Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Legal journalist'

In this research study, the researcher investigates obstacles faced by news journalists in investigative journalism in a democracy as experienced in Botswana. Investigative journalism and democracy have a symbiotic relationship. This relationship serves to make the public sensitive about, and aware of, injustices and undemocratic practices and it could, ultimately, contribute significantly to the process of democratization (Faure 2005: 155). Unfortunately, in their endeavor to keep up with the ethos of investigative journalism, journalists meet obstacles that range from legal to financial issues. The author investigates those factors that reporters in Botswana rate as having the greatest impact on their investigative efforts. The study also assesses the attitudes of journalists in the country towards the roles and responsibilities of the fourth estate, which supports investigative reporting. Investigative journalism is centered on disclosure, described by six elements: public interest, theme, accuracy, follow-up reports, consequences and questioning the status quo (Faure 2005:160; Marron 1995:1). The researcher interrogated the current practice of investigative journalism in newsrooms in the Botswana context, by means of a self-administered questionnaire. A cumulative sum of scores of each rank order for each obstacle was used to observe the one rated the most impeding by Botswana journalists. Elementary descriptive statistics in the form of percentages were used to assess attitudes of Botswana journalists towards investigative journalism. The same method was used to assess the proportion of investigative stories in four sampled Botswana newspapers. The contents of the respective newspapers were assessed against the five elements of investigative reporting that include: theme, public interest, questioning the status quo, accuracy, follow-up reports and consequences.

This dissertation examines whether the international regime for the protection of journalists reporting from armed conflict zones is sufficient to protect journalists and the media operating in such places. This examination includes the current rules and principles of International Humanitarian Law, International Human Rights Law and the proposals provided by International, Regional and Non-Governmental Organisations. The second aim is to examine whether violence against journalists should be categorised as war crimes and/or crimes against humanity with automatic jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in cases where national courts are unable or unwilling to prosecute such offences. The final aim is to provide recommendations for enhancing the protection of journalists and media covering conflict zones. The research findings show that the protection of journalists covering armed conflicts under International Law is absent. State motivation to initiate that is non-existent. Depending on general International Human Rights Law and general International Humanitarian Law to protect this profession which is at the forefront of the protection of democracy and the rule of law in Western democracies is no longer sustainable because it is inefficient. States must make haste to establish treaty law for the protection of journalists and the media working in conflict zones. The UN General Assembly must instruct the UN International Law Commission under Article 13 (1) of the UN Charter to immediately commence studies on the international law for the protection of journalists and the media operating in conflict zones. The conclusions of the International Law Commission Draft Articles on Protection of Journalists and the Media should then be adopted by the UN and lead to new State practice/ Convention on the protection of journalists and the media reporting from armed conflict zones.

The subject matter of this thesis is the individual — the citizen journalist — who utilises the Internet and its various social media platforms tools in providing information, news and matters of public interest within a socio-political context and engaging with other individuals through commentary, opinion and debate. The central theme of the thesis is the exploration of the interaction between the citizen journalist on the Internet, the media and the law. The thesis premises on the belief that citizen journalism on the Internet needs a legal environment which encourages the protection of the right type of speech that fuels socio-political discussion and debate in matters of public interest. Only then can the positive contribution of citizen journalism on the Internet thrive and the individual's contribution to meaningful discourse can be sustained. Underlying this is the sentiment that the credibility of citizen journalism on the Internet as a positive element in society rests upon its legal recognition. The original contribution of the thesis to knowledge is the exploration of firstly, the extension of the traditional media rights and responsibilities to citizen journalists on the Internet when contributing to socio-political discussion which is in the public interest; and secondly, setting out the development of new legal norms in relation to citizen journalists on the Internet, different from those related to the traditional mainstream media and professional journalists and unique to citizen journalism on the Internet. The legal consideration of rights and responsibilities of citizen journalists on the Internet pivots on the backdrop of the historical contribution of citizen journalism as well as the rise of the phenomenon and the theoretical underpinnings that support citizen journalism on the Internet as an effective tool of speech and expression. The thesis advances the application of constitutional jurisprudence of the freedom of speech and expression to social media activity, the extension of rights and responsibilities of traditional mainstream media to citizen journalists on the Internet, the proposition of novel legal treatment of Internet-enabled citizen journalism and advances new principles in relation thereto.

Journalists reporting from conflict zones are increasingly at risk of injury or death. Not only are they at risk of becoming a casualty in the crossfire, they are now often directly targeted and killed because of their profession. The legal framework protecting journalists in conflict zones consists predominantly of International Humanitarian Law, supplemented by International Human Rights Law and International Criminal Law. The main body of law providing protection to journalists consists of the Geneva Conventions and their additional Protocols, which are now several decades old. Since their drafting, there have been significant changes in the way we conduct wars, as well as in the way journalists operate and report from conflict zones. This raises the question whether this legal framework is still suitable for the protection of journalists in contemporary conflicts. This thesis confirms that the legal framework contains, at least in theory, a significant number of provisions that continue to provide protection for journalists in conflict zones. What is clear, however, is that there are significant differences in the protection awarded to journalists based on the type of journalist, for example whether they are embedded or function independently in conflict zones, the type of conflict they are covering and even their nationality. The result is a rather complicated legal framework that is not always easy to apply in practice. It has been argued by the International Committee of the Red Cross, a view also reflected in most of the academic literature, that the protection offered by the current legal framework is adequate, but that the enforcement of it is lacking. This is considered the predominant reason why journalists reporting on conflicts currently face such significant risks to their safety. While this is clearly part of the problem, this thesis challenges the notion that the legal framework provides all necessary protection and that only through stronger enforcement can protection be increased. In particular, it suggests that this ignores the effect that clarity and the comprehensiveness of the framework can have on enforcement. Having explored the gaps and limitations in the existing law, this thesis sets out the case for introducing a dedicated convention for the protection of journalists in conflict zones in order to clarify and streamline the current legal framework.

Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The controversy around the broadcasting of court proceedings has reigned in the United States since the 1950s, reaching a peak with the trial of O.J. Simpson, widely interpreted as an example of the destructive effect of a "media circus" on the administration of justice. In many other U.S. courtrooms, however, television and radio journalists do their work unobtrusively, professionally and to the benefit of their viewers and listeners. The King Commission of Inquiry into allegations of match-fixing in cricket gave South Africa its first experience of television and radio coverage of judicial proceedings, and lay the basis for a more liberal approach to electronic coverage of courts. The Constitution protects freedom of expression, including the freedom to receive and impart information. This has been interpreted by the High Court as conferring on radio journalists the freedom to record and broadcast the King Commission's proceedings. It is argued in this study that the High Court's reasoning could be applied with equal force to television, and to coverage of the courts. It is suggested a trial period of electronic coverage of courts, under clear guidelines for journalists and legal practitioners, may provide greater clarity on the desirability of allowing electronic coverage of courts on a permanent basis.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die netelige vraagstuk rondom die uitsaai van hofverrigtinge het alreeds in the vyftigerjare van die vorige eeu in die Verenigde State ontstaan. Die vervolging van O.J. Simpson was 'n hoogtepunt in die debat. Dié saak word gereeld voorgehou as 'n voorbeeld van die nadelige effek wat 'n "mediasirkus" op die regsproses kan uitoefen. Maar in baie ander Amerikaanse howe doen radio- en televisiejoernaliste hulle werk sonder steurnis, professioneel, en ten voordeel van hul luisteraars and kykers. The Kingkommissie van Ondersoek na beweringe van oneerlikheid in krieket was Suid-Afrika se eerste ervaring van elektroniese dekking van 'n regterlike proses, and kan moontlik die basis vorm vir 'n meer liberale benadering tot elektroniese dekking van howe. Die Grondwet waarborg vryheid van uitdrukking, insluitende die vryheid om inligting uit te stuur en te ontvang. Die Hooggeregshof het onlangs beslis hierdie vryheid beteken radiojoernaliste mag die verrigtinge van die Kingkommissie opneem en uitsaai. In hierdie studie word geargumenteer dat die Hooggeregshof se beslissing ook van toepassing kan wees op televisie, en op hofverrigtinge. Daar word voor die hand gedoen dat Suid- Afrikaanse howe vir 'n proeftydperk elekroniese dekking van hofverrigtinge toelaat, met streng reëls vir joernaliste en regspraktisyns. So 'n proefneming kan dalk groter duidelikheid verskaf oor die voor- en nadele van televisie- en radiodekking van howe op 'n permanente basis.

A popular metaphor used by judges and journalists, the ‘chilling effect’ is used to describe the undesirable deterrence of legitimate free expression, although it is widely and loosely interpreted and rarely interrogated through methodical empirical research. This research examines the perceived chilling effect on freedom of expression in relation to defamation and privacy law and digital journalistic practice in England and Wales, over a five year period (2008-13). It examines media law in practice through interviews with legal specialists in defamation and privacy, close monitoring of online content, examination of court and policy documents, and surveys among journalists and online writers, and considers how decisions to publish or abandon stories are made in the contemporary networked news environment. The thesis finds that lawyers play an under-recognised but pivotal social role in the editorial gatekeeping process, enabling as well as restricting publication. Their absence in ill-resourced environments has a paradoxically constraining and liberating effect: a lack of legal advice and knowledge may lead to unnecessary censorship of particular stories, but at the same time small-scale operations without legal support and training may be less reactive to potential libel and privacy risks. Despite a popular perception of runaway privacy law, the findings indicate that libel was still a predominant concern for research participants and generated more threats and claims. The impact of defamation and privacy law on journalism, which is implied by the chilling effect metaphor, cannot be understood in isolation and a socio-legal approach based on empirical evidence is required to more fully expose the two-way interaction between law and journalism. Editorial decisions are subject to a complex web of competing factors; the collective or individual avoidance of stories can only be explained by looking at legal influences in their social context. In this way, hyperlocal bloggers may steer clear of particular topics for fear of social implications in local communities and national journalists can neglect stories as a result of organisational commercial pressures, or because such stories would damage their access to sources. The chilling effect descriptor is generally used to help direct policy and decisions that enhance freedom of expression in the public interest but debate is severely hampered by the lack of systematic research and data collection, as this thesis will show. Given the social complexity and ambiguity around perceived chilling effects, the thesis argues that this exercise would be informed by more detailed monitoring and analysis of specific contributory factors, such as individuals’ access to legal resources, legal knowledge and experience of direct or indirect threats of legal action. A more precise understanding of these elements in their wider social context would help the design of proportionate legal dispute mechanisms and the development of public legal education initiatives.

In February 2012, less than two weeks before presidential elections in Russia, a two-minute video of young women in brightly colored masks and short dresses was uploaded to YouTube. The video featured four members of the Pussy Riot punk feminist band performing a wild dance in front of the altar of Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Savior. Lip-syncing to a song, which they called a punk prayer, they beseeched the Virgin Mary to "drive" Vladimir Putin, then the prime minister and a presidential candidate, "away." The performance was followed by the quick arrest of three of the band members and a trial in a criminal court that sentenced them to two years in a penal colony on charges of "hooliganism motivated by religious hatred" and transformed the case into a symbol of the infringement of freedom of expression in Putin's Russia. This research explores the legal and discursive strategies for marginalizing political dissent and discusses the implications of the case for shrinking the arena of legitimate public debate in contemporary Russia. As revealed by a critical discourse analysis of a report by psychological and linguistic experts that formed the basis of the prosecutor's case, it employed a range of discursive devices that normalized conformity and depoliticized the band's critique. Whereas those discursive devices portrayed Pussy Riot's religiously contextualized speech as socially unacceptable, the analysis of the court's decision revealed the mechanism that made it illegal. An analysis of the rationale used by the court to justify the criminal conviction of Pussy Riot showed clear prosecutorial bias. The post-case amendments that were introduced into Russia's Criminal Code and Code of Administrative Violations toughened up the punitive measures in articles associated with insulting religious feelings of citizens and contributed to further authorizing limitations on political speech on religious and moral grounds. As demonstrated by an analysis of the media coverage of the Pussy Riot affair, the Russian press did little to delegitimize this power abuse. The state-run newspaper Rossiiskaya Gazeta took a clear stance in support of the prosecution. The mainstream newspaper, Izvestia, although not demonstrating a consistent prosecutorial bias, did not provide any sensible alternatives to the government's framing of the affair. Neither did the liberal-oppositional outlet Gazeta.ru. It failed to provide a comprehensive, substantial, and contextualized coverage of Pussy Riot's activism and portrayed them not as agents of change, but as victims of the vigilant, all-powerful state. By doing so, it did not take advantage of the public resonance of the case to elevate a discussion about the feasibility of dissent in an increasingly authoritarian context and thus potentially contributed to undermining the value of political protest. The treatment of the Pussy Riot affair by the Russian state contributed to further infringements of freedom of expression, strengthened the interpenetration of church and state and illuminated the legal system's role as a tool for conserving the status quo of power relations in contemporary Russia.

Tem-se a Revista de Crítica Judiciária, publicada entre 1924 e 1940, fonte deste estudo que pretende verificar se esse periódico foi um notório espaço de debates no meio jurídico sobre os embates políticos e sociais de seu tempo no Brasil. Sabe-se que nos anos da publicação o país passou por muitas transformações na organização dos seus poderes e na reformulação de suas leis. Examinam-se os julgados na Revista, nos quais sua crítica se confunde com a arte em termos de se obter uma metodologia própria. A construção de uma cultura jurídica é tentada nas páginas dessa publicação pela rememoração de nomes de célebres juristas, como Clovis Bevilaqua, Hermenegildo de Barros, Pedro Lessa, entre outros. A política é posta em cheque em suas análises, especialmente ao denunciar omissões diante de abusos de poder. Retratam-se discussões sobre os novos direitos criados, tais como os trabalhistas e os direitos civis para as mulheres, a saber, o voto. A Revista publica igualmente julgados referentes às mulheres, expondo o seu papel no patriarcado brasileiro, no qual sofrem abusos, violências e desigualdades, de grande importância historiográfica. Inicia-se pelo entendimento mais aprofundado dos ditames que compõe o método utilizado pelos diretores da publicação na composição da crítica e, em seguida, evoca-se essa criticidade em suas variáveis temáticas no intuito de compreender o papel da Revista no periodismo jurídico nacional. Posteriormente, abre-se uma reflexão, juntamente às denúncias e às nuances da realidade nacional realizadas, da Revista e sua militância no meio jurídico brasileiro, ressaltando as raízes históricas da sociedade brasileira ligadas ao conteúdo cultural de seu direito.<br>The Revista de Crítica Judiciária, published between 1924 and 1940, is the source of this study, which aims to verify if this journal was a notorious space of debates in the juridical environment about the political and social conflicts of its time in Brazil. It is known that in the years of publication the country underwent many transformations in the organization of its powers and in the reformulation of its laws. We examine those judged in the Review, in which his criticism is confused with art in terms of obtaining a methodology of its own. The construction of a legal culture is attempted in the pages of this publication by the remembrance of names of celebrated jurists, such as Clovis Bevilaqua, Hermenegildo de Barros, Pedro Lessa, among others. The policy is put in check in its analyzes, especially when denouncing omissions in the face of abuses of power. There are discussions about some new rights created, such as labor and civil rights for women, namely, voting. The Review also publishes judgments referring to women, exposing their role in the Brazilian patriarchy, in which they suffer abuses, violence and inequalities, of great historiographical importance. It begins with a more in-depth understanding of the dictates that compose the method used by the directors of the publication in the composition of the critique and then evokes this criticality in its variables thematic in order to understand the role of the Journal in national legal journalism. Subsequently, together with the denunciations and nuances of the national reality carried out, a reflection of the Review and its militancy in the Brazilian juridical environment opens up, highlighting the historical roots of Brazilian society linked to the cultural content of its law.

The subject of 'independence' of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) has emerged as a key issue in post-apartheid South African public discourse. While the importance of 'independence' has rarely been questioned, the term's meaning has been subject to fragmented understandings and vague interpretations. This thesis explores the origins of divergent conceptions of 'independence', examining how these conceptions are constructed by staff within the SABC. The central task of this thesis is to critically examine the contested concept of 'independence' a task it accomplishes by engaging with issues of power, knowledge and identity. To this end, the thesis reveals that the neo-liberal policies imposed by the Washington Consensus play a significant role in shaping conceptions of 'independence' through their power to dictate policy in countries in the Global South, including South Africa. This power, exercised through dominant Washington Consensus institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), inform knowledge and identities at a local level through the adoption of neo-liberal macro-economic strategies, such as Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR). As a result, there is no local without the global. The engagement with issues of power, identity and knowledge and their relationships to how 'independence' is understood ensures that meanings of 'independence' are contested and that 'independence' is not an immovable edifice. 'Independence' is only a product of an evolving matrix, in which the staff of the SABC, who are divided into four different tiers, construct their own interpretations of 'independence', shaped by their understandings of both organisational and external factors, such as politics and advertisers, in relation to their work. Using data from interview respondents and an analysis of key public policy documents, this thesis presents two key processes that influence understandings of 'independence' and, therefore, link the SABC to the larger external socio-political environment. These two key factors, the commercialisation of the SABC and the African National Congress (ANC) power struggles have helped to shape the four conceptions of 'independence' advanced in this thesis: namely, the legalistic, anti-establishment, political and professional conceptions of 'independence'. At the core of this thesis are two questions: How do staff within the SABC construct and understand the meaning of 'independence' of the SABC, and what has influenced these conceptions in post-apartheid South Africa? Consistent with these research questions, the thesis is located within the interpretive tradition, since it seeks to understand the world of the SABC through the lens of its staff. To complement the interpretivist approach, the thesis situates the SABC and its understandings of 'independence' within the wider South African context, in which the meaning of 'independence' should also be understood as being inextricably intertwined with and a product of the shifting developmental state of the macro-economic environment. The critical political economy of the media is, therefore, used as an explanatory framework for understanding how the macro-worlds of politics and economic strategies intersect within the micro-world of the SABC to shape conceptions of 'independence'. The thesis concludes by arguing that it is not a strong and domineering state that seeks to control public service broadcasting; instead, it is a weak state that does so because of a need to curtail public discourse, which might present a threat to its own existence if left uncontrolled. As a result, it is difficult to separate the SABC from the state and, for that reason, the role of the public service broadcaster (PSB) is tied to the national narrative which itself is tied to the larger global matrices of power.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar notícias de crimes, quando veiculadas concomitante às investigações policiais, logo após o acontecimento de um crime, e que seja de grande repercussão na imprensa. Ao tratarmos de notícias de crimes referimo-nos, respectivamente, às notícias veiculadas online, nos Jornais Folha de São Paulo e O Estado de São Paulo, ao passo que as notícias do crime referem-se à notitia criminis. Dessa forma, o corpus da pesquisa é constituído pelos boletins de ocorrência, assim como pelas peças das denúncias e das sentenças, além das notícias de crimes dos jornais selecionados, a respeito da morte de Isabella Nardoni e Eloá Cristina. A fundamentação teórica tem por base a Retórica e a Argumentação configurando-se na linha central de pesquisa, que serve também para estabelecer parcialmente a metodologia do estudo. Os principais teóricos que fornecem as bases da pesquisa são Aristóteles (384 322 a.C), Barilli (1985), Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005 [1958]), Mosca (2004), Petri (2005), Meyer (2007), Plantin (2012), dentre outros. Além da Retórica e da Argumentação, para situarmos o tema da notícia do crime (notitia criminis), utilizaremos os teóricos Magalhães Gomes Filho (1997), Petri (2005), Tourinho Filho (2008), Capez (2011), principalmente. Quanto ao discurso jornalístico serão tecidas considerações, de acordo com Laje (1986; 2006), Marcondes Filho (1986), Albert & Terrou (1990), Dias (1996), Kucinski (2005) e Albaladejo (2009). Como suporte para tratar das marcas linguísticas expostas na superfície textual, das notícias de crimes, no que se refere ao Discurso Relatado, especialmente, tomaremos por base o estudo de Charaudeau (2008; 2007). Além deste teórico serão tomadas as noções de Grácio (2012) quando for observada a situação argumentativa da peça da sentença. A partir desse referencial teórico, serão analisados os enunciados das manchetes e alguns excertos das notícias, para verificar em quais momentos são feitos os prejulgamentos pelo enunciador-jornalista e quais são as principais características deste discurso. Percebe-se que, ao tratar de notícias de crimes, a imprensa sente-se no direito-dever de investigar, apurar fatos, e que, na maioria das vezes expõe pessoas, sentenciando em caráter definitivo. Assim, como formadora de opinião pública, a imprensa levanta e apresenta provas, investiga suspeitos, transformando-os em acusados, ao enunciar em uma manchete, um acontecimento relacionado a um fato delituoso e principalmente ao afirmar que o suspeito cometeu determinado crime. Todavia, nos casos analisados, observa-se que há uma antecipação em relação a determinados fatos, mesmo que esses não tenham sido registrados discursivamente na peça da denúncia ou da sentença. Deste modo, são determinadas sequências discursivas relatadas pelo jornalismo online que interessam ao presente estudo, com vistas a demonstrar que pode haver um discurso velado, ou até mesmo, um prejulgamento implícito por parte do discurso da mídia. Tais sequências do discurso podem provocar certos efeitos de sentidos e até mesmo influenciar na formação de opinião do auditório universal.<br>The aim of this work is to analyze crimes news, when concomitant disclosed to police investigations, immediately after the occurrence of a crime, and that it will bring about a great repercussion in the press. By dealing with crime news we refer, respectively, to the news disclosed online, in the newspaper Folha de São Paulo and O Estado de São Paulo, while the news of crime refer to the notitia criminis. In this way, the corpus of this research is constituted by the police reports, as well as the accusations and the sentences briefs, in addition to the crime news of the selected newspapers, about the death of Isabella Nardoni and Eloá Cristina. The theoretical background is based on the Rhetoric and Argumentation, which is consisted of the principal research line, which also serves to establish partially the methodology of the study. The main theorists that provide the foundations of research are Aristotle (384 322 a.C), Barilli (1985), Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005 [1958]), Mosca (2004), Petri (2005), Meyer (2007), Plantin (2012), among others. In addition to the Rhetoric and Argumentation, in order to consider the news of crime (notitia criminis), we will use mainly, the theorists Magalhães Gomes Filho (1997), Petri (2005), Tourinho Filho (2008) and Capez (2011). Concerning the journalistic discourse, it will be made considerations, according to Laje (1986; 2006), Marcondes Filho (1986), Albert & Terrou (1990), Dias (1996), Kucinski (2005) and Albaladejo (2009). As support to treat language imprint exposed on the surface of textual crimes news regarding especially to the reported speech, we will be based on the study of Charaudeau (2008; 2007). In addition to this theorist it will be taken notions from Grácio (2012; 2013), when observed the argumentative situation of sentence brief. From this theoretical background, it will be analyzed the headlines statements and a few excerpts from the news, to check in which moments are made the preconceptions by enunciator-journalist and what are the main features of this speech. It is noticed that, when dealing with crime news, the press feels the right-duty to investigate, ascertain facts that, in the majority, exposing people and definitely sentencing. Thus, as public opinion forming, the press raises and presents evidence, investigating suspects, turning them into accused, when enunciating in a headline, an event related to a criminal suit and mainly, by saying that the suspect committed a particular crime. However, in the analyzed cases, it is observed that there is an anticipation regarding to certain facts, even if these have not been discursively registered, in accusation and in the sentence brief. In this way, there are certain discursive sequences that concern to this study, which are reported by the online journalism, in order to demonstrate that there may be a veiled speech, or even an implied \"prejudging\" by the media discourse. Such sequences of discourse can cause certain senses effects and even influence the formation of universal Auditorium opinion.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to deliver on developmental expectations. The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships. In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility and dealing with the issue of xenophobia.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid- Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land, verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen. Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte. Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.

O tema deste trabalho é o discurso jornalístico sobre redução da maioridade penal dos jornais de referência Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo e O Estado de S. Paulo, em suas versões impressas, e de que forma esse discurso contribui para o conhecimento do tema da segurança pública. O objetivo geral é compreender os núcleos de sentidos preponderantes sobre redução da maioridade penal presentes nesse discurso. A partir dos pressupostos teóricos desta pesquisa, apoiada em autores-base de diversas áreas do conhecimento, entendemos o jornalismo como um lugar de circulação e de produção de discursos sociais. Por sua inserção e legitimidade social, entendemos que o jornalismo participa da construção simbólica da experiência social dos indivíduos e, por esse, dentre outros motivos, pode ser compreendido como uma instituição. Como instituição, é produtor de certo conhecimento social, mas não de um conhecimento autônomo, independente. Ao exercer a mediação jornalismo se ancora em conhecimentos produzidos por outras instituições sociais, construindo uma reapresentação desses saberes, que não pode ser percebida nem como mera reprodução nem como total degradação do conhecimento original. Os sentidos produzidos/postos em circulação pelo jornalismo não estão livres das contradições que atravessam a sociedade de classes, sejam políticas, ideológicas, filosóficas, etc. Jornalismo e segurança pública pertencem, ainda, a campos sociais distintos e por isso possuem lógicas diferentes e estão situados em formações discursivas distintas, o que os coloca em constante processo de negociação. Para atingir o objeto geral proposto, portanto, foram coletados 169 textos extraídos de 105 edições impressas dos três jornais de referência supracitados, no período de 01 de junho a 05 de julho 2015, intervalo temporal em que se deu a discussão e a votação da Proposta de Emenda à Constituição (PEC) 171/1993 na Câmara dos Deputados. Essa é a PEC que propõe que se reduza a idade penal de 18 para 16 anos. Como parte da metodologia escolhida, optamos, no primeiro momento, pela utilização da análise de conteúdo quantitativa, na pré-análise dos dados, com o intuito de verificar fontes e eixos-temáticos mais recorrentes. Em seguida, recorremos ao aporte teórico-metodológico da Análise do Discurso de corrente francesa, a partir de autores brasileiros filiados à Michel Pêcheux. Dentre os diferentes gêneros de textos coletados, optamos pela análise qualitativa de 60 reportagens, 20 de cada veículo, das quais extraímos as sequências discursivas que apontam para os sentidos nucleares presentes nessa cobertura. Com a análise das reportagens dos três jornais, foram encontrados quatro núcleos de sentido principais: disputa política/barganha/alianças temporárias; falhas no ECA/no sistema socioeducativo; violência dos “menores” x violência contra os “menores”; e ausência de dados nacionais para o debate sobre a redução da idade penal.<br>The theme of this dissertation is the journalistic discourse about reducing the legal age in the reference newspaper Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo and O Estado de S. Paulo and how this discourse contributes to the knowledge of the subject public safety. The main objective is to identify and analyze the predominant nuclei of senses about the existing reduction of legal age in this journalistic discourse. From the theoretical assumptions of this research, supported by authors base from diverse fields of knowledge, we understand journalism as a place of circulation and production of social discourse. Because of its insertion and social legitimacy, we comprehend that journalism participates in the symbolic construction of the individuals’ social experience and, because of this, among other motives, it can be understood as an institution. As an institution, it is a producer of certain social knowledge, but not of an autonomous, independent, knowledge. When mediating, journalism anchors itself in knowledge produced by other social institutions, building a representation of this knowledge, which cannot be perceived as mere reproduction, nor total degradation of the original knowledge. The senses produced/put in circulation by journalism are not free of contradictions that come across the class society, such as political, ideological, philosophical, etc. Journalism and public security pertain to different social fields and, therefore, possess different rationaleand are situated in diverse discourse formations, which put tem into a constant negotiation process. In order to reach the proposed object, therefore, 169 articles were collected from 105 printed editions of the three above referred reference newspapers, in the period from June 1st to July 5th, 2015, period in which the discussion and voting of the Constitution Amendment Project (PEC) 171/1993 took place in the House of Representatives. This is the PEC that suggests the reduction of legal age from 18 to 16 years old. The chosen period is justified by the debate’s intensity around the theme during this interval. As part of the chosen methodology, at first, we opted for the use of the quantitative content analysis in the data pre-analysis, with the aim of verifying the most recurrent sources and thematic axis. Following, we recurred to the theoretical and methodological contribution of Discourse Analysis from Brazilian authors affiliated to Michel Pêcheux’ current. Among the different genre of texts collected, we opted for the qualitative observation of 60 reports, 20 of each vehicle, from which we extracted the discourse sequence that point to the nuclear senses present in this coverage. Along with the observation of the three newspapers, four main nuclei of senses were found: political dispute/bargain/temporary alliances; failure in the ECA (Legal Statute of Minors)/social-educative system; violence practiced by minors x practiced against minors; and the absence of national data to the debate about the reduction of legal age.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:59:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yomara.pdf: 2724472 bytes, checksum: c3f7cdb91075b2fb5d606c3bfc82718d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-07-06<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This paper intends to understand the discursive construction of the involved ones in crimes of, mainly, homicide, investigating which where the premises used in penal rights field regarding the homicidal subject. For such, I put to use legal proceedings such as sources, between the years of 1940 and 1964, at the county of Itajaí (SC). I place 24 defendants, men and only one woman as victim, among 22 victims, from 19 legal papers available at the judiciary power, from the Center of Documentation and Historical Memory of the Historical Archive of Itajaí. I observe the singularities identified in judiciary speeches when I analyse its multiple and even contradictory components brought by the agents. Newspaper information on these homicides also provided discursivities about the homicidals, where I point the polyphony of voices that are observed at the speeches. On the first chapter, I visualize the city and the rural environment of Itajaí (SC), starting from the locality of the homicides. I realize, coming from press and the judiciary, that the city s urbanity was in change, as well as its representations in delimitating spaces and/or when comparisons are set up between urban and rural, with prejudices printed over these speeches. Having the press, worked on the logics that all are modern and, therefore, using understandable adjectives, and naming as much the victims as defendants murderer, harmful element, rage of the aggressor and dangerous , convicting them for being involved in barbarian and mysterious crimes. However, when I analyze the premises of Legal Right I identify on the juridical speeches of the defendants their acquittals, for proceeding in the defense of their own lives, or others, at the same time, the invisibility of the victims and/or the visibility as guilties of their own acts . On the second chapter, I analyze the construction of the notion of a homicidal subject through the accusations organized by the prosecutor on legal proceedings and observe in which way the cases of homicidal criminalization were treated. For such, I visualize a profile of the victims and defendants, through the analysis of facts such as naturalness, residences, schooling, occupation, among others, indicating a modernization of the legal speech. On the third and last chapter, I stand out the distinct versions registered by the legal proceedings, when I perceive the battle that surrounds the defendants, the victims, and law operators. Still, I observe how these operators, in their practices of justice, used the premises of Law as suggested by jurist Nelson Hungria and the Brazilian Legal Code of 1940 (CPB) individualizing the defendants. This way, the results of legal proceedings could indicate as much dangerous individuals, combined with the innovative notion of the institute of periculosity , as acquit based o equal legal premises. With a conviction, among 19 legal proceedings, the discourse of the judiciary functions in the constructions of acquittals, as in arguments such as good friends , working men , defense of the family or the honor , when they denote part of the construction of masculinity and gender relations<br>Este trabalho procura compreender a construção discursiva sobre os envolvidos em crimes de homicídio, principalmente, investigar quais foram as premissas usadas no campo do direito penal em relação ao sujeito homicida. Para tanto, utilizo os processos penais como fontes, entre os anos de 1940 e 1964, na Comarca de Itajaí (SC). Localizo 24 acusados, homens, e apenas uma mulher como vítima, entre as 22 vítimas, dos 19 autos penais disponíveis do poder judiciário, no acervo do Centro de Documentação e Memória Histórica do Arquivo Histórico de Itajaí (SC). Observo as singularidades identificadas nos discursos do judiciário quando analiso os seus componentes múltiplos e até contraditórios , produzidos pelos agentes. As notícias dos jornais destes homicídios também forneceram discursividades sobre o sujeito homicida, no qual observo a polifonia de vozes que aparecem nesses discursos. No primeiro capítulo visualizo a cidade e o meio rural de Itajaí (SC), a partir dos lugares dos homicídios. Percebo, a partir da imprensa e do judiciário, que a urbanidade da cidade estava em mudança, bem como as suas representações em delimitar espaços, e/ou quando faz comparações entre o urbano e o rural, com preconceitos impressos nestes discursos. Tendo a imprensa operado na lógica de que todos são modernos, portanto, utilizando adjetivos entendíveis, nomearam tanto as vítimas quanto os acusados como assassino, mau elemento, fúria do agressor e perigoso , condenando-os por estarem envolvidos em crimes bárbaros e misteriosos . Porém, quando analiso as premissas do Direito Penal, encontro nos discursos jurídicos sobre os acusados suas absolvições, por agirem em defesa de suas próprias vidas ou de outrem, ao mesmo tempo, a invisibilidade das vítimas e/ou a visibilidade como culpadas por seus atos . No segundo capítulo analiso a construção da noção do sujeito homicida através das denúncias elaboradas pelo promotor nos autos, e observo como foram tratadas as criminalizações dos casos de homicídios. Para tanto, visualizo um perfil das vítimas e acusados através das análises de dados como a naturalidade, residências, escolaridade, profissão, entre outros, denotando a modernização no discurso jurídico. No terceiro e último capítulo destaco as diferentes versões registradas nos autos, quando percebo a batalha que envolve os acusados, as vítimas e operadores do direito. Ainda observo como estes operadores, nas suas práticas de justiça, utilizaram as premissas do Direito como sugeridas pelo jurista Nelson Hungria e o Código Penal Brasileiro de 1940 (CPB), individualizando os acusados. Desta forma, os resultados dos autos tanto podiam indicar indivíduos perigosos, aliados à noção inovadora do instituto de periculosidade , quanto absolver com base nas mesmas premissas jurídicas. Com uma condenação entre os 19 autos, o discurso do judiciário opera nas construções de absolvições, como nos argumentos de bons amigos , homens trabalhadores , defesa da família ou da honra , quando denotam parte da construção da masculinidade e das relações de gênero

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:59:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 elisangela.pdf: 1549525 bytes, checksum: 822d979dfaa0ffc42079d1fa75f77336 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-13<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Na sociedade brasileira, a infância pobre tornou-se, ao longo do século XX, alvo de um processo de normalização. O discurso médico, pedagógico, psicológico, jurídico e midiático lançou luz sobre este problema social. A instauração do Código de Menores, em 1927, pode ser interpretada como possibilidade de reposta a questão que desde então se considerava problema. Foi nesse movimento em busca por uma definição da infância que o termo menor foi sendo construído, tendo como baliza fatores de ordem social, econômica, moral e não apenas o quesito idade. A segregação entre ser criança e ser menor perdurou até o segundo Código de Menores, sancionado em 1979. Nem termo nem segregação foram substituídos. Na década de 1980, marcada por movimentos sociais, a legislação "menorista" foi alvo de críticas, juntamente com outros fatores que levaram à inclusão de artigos destinados especificamente ao público infanto-juvenil na Constituição Federal de 1988. Na década de 1990, com o advento do Estatuto da Criança e Adolescente, rompeu-se definitivamente com o estereótipo do menor. Tendo em vista este processo histórico, a proposta desta pesquisa consistiu em destacar permanências e rupturas no discurso jornalístico na questão infanto-juvenil na cidade de Criciúma/SC, tomando como fonte dois periódicos específicos: o Jornal da Manhã e o jornal Tribuna Criciumense. O recorte temporal compreendido entre 1970 e 1990 foi articulado para incluir as três legislações destinadas ao problema criança-adolescente. O discurso da imprensa, compreendido como uma construção realizada por sujeitos inseridos em determinado contexto temporal e territorial, faz uso de representações sociais em torno do assunto. Deste modo, através das peças jornalísticas selecionadas e os discursos por elas produzidos e divulgados constituem a fonte para o estudo e a reflexão da questão a respeito, procurando distinguir o dilema ou ambiguidade entre ser criança e ser menor, ou ser um perigo e estar em perigo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo de Moraes Sabbag.pdf: 1264446 bytes, checksum: 8fae7a79057838894039ce31c2e1c7e1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-16<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>The study deals with the confrontation between the Law and the news media, in light of the possible existence in the journal titled Diário de S. Paulo (ou Diário), a popular technical and legal language. It presents as research problem the view that the legal language, being refractory to socio-cultural variations, is the exclusive property of those who belong to a specific work activity the Law operators. It aims to show the reality of a dialogue between the technical domain and the popular lexicalfield, in full symbiosis aimed to bring about a vulgarization (or banality) inventory vocabulary used by experts. Thus, the study aims to demonstrate that the word restricted to specialized environment (technical language) can overcome their own barriers initiatory universe and reach the public domain, leaving the scientific level to enter the grassroots level in the wake of the journalistic information disclosed in popular periodicals. The methodology was based on data collection in the Diário, which is often associated with the category of popular newspaper, because of its wide circulation and distribution in São Paulo, especially among the public with lower income and little (or no) access to scholarly information. Starting from the premise that legal discourse is essentially selective and elitist, research in this type of journal shows that there is robust evidence to the demarcation of the existence of a popular technical and legal language in the Diário de S. Paulo<br>O trabalho trata do confronto entre o Direito e a mídia jornalística, à luz da possível existência, no periódico intitulado Diário de S. Paulo (ou Diário), de uma linguagem técnicojurídica popular. Apresenta como problema de pesquisa a concepção de que a linguagem jurídica, mostrando-se refratária às variações socioculturais, é propriedade exclusiva daqueles que pertencem a uma atividade laboral específica os operadores de Direito. Tem como objetivo evidenciar a real existência de um diálogo entre o domínio lexical técnico e o domínio lexical popular, em plena simbiose vocacionada a provocar uma vulgarização (ou banalização) do estoque vocabular utilizado por especialistas. Assim, o estudo visa demonstrar que o vocábulo restrito ao ambiente especializado (a linguagem técnica) pode ultrapassar as barreiras próprias do universo iniciático e alcançar o domínio público, deixando o nível científico para entrar no nível popular, na esteira da informação jornalística divulgada nos periódicos populares. A metodologia empregada se baseou no levantamento de dados no Diário, o qual costuma ser associado à categoria de jornal popular, em razão de sua grande circulação e difusão na cidade de São Paulo, sobretudo entre o público de menor renda e de pouco (ou nenhum) acesso à informação acadêmica. Partindo-se da premissa de que o discurso jurídico é essencialmente seletivo e elitista, a pesquisa nesse tipo de periódico permite concluir que há elementos robustos para a demarcação da existência de uma linguagem técnico-jurídica popular no Diário de S. Paulo

This work highlights specific lexical items that have become racialized in specific contextual applications and tests how these words are cognitively processed. This work presents the results of a visual world (Huettig et al 2011) eye-tracking study designed to determine the perception and application of racialized (Coates 2011) adjectives. To objectively select the racialized adjectives used, I developed a corpus comprised of popular media sources, designed specifically to suit my research question. I collected publications from digital media sources such as Sports Illustrated, USA Today, and Fortune by scraping articles featuring specific search terms from their websites. This experiment seeks to aid in the demarcation of socially salient groups whose application of racialized adjectives to racialized images is near instantaneous, or at least less questioned. As we view growing social movements which revolve around the significant marks unconscious assumptions leave on American society, revealing how and where these lexical assignments arise and thrive allows us to interrogate the forces which build and reify such biases. Future research should attempt to address the harmful semiotics these lexical choices sustain.

The function of a journalist is not only to inform but also to investigate. Since the public has a right to information, jurists need to protect journalists that report from dangerous war-torn regions in order to keep the world informed. As the primary reliable source and often eyewitness to humanitarian atrocities a journalist has a duty to report such atrocities. There has for several decades now been uncertainty regarding the fact whether journalists should be granted special protection or not. On the one hand it is argued that journalists should be protected in terms of humanitarian law due to their humanitarian function, the service that they render in facilitating the free flow of information to the world and the role that journalists play in society. On the other hand, some argue that the protection of journalists is not the responsibility of the international community but rather their individual national governments or local news organisations.<br>Jurisprudence<br>LL.M.