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/seci.6.2-3.141/1.
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Siromskyi, Ruslan. "Cultural exchange between Canada and Ukrainian SSR as an tool of Soviet propaganda." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.8.
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The aim of the research is to analyze peculiarities of cultural exchange between Canada and the Ukrainian SSR in the 1960s and 1980s, which took place during the Cold War. The research methodology is defined by an interdisciplinary approach (history, culture, foreign relations) and is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, first of all, retrospection and historical comparison. The scientific novelty of the research is that on the basis of archival materials determined the forms and content of cultural exchange between the Ukrainian SSR and Canada, in particular its propaganda content. The Conclusions. During the Cold War the cultural sphere became an arena of confrontation, and art (or what was meant by it) became part of ideological propaganda campaigns. Cultural exchange was seen by the Soviets as a way of representing «achievements of socialist culture» to Canadian Ukrainians and as an effective propaganda tool. Formally, on the Soviet side, cultural exchanges were carried out by specially created organizations, which, however, were managed and financed through the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the International Department of the Committee of State Security (KGB). The request to maintain cultural ties with the Ukrainian SSR in Canada was largely due to the desire of the Ukrainian community overseas to maintain spiritual ties with the Motherland. Different approaches to the interpretation of cult exchange – from approval to complete denial – have provoked a lively discussion in the diaspora. Adherents of cultural programs from the Ukrainian SSR were Canadian left-wing organizations, such as the Association of United Ukrainian Canadians. The League of Liberation of Ukraine was a categorical opponent of the cultural exchange, whose representatives saw in the artists from the USSR Soviet emissaries called to «destroy» the Ukrainian community in Canada. Organizations within the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC) condemned cultural exchange as a one-sided tool of Soviet propaganda, but viewed cultural ties as a way to influence Soviet artists. Because of one-sided Soviet cultural infiltration, on several occasions the UCC voiced its protest against Canada’s cultural exchanges with this country. Ukrainian Canadian artists, choirs and dance ensembles are not permitted to perform in Ukraine unless they were politically acceptable to the Soviet authorities.
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Juan Pablo Angelone, Juan Pablo. "ENTRE DOS DEMONIOS Y TRES VIOLENCIAS: LA ADMINISTRACIÓN ALFONSÍN Y LOS SENTIDOS DE LA MEMORIA DEL TERRORISMO DE ESTADO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORÁNEA." Revista Latinoamericana de Derechos Humanos 26, no. 2 (May 19, 2016): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rldh.26-2.5.
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Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial. Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism.
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Hopmann, David Nicolas, Christian Elmelund-Præstekær, and Klaus Levinsen. "Journalism students: Left-wing and politically motivated?" Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 11, no. 6 (December 2010): 661–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884910379706.
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Bernardi, Luca, and James Adams. "Does Government Support Respond to Governments’ Social Welfare Rhetoric or their Spending? An Analysis of Government Support in Britain, Spain and the United States." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 4 (November 8, 2017): 1407–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000199.
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Issue ownership theory posits that when social welfare is electorally salient, left-wing parties gain public support by rhetorically emphasizing social welfare issues. There is less research, however, on whether left-wing governing parties benefit from increasing social welfare spending. That is, it is not known whether leftist governments gain from acting on the issues they rhetorically emphasize. This article presents arguments that voters will not react to governments’ social welfare rhetoric, and reviews the conflicting arguments about how government support responds to social welfare spending. It then reports time-series, cross-sectional analyses of data on government support, governments’ social welfare rhetoric and social welfare spending from Britain, Spain and the United States, that support the prediction that government rhetoric has no effects. The article estimates, however, that increased social welfare spending sharply depresses support for both left- and right-wing governments. These findings highlight a strategic dilemma for left-wing governments, which lose public support when they act on their social welfare rhetoric by increasing welfare spending.
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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.
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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.
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Dunaway, David King, Ronald Cohen, Dave Samuelson, and Richard Weize. "Folk-Topical Recordings and American Left-Wing Politics." Journal of American Folklore 110, no. 438 (1997): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541668.
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Madariaga, Aldo, and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser. "Right-Wing Moderation, Left-Wing Inertia and Political Cartelisation in Post-Transition Chile." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 343–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19000932.
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AbstractBy examining the Manifesto Project data for post-transition Chile, we show growing convergence in the electoral competition strategies between the centre-left and centre-right coalitions. While the former is characterised by inertia, the latter is marked by gradual yet relentless programmatic moderation. To interpret these results, we rely not only on theories of salience and party adaptation, but also on the cartel party thesis. This contribution reinforces the findings of increasing literature on post-transition Chile that reveals growing collusion between the mainstream left-wing and right-wing coalitions, which have increasing difficulties channelling demands emanating from below and therefore providing adequate political representation.
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Kostiuk, Rouslan. "Left socialists in contemporary Latin America: ideology and politics." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 10 (2021): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0016572-8.
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This scientific article is devoted to the phenomenon of left-wing socialists in modern Latin America. The article shows the continuity of the left-wing socialist ideology and at the same time highlights the elements of its novelty. The author turns to plots related to the historical aspects of the activities of radical socialists in Latin America. The author examines the various forms of organized activities of radical socialists, pointing as examples of the functioning of the independent left-wings socialist parties ant the participation of left socialists in Latin American countries in broader political projects. An important place is given to the consideration of the left socialist proposals for politico-institutional and socio-economic areas. Here analysis confirms that today the radical socialists continue to be in the political area between the radical left and social reformism. The author comes to the conclusion that the left socialists actively advocate strengthening the unity of the left forces both in Latin America as a whole and at the national level.
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Bunina, A. "The evolution of right-wing radicalism in the United States during the Trump era." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 60–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-60-88.
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The article examines the evolution of right-wing radicalism and extremism in the United States during the period from 2015 to January 2021 and their destructive impact on elections and power transit. The main drivers of radicalization are explored, with special attention paid to the role of conspiracy theories, in particular the QAnon phenomenon. The article analyzes how the Internet in general and social networks in particular created echo chambers and accelerated the spread of radical ideas. Distinctions are made between the more traditional forms of radicalism and the new generation of radicals (that flourished under the Donald Trump administration). Righ-wing radicalism of the new generation is dominated by cultural libertarianism, comprised of “alt-right” and “alt-light” movements, antagonistic towards left-wing radicalism. While the Trump administration underplayed the rise in right-wing extremism, it considerably overstated the threat of left-wing radicalism. Special attention is paid to thе role of the media, including its growing lack of neutrality and emergence of the ecosphere for conservative viewers where fakes and conspiracy mindsets thrive. Anti-democratic behavior of the president and the Republican Party are explored, including deliberate misleading of voters and denial of the presidential election results. The storming of the Capitol on January 6, 2021 is interpreted as a natural progression of the above-mentioned trends. In conclusion, the forecast of future trends is made. These trends include persistence of populist sentiments, the increasing role of the alt-right, persistence of street violence, and the growing acceptance of anti-democratic behavior. All of this presents a serious challenge not only for the Republican Party, but also for the U.S. political institutions in general.
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Gann, Lewis H. "German Unification and the Left-Wing Intelligentsia: A Response." German Studies Review 15, no. 1 (February 1992): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430033.
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Fernandes, José Carlos, and Agnes Do Amaral. "Grafipar Edições: uma reação erótica à ditadura militar." Revista Internacional de Folkcomunicação 19, no. 42 (July 2, 2021): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/rif.v.19.i42.0009.
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Durante a primeira década da ditadura-civil militar, uma editora curitibana – a Grafipar –, de propriedade de uma família muçulmana, deixa de publicar livros de história e atlas e passa a investir no ramo de “revistas adultas”. Torna-se um polo nacional do gênero, chegando ao ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 milhão de exemplares mês e 1,5 mil cartas/mês de leitores. Entre seus colaboradores, jornalistas malvistos pelo regime e intelectuais à esquerda, como os poetas Paulo Leminski e Alice Ruiz. Em meio aos então chamados “nus artísticos”, uma pequena de rede de intelectuais, de forma anônima, orientava a redação, num claro combate ao obscurantismo. Este artigo explora a resistência jornalística e intelectual disfarçada no conteúdo erótico. E o “lugar difícil” da qualificação desse material, que ficou à margem da chamada imprensa alternativa.
Imprensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento.
During the first decade of brazilian military dictatorship, a publishing house from Curitiba - Grafipar -, owned by a muslim family, stopped publishing history books and atlas and started to invest in adult themed magazines. Grafipar became a renowned publisher of this genre, reaching the peak of 49 titles, 1.5 million copies per month and 1.5 thousand letters from readers per month. Among the contributors were journalists that were frowned upon by the military regime and left-wing intellectuals, such as the poets Paulo Leminski and Alice Ruiz. Amid the “nude art”, a small net of intellectuals, anonymously, guided the editorial, in a clear fight against obscurantism. This article explores the journalistic and intellectual resistance disguised as erotic content and the difficulty to qualify this material, which were on the sidelines of the so called alternative press.
Alternativa press; erotic magazines; behavior.
Durante la primera década de la dictadura civil militar, una editora curitibana - la Grafipar -, de propriedad de una familia muzulmana, deja de publicar libros de história y atlas y comienza a invertir en el ramo de las "revistas adultas". Volviendose un polo nacional del género, llegando al ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 millones de ejemplares al mes y 1,5 mil cartas/mes de lectores. Entre sus contribuyentes, periodistas malvistos por el régimen e intelectuales de izquierda, como los poetas Paulo Leminski y Alice Ruiz. En médio a los llamados desnudos artísticos, una pequeña red de intelectuales, de forma anónima, guiaba la redacción, en un claro combate al oscurantismo. Este artículo explora la resistencia periodística e intelectual disfrazada en el contenido erótico. Y el "lugar difícil" de la calificación de ese material, que quedó al margen de la llamada prensa alternativa.
Prensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento.
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Zhiyu, Li, and Morgan Rocks. "The Sinosphere left looks at rising China: Missed dialogues and the search for an ‘Asian perspective’." China Information 32, no. 2 (April 23, 2018): 336–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18769774.
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Contemporary left-wing debate in the Sinosphere, here limited to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong, and Taiwan, is often fuelled by the political, economic, and social implications of the PRC’s rise as a world power. While agreeing upon basic premises of anti-imperialism and anti-capitalism, left-wing intellectuals in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan come to loggerheads over critiquing how China’s rise influences its leftist identity. In the past few years we have witnessed a series of fractured and one-sided arguments among Sinosphere left-wing intellectuals. As part of the research dialogues on mapping the intellectual public sphere in China today, this article examines the cacophony of the Sinosphere leftist echo chamber, starting from contentious debates over the leftist nature of Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement and Taiwan’s Sunflower Movement, and then focusing on voices that are attempting to bring together left-wing traditions from the PRC, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Scholars such as He Zhaotian, Chen Kuan-Hsing, and Sun Ge are exploring possibilities of de-imperialization, decolonization, and de-Cold War-ization, in the hopes of creating a shared, emancipatory ‘Asian perspective’. Though few in number, these voices demonstrate a growing utopian urge within the Sinosphere left to participate in mutual dialogues on possible futures.
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Bar-On, Tamir. "The Alt-Right’s continuation of the ‘cultural war’ in Euro-American societies." Thesis Eleven 163, no. 1 (April 2021): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211005988.
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In this paper, I argue that the Alt-Right needs to be taken seriously by the liberal establishment, the general public, and leftist cultural elites for five main reasons: 1) its ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ borrows from the French New Right ( Nouvelle Droite – ND) and the French and pan-European Identitarian movement. This means that it is engaged in the continuation of a larger Euro-American metapolitical struggle to change hearts and minds on issues related to white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racialism; 2) it is indebted to the metapolitical evolution of sectors of the violent neo-Nazi and earlier white nationalist movements in the USA; 3) this metapolitical orientation uses the mass media, the internet, and social media in general to reach and influence the masses of Americans; 4) the ‘cultural war’ means that the Alt-Right’s spokesman Richard Spencer, French ND leader Alain de Benoist, and other intellectuals see themselves as a type of Leninist vanguard on the radical right, which borrows from left-wing authors such as Antonio Gramsci and their positions in order to win the metapolitical struggle against ‘dominant’ liberal and left-wing political and cultural elites; and 5) this ‘cultural war’ is intellectually and philosophically sophisticated because it understands the crucial role of culture in destabilizing liberal society and makes use of important philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Carl Schmitt, Julius Evola and others in order to give credence to its revolutionary, racialist, and anti-liberal ideals.
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Givoni, Michal. "Indifference and repetition: occupation testimonies and left-wing despair." Cultural Studies 33, no. 4 (July 26, 2018): 595–631. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2018.1502334.
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Pfanner, Helmut, and Seth Taylor. "Left-Wing Nietzscheans: The Politics of German Expressionism 1910-1920." German Studies Review 15, no. 3 (October 1992): 619. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430406.
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Pentony, Joseph F., Karen S. E. Petersen, Olivia Philips, Clare Leong, Paula Harper, Alicia Bakowski, Sarah Steward, and Rhonda Gonzales. "A Comparison of Authoritarianism in the United States, England, and Hungary with Selected Nonrandom Samples." European Psychologist 5, no. 4 (December 2000): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1016-9040.5.4.259.
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It has been suggested that there is no such thing as a left-wing authoritarian, and that authoritarian attitudes do not correlate with authoritarian behaviors. Studies were done in the United States, England, and Hungary in order to obtain cross-cultural empirical data on these questions. An additional goal of the research was to use common measures across samples, which had not occurred in previous studies where comparisons were drawn. Left-wing authoritarians were not found in the United States or England, but were found in Hungary. An authoritarian attitude did not correlate positively with authoritarian behavior in any of the countries.
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Stel, Mariëlle, and Fieke Harinck. "Being Mimicked Makes You a Prosocial Voter." Experimental Psychology 58, no. 1 (May 1, 2011): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1618-3169/a000070.
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People’s voting behavior has a great impact on the political road that is taken in our countries. The current research shows that mimicry, the imitation of nonverbal behavior, unconsciously affects our political voting behavior. Earlier research has shown that mimicry enhances prosocial thoughts and behaviors. As prosocial people are expected to be more attracted to left-wing parties, it was predicted that mimicry affects people’s voting behavior. As expected, mimickees voted more often for left-wing than for right-wing parties than nonmimickees. This effect was due to a shift in mimickees’ view of themselves as being more related to others. Thus, mimicry does more than making people more prosocial, it even affects their political decisions.
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Vasilenko, Yuri. "Carlism Berween Liberalism and Right-Wing Conservatism. The Case of Juan III (1861–1868)." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics V, no. 2 (July 11, 2021): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2021-2-191-209.
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The article is dedicated to Juan III (1822–1887), the Carlist pretender to the Spanish throne in 1861-1868, who opposed himself to the Carlist «mainstream» by expanding the ideological framework of this movement to the left up to liberalism. As a liberal, Juan III becomes an exponent of the trend (left-wing bias within Carlist conservatism) which originates from Carlist general R. Maroto Yserns` activities who signed in 1839 the peace of Vergara with the Isabelites and expresses in Carlos VI`s attempts to find an agreement between the two branches of the Spanish Bourbons in the form of a dynastic marriage with Isabel II. The article analyzes the failures of Juan III as a political practitioner who sought to combine in his activities the desire to integrate himself into the New — liberal-bourgeois — Order (but for that it was necessary to find agreement with the liberal-conservative wing of the «moderados» on the right and the progressives on the left) and to remain at the head of the Carlist «mainstream» which stood on the positions of right-wing conservatism. To identify the contradictions between such incompatible intentions, Juan III's views are contrasted with — the second wife of Carlos V — Maria Teresa, Princess de Beira`s ideas who expressed the interests of the Carlist «mainstream» on the eve of the liberal-bourgeois revolution of 1868-1974 and the third Carlist war. It is shown that the figure of Juan III — for all its irrelevance in the socio-political conditions of Spain in the XIX century — becomes a kind of herald for the modern leaders of Carlism (traditionalist and liberal conservative ones) who live and act separately from the currently marginal “right-wing faction” of Carlism which still stands on the positions of right-wing conservatism.
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Al-Adwan, Abdalhaleem. "Pluralism and Political Participation of Left-Wing Parties in Jordan." Asian Social Science 17, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n1p77.
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The left-wing that includes the nationalist, communist, and Ba'athist parties arose in Jordan with the beginning of the kingdom's independence. Its role in opposing the regime doubled after the unity of the two banks and the integration of the Jordanian left-wing with the Palestinian left-wing, participated with other right and middle currents in all stages of participation in parliamentary and pluralistic elections and the formation of the first pluralist democratic government in 1956, which lasted for less than one year and was the reason for its termination after the relationship with the government system worsened. This trend resorted to clandestine work after the dissolution of the government and the parties until 1989, the regime's transition to democratic pluralism, where it participated in multi-party elections with other party currents, calling for the promotion of the values of pluralism, political participation, and the transfer of power. However, it lacked its application in its internal system.