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Journal articles on the topic 'Left-wing movements'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Xing, Fan. "BRAZILIAN LEFT-WING LITERATURE." Revista Brasileira de Literatura Comparada 22, no. 41 (2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2596-304x20202241fx.

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Abstract: The rise and development of Left-wing literature in Brazil is closely connected to the obstacles and dilemmas encountered during the evolution of its nation, and it is also inseparable from international political movements and intellectual trends. From the abolishment of slavery and collapse of empire in the nineteenth century, to the establishment and return of dictatorship in the 30s and 60s of the twentieth century, at every moment of crisis, Brazilian left-wing literature always played a seminal role. While criticizing social injustices, it also invigorates the development of mo

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Hanagan, Michael. "A Return to Liberalism in Labor History?" International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010826.

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Ira Katznelson's paper should be welcomed because it contributes to an urgently needed debate. One of the less-noted consequences of the breakup of the social movements of the sixties and seventies and of the disintegration of “Old Left” organizations has been the disappearance of relevant forums for discussing the overall direction of left-wing politics.The collapse and shattering of the left-wing movement of the sixties and early seventies and its dispersion into pockets of isolated separate issues and ad hoc social movements has reached such a state that it threatens the Left's ability to d

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Këlliçi, Klejd, and Emira Danaj. "Radical Left in Albania and Kosovo: Differences and Similarities." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (2017): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0002.

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Abstract The main research question for this paper is: Are there radical left wing movements in Albania and Kosovo and what are their main traits? Through answering this question, we will explore the development (or lack thereof) of radical left wing movements. With radical left we intend movements that reject the underlying socio-economic structure of contemporary capitalism and its values and practices without opposing democracy. Through a thorough desk research and several interviews with experts and activists both in Albania and Kosovo, we look at the two case Political Opportunity Structu

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McClosky, Herbert, and Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.

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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States

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KUZNETSOVA, A. V. "RADICAL LEFT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS IN GREECE." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 5 (2020): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2020-15-5-167-181.

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The purpose of this article is to trace the development and interaction of protest movements and radical left parties in Greece in 2008-2019. The beginning of the 21st century was marked by an outburst of social protest actions in a number of Western European countries, on the background of which left-wing radical parties strengthened and achieved certain electoral successes. The Greek SYRIZA became a vivid example of such a successful development, confirming the relevance of the study of left-wing radical movements and parties. The research methodology is based on the analysis of the transfor

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Prokhorenko, I. L. "Left-wing populism in Spain." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 2 (2021): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-62-86.

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The paper examines formation, evolution and political perspectives of the Spanish radical left-wing populist party ‘We Can!’ (Podemos) in the face of growing support for populism in the the Southern European countries as well as in the European Union in general. The author identiﬁes the origins and country-speciﬁc characteristics of the left-wing populism in Spain and provides the general overview of trends in the country’s party system since the middle of the 2000s, including the growing axiological, generational, political and ideological cleavages in the Spanish divided society. Special att

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Kennedy, Peter. "‘Left wing’ supporter movements and the political economy of football." Soccer & Society 14, no. 2 (2013): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2013.776462.

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8

Fuchs, Christian. "Authoritarian capitalism, authoritarian movements and authoritarian communication." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 5 (2018): 779–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718772147.

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Paolo Gerbaudo’s book The Mask and the Flag: Populism, Citizenism and Global Protest, whose approach is reflected in his Crosscurrents piece in the issue of Media, Culture & Society at hand, is a response to these societal, political and academic challenges. This CrossCurrents comment asks, I ask, the following: Why is it that right-wing authoritarian populism in recent times has become much more popular than left-wing movements? How do right-wing authoritarian movements communicate? Why is it that right-wing political communication strategies seem to garner and result in mass support? The

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Pfau, H., and U. Koch. "THE FUNCTIONAL MORPHOLOGY OF SINGING IN THE CRICKET." Journal of Experimental Biology 195, no. 1 (1994): 147–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1242/jeb.195.1.147.

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We describe the functional morphology of the singing apparatus of the cricket. There are three main functional sections of song mechanics, which partly overlap: (1) preparation for singing (lifting of the wings) and the reverse process (lowering of the wings at the end of the song); (2) singing movements (closing and opening of the wings); and (3) movements that adjust the pressure of the plectrum on the file (engagement force). In the case of song preparation, the mesotergum + first axillaries + second axillaries + wings form a functional unit. This unit is moved around a transverse hinge axi

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Edwards, Philip. "Autonomia and the Political: An Italian Cycle of Contention, 1972–1979." Modern Italy 11, no. 3 (2006): 267–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600937046.

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Sidney Tarrow has identified a ‘cycle of contention’ taking place in Italy between 1966 and 1972; Tarrow characterises the left-wing terrorism of the late 1970s as an after-effect of this cycle. However, there was a second cycle of contention between 1972 and 1979, incorporating the left-wing ‘armed struggle’ milieu alongside a group of related mass movements (notably the ‘area of Autonomia’, the ‘movement of 1977’ and the ‘proletarian youth movement’). The second cycle, unlike the first, was met with repression, and with the exclusion of its ideological and tactical innovations from the polit

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Nicholson, Steve. "Theatrical Pageants in the Second World War." Theatre Research International 18, no. 3 (1993): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300017909.

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During the 1920s and 30s, several left-wing theatre movements developed in Britain, committed to creating a political discourse in venues and forms unknown within the existing cultural mainstream. Such organizations as The Workers′ Theatre Movement, Unity Theatre and Theatre of Action were all–to a greater or lesser extent–resolutely oppositional to the Establishment and outside the jurisdiction of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of censorship. In the early 40s the situation changed, as individuals and theatrical forms previously associated with the Left were adopted by the Establishment, most n

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Mariuzzo, Andrea. "Stalin and the dove: Left pacifist language and choices of expression between the Popular Front and the Korean War (1948–1953)." Modern Italy 15, no. 1 (2010): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903375373.

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The success of Italian movements opposing the war in Iraq during the period 2003–2005 has awakened historians’ interest in the historical features of left-wing pacifism in Italy. Some particularly noteworthy contributions have focused on the campaigns orchestrated around 1950 by the Italian Committee of the Partisans of Peace (the international movement financed and supported by the USSR and international communism against Western anti-Soviet rearmaments). After describing the principal features of existing research, this article focuses on the lexical and communicative aspect characterising l

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Deodhar, Bhakti. "Networks of the ‘Repugnant Other’: Understanding Right-wing Political Mobilization in Germany." Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 3, no. 3 (2020): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v3i3.518.

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Political scientists and sociologists have long been hesitant in applying frameworks from social movements studies to right-wing collective action. Generally developed for left-wing, progressive, egalitarian movements, concepts like rational mobilization, network analysis and micro-mobilizations are considered an awkward fit for analysis of right-wing political and social groups. This paper argues for the importance of such cross-over analysis on two levels. Methodologically, the paper demonstrates crucial importance of ethnographic fieldwork in study of political groups in order to understand

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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Leftturn of the peronism in the «long» 60's." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (2021): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-223-251.

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The Argentinian 60s of the ХХ century were a time of growing political tension and the emergence of new ideological and political movements that constituted the era of revolutionary activism and ideological search. The key actor in this process was left-wing Peronism, which experienced a sharp evolution in the direction of Marxism, new left ideological currents, and the anti-imperialist unity of the «Third world» countries during these years. The rapprochement of the Peronist left with Marxism in its classical (Soviet), Maoist, Gramscian and even Trotskyist versions gave rise to the emergence

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Candeias, Mario. "Die verbindende Partei im Praxis-Text." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 182 (2016): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i182.106.

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This article critically responds to Dario Azzelinis’ essay in PROKLA 181 and discusses new strategies to reorganize the relationship between left-wing political parties and social movements. It has always been a contested question how this relation should look like. Concepts about new types of party-movement relations like the Mosaic Left or the Connective Party try to rethink the tension theoretically while in practice, new developments in Greece and Spain seem to promise an important step towards building new connections. This article tries to analyze progress and problems, even failures, an

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Christensen, Ann-Dorte. "Resistance and Violence: Constructions of Masculinities in Radical Left-wing Movements in Denmark." NORMA 5, no. 02 (2011): 152–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1890-2146-2010-02-06.

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Bardin, A., and M. Sigachev. "The Green Discourse as a Type of New Left Populism." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 11 (2020): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-11-96-105.

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The article is devoted to comparative political analysis of environmentalist political parties and movements in the member states of the European Union. The authors study European greens with reference to the new wave of left-wing populism that originated in 2010s, and analyze the main reasons for the growing influence of ecological and left-populist parties and movements in European societies. Case studies of a number of EU member states demonstrate close and multidimensional interdependence between the green and populist discourses. The authors outline the key factors that determine this int

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Bracalente, Bruno, Davide Pellegrino, and Antonio Forcina. "Italy's disappearing ‘red regions’: a longitudinal analysis." Modern Italy 25, no. 3 (2020): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.29.

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Using an analysis of time series data over an extended period, this article describes the waning strength of the left-wing vote in Italy's ‘red regions’. By analysing changes to the provincial share of the vote for successive principal left-wing parties over the period 1953–2018, the degree of continuity in relation to the left's traditional territorial entrenchment is assessed. It becomes clear that after an extended period of minimal change, in more recent years there has been an increasing disruption of previous patterns. A thorough analysis of voter transitions during the 2001–19 period in

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Leo, Tobias. "Der Nazis neue Kleider: Die Vereinnahmung jugendlicher Subkulturen durch die extreme Rechte." historia.scribere, no. 8 (June 14, 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.8.486.

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Far right parties, organisations and movements try to usurpate youth subcultural movements. As a result, Skinheads are primarily xenophobic and racist thugs for the public and media, although this subculture in reality is very heterogeneous. But it is true that right-wing extremist Skinheads are a large part of it. Today the Autonomous Nationalists try to conquer and copy left subcultures, but much more subtle and on a broad social base. The focus of this work is the acquisition of the Skinhead subculture and the attempt to do the same at left movements by the extreme right. As an explanatory

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Gregory, James N. "Remapping the American Left." Labor 17, no. 2 (2020): 11–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8114733.

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Is the Left reemerging as a political force? If we are indeed seeing a new phase of American radicalism, it would not be the first time. Based on insights from the online Mapping American Social Movements Project, this essay reframes the history of American radicalism by paying close attention to the singular fact that for the last century the Left has consisted solely of shifting constellations of social movements without the anchoring presence of a competitive left-wing electoral party. As a result, the American Left has been uniquely unstable. Its organizations come and go, flourishing for

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Shaw, Vivian. "Strategies of Ambivalence." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (2020): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359482.

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Abstract In recent years, Japan has witnessed the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, a rise in racist hate speech, and the reinterpretation of the constitution to enable state militarization. In response to these crises, a segment of Japanese activists has adopted antifa to bolster their ongoing participation in antinuclear, antiracist, and antiwar social movements. This intervention focuses on what the author calls liberal antifa. Informed by its vexed relationships to the Japanese New Left, liberal antifa in Japan attempts to encompass a broad spectrum of political positions including liberal,

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Roth, Silke. "Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 2 (2018): 496–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418768828.

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Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movemen

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Díaz Pabón, Fabio Andrés. "Right-wing populism and the mainstreaming of protests: The case of Colombia." Revista Española de Sociología 29, no. 3 - Sup2 (2020): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22325/fes/res.2020.81.

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Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right-wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even some sectors within the security and armed forc

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Puerta, Aránzazu Calderón, and Tomasz Żukowski. "Bohaterki, bojowniczki, przegrane? Hiszpańskie narracje o kobietach zaangażowanych w ruchy lewicowe pierwszej połowy XX wieku." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 2 (June 30, 2014): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2013.011.

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Heroines, fighters or losers? Spanish narrations about women left-wing activists of the first half of the 20th centuryThe Spanish public discussion of the recent years has given rise to new ways of speaking about women in the times of the Second Republic and the Civil War. First, they emphasise the importance of women’s actions and show how women’s public activities change their aspirations, the perception of their own role and their self-esteem. In a word, they change the way they perceive themselves. Second, they show how different gender practices cause differences in the empowerment of mal

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Alexander, Jeffrey C. "The arc of civil liberation." Philosophy & Social Criticism 39, no. 4-5 (2013): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453713477349.

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Despite anxieties about the growing power of neo-liberalism, the crisis of the EU and the upsurge of right-wing political movements, it is important to recognize that utopian movements on the left have also in recent years been symbolically revitalized and organizationally sustained. This article analyses three recent social upheavals as utopian civil society movements, placing the 2008 US presidential campaign of Barack Obama, the Egyptian uprising in Tahrir Square and the Occupy Movement in the USA inside the narrative arc that began with the non-violent democratic uprisings against authorit

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Moghadam, Valentine M. "Gendering the New Right-wing Populisms: A Research Note." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 2 (2018): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.853.

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Populism has become the subject of a large and growing literature but little is written about non-Western movements, and feminist scholars have yet to grapple with its gender dynamics, including its appeal to many women voters, and its gendered social consequences. In this research note, I briefly survey the literature and show how right-wing populist nationalism – a reaction to the ills of neoliberal capitalist globalization – is also found in Islamist movements. I call for an inclusive, progressive agenda that can appeal to and mobilize those who have been left behind.

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Tushnet, Mark. "Varieties of populism." German Law Journal 20, no. 3 (2019): 382–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.27.

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AbstractContemporary discussions of populism elide important distinctions between the ways in which populist leaders and movements respond to the failures of elites to follow through on the promises associated with international social welfare constitutionalism. After laying out the political economy of populisms’ origins, this Article describes the relation between populisms and varieties of liberalism, and specifically the relation between populisms and judicial independence understood as a “veto point” occupied by the elites that populists challenge. It then distinguishes left-wing populism

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Yoon, Sharon J., and Yuki Asahina. "The Rise and Fall of Japan’s New Far Right: How Anti-Korean Discourses Went Mainstream." Politics & Society 49, no. 3 (2021): 363–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033072.

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Why has right-wing activism in Japan, despite its persistence throughout the postwar era, only gained significant traction recently? Focusing on the Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean movement in Japan, this article demonstrates how the new Far Right were able to popularize formerly stigmatized right-wing ideas. The Zaitokukai represents a political group distinct from the traditional right and reflective of new Far Right movements spreading worldwide. In Japan, concerns about the growing influence of South Korea and China in the 1980s as well as the decline of left-wing norms opened up a discursive o

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Wilkin, Peter. "Rip It Up and Start Again: The Challenge of Populism in the Twenty-First Century." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 2 (2018): 314–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.855.

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This essay examines contemporary populist movements along an axis rarely explored in world-systems analysis: as either libertarian or authoritarian social movements. Rather than representing a fundamental break with traditional notions of left and right-wing politics, this article argues that these populist movements are a re-imagining of older political debates, which framed the conflict between the Enlightenment and its opponents—in short, between the search for a universal and just social order—as opposed to a defense of forms of cultural nationalism.

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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.

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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that

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della Porta, Donatella. "On Violence and Repression: A Relational Approach (TheGovernment and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Memorial Lecture, 2013)." Government and Opposition 49, no. 2 (2014): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.47.

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Oppositional violence and repression are closely related. In fact, repression often produces an escalation of violence rather than controlling it. Bridging social movement studies and research on violence, the article uses a small-N, most-different research design to analyse the working of a specific mechanism at the onset of different types of political violence: escalating policing. In particular, it indicates specific causal mechanisms, related to interactions between social movements and the state, which create the conditions for some splinter groups to move underground. In order to compar

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SHMELEV, D. V. "Left-wing populism in Western countries. The Phenomenon of J.-L. Mélenchon." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-69-84.

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The article studies the phenomenon of left populism in Western Europe. On the example of France, the author examines the specifics and historical origins of left populism, its ideas and slogans, electoral technologies, factors of presence on the political scene. The author focuses on the political activities of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, his election campaign for the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2017 in France. The article considers the key stages of Mélenchon’s political career, the features of his political discourse and program, the creation of the Left front, the conditions for the

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Aleknonis, Gintaras, and Renata Matkevičienė. "Populism in Lithuania: Defining the Research Tradition." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 9, no. 1 (2016): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2016-0002.

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Abstract The research on populism and populist political communication in Lithuania is rather limited, regardless of the fact that populist movements and politicians are influential on national and local political levels; they also receive sufficient support from a significant share of the population. Because the Western European research tradition is concentrated on the challenges of right-wing populism, Lithuanian political scientists distinguish right-wing populism as more significant in comparison to left-wing populism. Although Lithuanian researchers note, that in the balance of the left-

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Matyukhin, A. "Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (2020): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-85-91.

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This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and fro

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Díaz-Parra, Ibán, and Jaime Jover-Báez. "Social movements in crisis? From the 15-M movement to the electoral shift in Spain." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 9/10 (2016): 680–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-09-2015-0101.

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Purpose Social left-wing political contestation and activism in Spain have undergone great changes over the past four years. First, there has been a shift from the 15-M movement that took over public plazas with its ambiguous claims basically related to radical democracy and rejection of institutional politics, to a new focus on social problems generated by the crisis, highlighting issues such as housing and cutbacks in social rights. Second, there has been a shift towards institutional politics in 2014. How should this recent whirlwind evolution in political contestation to status quo be unde

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Chase-Dunn, Chris, and Jennifer S. K. Dudley. "The Global Right in the World Revolutions of 1917 and 20xx." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 1-2 (2018): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341466.

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Abstract An understanding of the contemporary constellation of right-wing national and transnational social movements needs to compare the recent movements and the global context with what happened in the first half of the twentieth century to figure out the similarities and differences, and to gain insights about what could be the consequences of the reemergence of populist nationalism and fascist movements. This article uses the comparative evolutionary world-systems perspective to study the global right from 1900 to the present. The point is to develop a better understanding of twenty-first

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Rivera Rodríguez, Gabriela. "Uruguayan Carnival during the Last Dictatorship. The Evolution of a New Way of Resistance." Interlitteraria 22, no. 1 (2017): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2017.22.1.14.

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Abstract. The paper proposes to trace the evolution of Uruguayan carnival from the viewpoint of left-wing movements, from its beginnings to its evolution as a tool to resist the military and dictatorial government that lasted from 1973 to 1985. In this period the conception of the carnival changed significantly, from being an evasion spectacle to a tool in the resistance movement. Special attention is given to the analysis of the the consequences of censorship in Murga spectacles, as it contributed to the consolidation of the tablado as not only a space for collective entertainment but as a sp

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Mousavi, Hamed. "Zionist Approaches to the Palestinian Question." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p37.

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Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionis

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Bar-On, Tamir. "The Alt-Right’s continuation of the ‘cultural war’ in Euro-American societies." Thesis Eleven 163, no. 1 (2021): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211005988.

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In this paper, I argue that the Alt-Right needs to be taken seriously by the liberal establishment, the general public, and leftist cultural elites for five main reasons: 1) its ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ borrows from the French New Right ( Nouvelle Droite – ND) and the French and pan-European Identitarian movement. This means that it is engaged in the continuation of a larger Euro-American metapolitical struggle to change hearts and minds on issues related to white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racialism; 2) it is indebted to the metapolitical evolution of sectors of the violent neo-Nazi and

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Cox, Laurence, and Liz Curry. "Revolution in the Air: Images of Winning in the Irish Anti-Capitalist Movement." Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no. 2 (2010): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.2.6.

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This article explores strategic conceptions within the alter-globalisation movement in Ireland. Based on action research carried out within the left-libertarian (‘Grassroots’) wing of the movement, it notes imbalances in participation in a very intensive form of political activity, and asks how activists understand winning. It finds substantial congruence between organisational practice and long-term goals, noting social justice and participatory democracy along with feminist, environmental and anti-war concerns as central. Using Wallerstein's proposed transition strategy for anti-systemic mov

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Jones, David Martin. "Political religion and the rise of transnational right and left-wing social movements since 9/11." Contemporary Social Science 10, no. 4 (2015): 413–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2016.1207797.

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Eberl, Jakob-Moritz. "Lying press: Three levels of perceived media bias and their relationship with political preferences." Communications 44, no. 1 (2019): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2018-0002.

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Abstract In the context of decreasing media trust as well as the rise of populist movements in many Western Democracies, this study sets out to revisit the relationship between political preferences and perceived media bias. It investigates perceived bias of the entire media system, the perceived bias of individual outlets as well as perceived beneficiaries of this favorable coverage. Analyses are based on an online survey in Austria in 2015 (n ~ 1,679) and compare citizens’ perceived biases towards eight newspapers and television outlets. Results show that media system bias in Austria is stro

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Rauszer, Michał. "Naród kontra lewactwo. Polityczne kategoryzacje rzeczywistości w folklorze internetowym." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 47 (January 29, 2016): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2015.054.

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Nation against “the leftist.” Political categorizations of the reality in internet folkloreIn his well known essay “Left-wing” communism: an infantile disorder Lenin used the Russian term “levizna” to name a naïve strategy of West European communist parties. This term is usually translated as “Left-Wing” but it does not show its disregarding to West communist politics in Lenin’s eyes. In Polish there is anther tradition, used by communist nomenclature, to ridicule left wing movement (e.g. in 1968), and it is translated as “lewactwo” (translations such as”lefty”, “leftie” do not fit due to hist

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Garcia Santamaria, Sara. "Politicians “Stay Home”." Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA Postgraduate Network 14, no. 1 (2021): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31165/nk.2021.141.638.

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This paper analyses the intimate space of politicians at home during lockdown through their personal Instagram accounts, using both live stories (which I have been saving daily), the pictures and videos they post and the accompanying text. In order to do so, it will focus on two young female politicians who have become iconic for left-wing movements around the world. They are Ada Colau, Mayor of Barcelona (Spain), and Alessandria Ocasio-Cortez, representative for New York’s 14th congressional district (USA). As previous political outsiders who are deeply involved in activism and belong to what

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Stavrakakis, Yannis, Alexandros Kioupkiolis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Nikos Nikisianis, and Thomas Siomos. "Contemporary Left-wing Populism in Latin America: Leadership, Horizontalism, and Postdemocracy in Chávez's Venezuela." Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 3 (2016): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00318.x.

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AbstractCritical engagement with the case ofChavismoin Venezuela can offer valuable insights for a fuller understanding of contemporary populism in Latin America. While for some scholars Chávez's populism has fostered popular empowerment, others dwell on the newly confirmed tensions between populism, liberal rights, and democratic proceduralism. This article embraces both positions but moves beyond their one-sidedness to castChavistapopulism as an inherently contradictory phenomenon that has constituted an ambivalent and transitory process in response to the gradual closure of liberal (post)de

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Lohman, Kirsty, and Matthew Worley. "Bloody Revolutions, Fascist Dreams, Anarchy and Peace: Crass, Rondos and the Politics of Punk, 1977–84." Britain and the World 11, no. 1 (2018): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0287.

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On 8 September 1979, the English punk bands Crass and Poison Girls played a benefit gig with the Dutch punk band Rondos at London's Conway Hall. The gig has become notorious in British punk history due to the violence that broke out between right-wing and left-wing factions, bringing to the fore wider political tensions evident across punk's fragmented milieu. Not only did it embody the attempts of the far-right and far-left to co-opt punk's rebellion, but it also brokered a debate as to the nature of punk's politics and its relationship to existing political movements. In many ways, punk's po

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Fairfield, Tasha, and Candelaria Garay. "Redistribution Under the Right in Latin America: Electoral Competition and Organized Actors in Policymaking." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (2017): 1871–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695331.

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Unexpected social policy expansion and progressive tax reforms initiated by right-wing governments in Latin America highlight the need for further theory development on the politics of redistribution. We focus on electoral competition for low-income voters in conjunction with the power of organized actors—both business and social movements. We argue that electoral competition motivates redistribution under left-wing and right-wing incumbents alike although such initiatives are more modest when conservatives dominate and business is well organized. Social mobilization drives more substantial re

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Dyer-Witheford, Nick. "Left Populism and Platform Capitalism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (2020): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1130.

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This paper contextualizes and analyses the policy proposals of new “left populisms” (Mouffe 2018) for the regulation and reform of the “platform capitalism” (Srnicek 2017) that increasingly organizes digital communication. The era of the 2008 crash and subsequent recession saw the emergence in North America and Europe of new left-wing electoral initiatives, either as new parties or fractions within older parties. These include, in the USA, Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Democrats; in the UK, Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party; in Spain, Podemos; in Germany, Die Linke; in France, La Fran

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Kettler, Annette, Hans-Joachim Wilke, and Lutz Claes. "Effects of neck movements on stability and subsidence in cervical interbody fusion: an in vitro study." Journal of Neurosurgery: Spine 94, no. 1 (2001): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/spi.2001.94.1.0097.

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Object. The aim of this in vitro study was to determine the influence of simulated postoperative neck movements on the stabilizing effect and subsidence of four different anterior cervical interbody fusion devices. Emphasis was placed on the relation between subsidence and spinal stability. Methods. The flexibility of 24 human cervical spine specimens was tested before and directly after being stabilized with a WING, BAK/C, AcroMed I/F cage, or with bone cement in standard flexibility tests under 50 N axial preload. Thereafter, 700 pure moment loading cycles (± 2 Nm) were applied in randomized

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Jasiński, Karol. "Główne idee nowej prawicy i nowej lewicy." Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych 31 (2019): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2019.31.01.

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The purpose of the paper is to draw attention to the problem of the division of socio-political life on the right and left and the doctrinal assumptions of the new right and the new left, which are then expressed in social and political programs. The object of these analyzes, however, are not specific political groups or their forms of activity, but only ideological assumptions of social movements. The paper has three parts: 1) it points out that there is no clear criterion for division into right and left, and the use of these terms is polarizing and is conditioned historically, culturally an

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