Academic literature on the topic 'Legality of crisis'

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Journal articles on the topic "Legality of crisis"

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Lowe, Vaughan. "The Iraq Crisis: What Now?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 4 (October 2003): 859–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.4.859.

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Much ink has been spilled over the question of the legality of the invasion of Iraq and of the extraordinary claims to a right to override ‘unreasonable’ uses of veto in the Security Council. That invasion has taken place, and as the United States and the United Kingdom withdrew from the Security Council the draft resoluation that would have expressly authorised that invasion, there was no occasion to override any veto that might have been cast against such a resolution had it been put to the Council. Writing while fighting in Iraq is still processding, it is both too late and too early to consider those questions of legality in great detail: too late to have any practical value; and perhaps too early for the measured appraisal of the situation that will be needed in due course. I want instead to address a slightly different question.
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Kirkpatrick, Jennet. "Democracy on the lam: Crisis, constitutionalism and extra-legality." Contemporary Political Theory 11, no. 3 (September 20, 2011): 264–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2011.28.

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Szumski, Jakub. "The state tribunal and the paradoxes of socialist legality in 1980s Poland." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 3 (June 3, 2020): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420924961.

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During the tumultuous 1980s, Polish People’s Republic experimented with legal reforms and institutions of the constitutional state. Among these institutions, set up according to the ideas of socialist legality, was the State Tribunal, tasked with determining accountability of the former leadership from the 1970s. Brought to life amid debates around economic crisis and official corruption and legally and politically constrained, the Tribunal failed to satisfy popular demands for justice. This article explores the idea of socialist legality by looking at the history of the State Tribunal in Poland. It analyses different understandings of justice and accountability, expressed during the Solidarity Revolution, and shows how they played out in public debates and the legislative process. In order to guarantee legitimacy in the unstable political situation, Polish socialist legality needed to go further than in other Eastern Bloc countries and to address popular grievances. In Poland therefore, socialist constitutional state-building started before martial law and significantly predated the turn to liberal democracy and market capitalism in 1989.
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Duursma, Jorri. "Justifying NATO's Use of Force in Kosovo?" Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 2 (June 1999): 287–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000126.

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There is no unanimity in the international community about the legality of NATO's use of force in Kosovo in order to avert a humanitarian catastrophe. NATO has acted without Security Council authorization and its arguments for a humanitarian intervention are legally inconsistent. It has set a dangerous precedent. This editorial analyses the legal framework and complexities of the Kosovo crisis and its repercussions on the concept of ‘justified use of force’.
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Amaral, Murilo Naves. "Pluralism Legal, Legality And Capitalism." Revista de Teorias da Democracia e Direitos Políticos 1, no. 1 (December 6, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2525-9660/2015.v1i1.736.

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The development of legality has intrinsic relationship with the capitalist system, so that it is essential to reconcile the analysis of the current economic model with standards from state law. It happens that, as it turns out the frustration of the applicability of the right post, a crisis arises in statist legal hegemony, which in turn, can only be overcome by expanding collective participation and consequently the implementation of an alternative right that with the consolidation of legal pluralism your mind, be able to establish appropriate channels to meet the social demands.Therefore, it is crucial that the resourcefulness of law expands the participatory way in order to extend, in a democratic way, the recognition of alternative sources of law and the constitution of the legal mosaic to all those who represent the true popular demands, for example, the collective actors.
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Sitora Kadirova. "Legality, legitimacy and legitimation of political power: theoretical analysis." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 10 (October 14, 2020): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i10.701.

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In this article author examines the nature of the legitimacy of power, correlates the concepts of “legitimacy” and “legality”. The author also analyzes the difference between legitimation and legitimacy and reports the factors and causes of the crisis of legitimacy of political power. The term “delegitimization” is considered, the reasons and conditions for its occurrence are specified.
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Yim, Myungok Chris, and Hyun Soon Park. "Why Legitimacy Matters in Crisis Communication: A Case Study of the “Nut Rage” Incident on Korean Air." Journal of Business and Technical Communication 33, no. 2 (December 9, 2018): 172–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1050651918816360.

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This study analyzes the December 2014 “nut rage” incident on Korean Air Lines by means of in-depth interviews with corporate communication experts. We examine how Korean Air managed this crisis of legitimacy, asking whether its legitimization strategy and tactics were effective. The authors argue that Korean Air breached both cognitive and moral legitimacy in terms of leadership, corporate culture, internal and external communication, and legality. The results demonstrate to other organizations what types of legitimacy resources and tactics are required in order to meet social expectations in their responses to crises.
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Cazzola, Franco. "Von der ersten zur zweiten Republik." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 98 (March 1, 1995): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i98.971.

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The article examines Italy's transformation process as a profound crisis of social institutions. The conjunction of a large number of crises has finally led to Tangentopoli: the erosion of social consensus, illegal practices in politics and society aswell as the decline of traditional value systems. All this has undermined the legitimacy basis of the society's institutional structure. Italy needs a new 'religio', a social connection without which a community breaks apart. The redefinition of legality and consensus is of crucial importance for the societal renewal in Italy. Cazzola's analysis results in a pessimistic diagnosis that the civil society's new beginning has been cancelled by the privatism of the Berlusconi government and that Italy is in a crisis deeper than ever.
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Vandeginste, Stef. "Legal Loopholes and the Politics of Executive Term Limits: Insights from Burundi." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (August 2016): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100203.

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The nomination of incumbent Pierre Nkurunziza to stand again for president in the 2015 national elections triggered a political and security crisis in Burundi. A crucial element in the controversy around his third term was the legality of his candidacy. This paper analyses how domestic and international actors responded to the legal loopholes that characterised Burundi's term-limit legislation. Three responses are distinguished. First, quite paradoxically, an argument was put forward by third-term supporters that stressed constitutional legality, a value usually invoked by third-term opponents. Second, a peace agreement was referred to as a source of legitimacy and as a legal norm. Third, a Constitutional Court ruling was invoked to address the legal loophole. Despite the apparent irrelevance of legal norms in an increasingly authoritarian environment, law significantly shaped the dynamics of the third-term debate and of the wider crisis. The Burundi case also illustrates the limitations of constitutional engineering of democratic governance.
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E., Abdulhamid. "The Conundrum and Legality of Stamp Duties Collection in Nigeria." African Journal of Accounting and Financial Research 4, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajafr/blsv21x1.

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The dwindling oil revenue to Nigeria necessitated the need to improve revenue generation. The Stamp Duties is seen as “a new gold”, however, the crisis between the FIRS and NIPOST might pose a threat. The study examined the provisions of the Stamp Duties Act and some relevant laws to ascertain the agency with the jurisdiction to collect and administer duties in Nigeria. It was found that FIRS has the authority to manage and administer duties and other taxes in Nigeria and not NIPOST. It was recommended that tax laws should be harmonised and postage stamps and stamp duties should be clearly defined to avoid ambiguity.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Legality of crisis"

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MIRANDA, MARIO ANGELO BRANDAO DE O. "THE DISCUSION OF LEGALITY IN THE CONTEXT OF POLITICAL CRISIS IN BRAZIL FROM 1955 TO 1964." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=34933@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Este trabalho tem por objetivo refletir acerca de que forma a idéia ou o conceito de legalidade transitou pelo ambiente político do período da experiência democrática brasileira do Pós-II Guerra Mundial. Naquele momento, estar ao lado da legalidade se constituiu em um elemento fundamental do discurso de grupos políticos diversos e com propostas e soluções opostas. No período posterior ao suicídio do presidente Getúlio Vargas, particularmente durante os episódios da intervenção político-militar de novembro de 1955, da crise da renúncia de Jânio Quadros e solução parlamentarista de 1961 e do golpe de 1964, as discussões em torno da legalidade assumiram o primeiro plano. Desta forma, a conquista do argumento da legalidade, para além das conspirações, ameaças e repressões, mostrou-se primordial para o desfecho dos acontecimentos. Este trabalho busca, através da análise dos usos, significados e interpretações expressos pelos editoriais dos jornais Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, afirmar que a necessidade de se manter o país sob a proteção da legalidade norteou a ação dos formadores de opinião da sociedade brasileira, fossem eles militares ou civis. Qualquer ação que não procurasse se sustentar sob o guarda-chuva da legalidade enfrentaria fortes resistências nos mais diversos setores da sociedade. Esta, mesmo sofrendo ressiginificações, se manteve sempre presente no discurso dos atores políticos envolvidos nestes episódios.
This work has the objective to reflect about the ways that the idea or the concept of legality transited by the political environment of Brazilian democratic experience during the period Post-II World War. In that moment, being on the legality side constituted in a fundamental element in the speeches from a diversity of political groups and with opposite proposals and solutions. In the period after the suicide of president Getúlio Vargas, particularly during the episodes of the political-military intervention in November of 1955, the crisis of Jânio Quadros resignation and the parliamentary solution of 1961, and the coup of 1964, the discussions about legality became a priority. This way, the use of the legality argument, beyond the conspirations, threats and repressions, was shown primordial to the happenings outcome. This work seeks, throughout the analysis of the uses, meanings and interpretations expressed by editorials from the newspapers Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, from the city of Rio de Janeiro, to affirm that the need to maintain the country under the protection of legality guided the actions of opinion formers from Brazilian society, military and civil. Any action that wasn t supported by the protection of legality would face strong resistance in the most diverse sectors of society. The concept of legality went through re-significations, but was always present in the speech of political actors involved in these episodes.
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Diliagka, Dafni [Verfasser]. "The Legality of Public Pension Reforms in Times of Financial Crisis : The Case of Greece / Dafni Diliagka." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1160307784/34.

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Bonifaz, Moreno Gustavo. "The gap between legality and legitimacy : the Bolivian state crisis (2000-2008) in historical and regional perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3531/.

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The present thesis investigates the causes of the Bolivian state crisis (2000-2008). The case study is intriguing because, compared to other countries in the region, Bolivia appeared to successfully implement competitive elections and neo-liberal reforms. Nevertheless, by 2008 the country was on the verge of civil war. This sudden political collapse, I argue, shows that Bolivia represents an extreme case of a regional trend, namely the periodic opening of a gap between legality and legitimacy in periods of social change, punctuated by external shocks. Most accounts of the crisis try to explain it based on the historical prevalence of ethnic, regional or class cleavages within the Bolivian society. Other explanations claim that the crisis was caused by the inability of the country to sustain positive reforms. The former explanations fail because they try to explain what has changed, based on what has not. The latter fail to explain the sudden collapse of the system. In order to provide a better explanation of the Bolivian state crisis, I followed Samuel Huntington´s (1968) study on the relationship between social change, political institutions and instability. I revisited and revised Huntington’s theory combining historical sociology and historical institutionalism. The thesis makes a theoretical contribution through a conceptual advancement to Huntington’s approach by embedding it in a more adequate framework: the gap between legality and legitimacy. Empirically, the research is based on elite interviews, original electoral data, archival records of the CA, and secondary sources. Methodologically, a process-tracing analysis of this evidence led me to conclude that intense social changes, punctuated by external shocks, unsettled and politicised the Bolivian structure of cleavages, giving way to a situation by which political institutions were unable to process social conflicts within the constitutional structure. A cross-temporal comparative analysis of former Bolivian state crises strengthened the analytical framework.
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Scott, Bethany. "How do we address the European refugee crisis through employment and integration in an urban environment? : What architectural tactics can we use to support legal and illegal networks within a city?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Arkitekthögskolan vid Umeå universitet, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-171732.

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A refugee faces many issues on their journey to safety, but the issues do not end once they reach a host country. Applying for asylum is an arduous process with long waiting times in most European countries, and a low acceptance rate. Lack of integration into a new community is one of the main issues faced during this time. Studies show that labour market opportunities are a successful tool to aid integration and help to close the employment gap between native residents and new arrivals. The employment gap exists due to lack of local language, employment connections, transference of existing skills, legal issues, and personal and health issues. This paper argues that early commencement of language learning, transference of qualifications and picking up the necessary new skills for employment, is a positive way to use the long waiting time to benefit asylum seekers. It is also important to support newly accepted refugees during their integration into the community. Reflecting on organisations and networks that currently exist for refugees, a new civic space is proposed in the city to improve the integration of users through labour market training and opportunities. Looking at the legislations in place for integration and existing pathways to residency, an example is shown of how it can be manipulated to encourage involvement in the labour market.
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Sandison, Craig R. K. "Legality and the Scots common law of crimes." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296709.

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Saldarriaga, Velásquez Giuliana Stephanie. "The legality of the intervention in Mali." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116032.

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Due to the crisis lived in Mali since 2012, due to a non-international armed conflict between the government and different armed groups, the Security Council of the United Nations Organization declared that the situation in Mali constituted a threat to international peace and security. This led to the military intervention in Mali by France. This article aims to analyse the arguments with which the French government attempted to justify its intervention in order to determine if those arguments are legal or not.
Debido a la crisis que vive Malí desde el año 2012, a causa de un conflicto armado no internacional entre el gobierno y varios grupos armados, el Consejo de Seguridad de la Organización de Naciones Unidas declaró que dicha situación representaba una amenaza contra la paz y la seguridad internacionales. Ello condujo a la intervención  militar de Francia  en la República de Malí. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los argumentos con los que el gobierno francés justificó su intervención para así determinar sidichos argumentos son legales o no.
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Namwase, Sylvie. "The Principle of Legality and the prosecution of international crimes in domestic courts: lessons from Uganda." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9280_1363774835.

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Hossain, M. Sanjeeb. "The search for justice in Bangladesh : an assessment of the legality and legitimacy of the international crimes tribunals of Bangladesh through the prism of the principle of complementarity." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/103875/.

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Bangladesh’s place on the globe as a sovereign nation-state came at the expense of millions of victims who perished during the war of 1971. For the greater part of four decades an endemic culture of impunity deprived the surviving victims of justice. As the crimes of 1971 remained beyond the ratione temporis of the ICC, the Bangladesh Government established the first International Crimes Tribunal in 2010 under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 for the purposes of detaining, prosecuting and punishing “persons responsible for committing genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and other crimes under international law” in 1971. According to critics, the ICTs are a case of “complementarity gone bad” because they have failed to uphold international standards of justice. This thesis determines the legality and the legitimacy of the ICTs of Bangladesh. It does so by analysing the major criticisms directed towards the statutory provisions of the ICTA and the trial process of the ICTs through the prism of the principle of complementarity with particular reference to the “principles of due process recognized by international law”.
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Maele, Fostino Yankho. "Legality of the jurisdiction of the ICC over nationals of non-states parties who commit offences within the jurisdiction of the ICC on territories of non-states parties." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4556.

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Magister Legum - LLM
The coming into force of the Rome Statute on the 1st July 2002 signified the birth of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC came into existence as a permanent criminal court for the prosecution of Genocide, Crimes against Humanity, War Crimes and Crime of Aggression. There are 121 states-parties to the Rome Statute. This means there are many states that have not ratified the Rome Statute. The ICC would ordinarily not have jurisdiction over the nationals of these states if they committed offences within the jurisdiction of the ICC on the territories of the non-states parties. This paper intends to analyse whether the ICC has jurisdiction over nationals of non-state parties who commit crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC on the territories of non-states parties to the Rome Statute. There are situations and cases that are before the ICC involving nationals of non-state parties that committed crimes on territories of non-states parties. These cases have come before the ICC by way of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) referrals. This paper will therefore examine the legality of UNSC referrals under international law in respect of nationals of non-states parties, who commit crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC, on territories of non-states parties.
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Ravenda, Diego. "Inferences from Financial Statements of Legally Registered Mafia Firms in Italy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286744.

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In this dissertation we examine labor tax avoidance, expenses manipulation and accrual management within a sample of 224 Italian firms defined as legally registered Mafia firms (LMFs), due to having been confiscated by judicial authorities in relation to alleged connections of their owners with Italian organized crime. Based on the insights gained, we further develop a predictive model that can contribute to the detection of LMFs. Overall, our results reveal that, before being confiscated, LMFs engage more in labor tax avoidance and accrual management relative to lawful firms (LWFs). Furthermore, LMFs upward manage material expenses and downward manage personnel and service expenses with a cumulative negative effect on reported cash flow relative to sales. On the other hand, following their confiscation and consequent assignment to legal administrators, practices of LMFs mostly become insignificantly different from those of LWFs, although LMFs continue exhibiting a higher degree of accrual management. Finally, our detection model correctly classifies 76.41% of firms within a matched sample of 852 firm-years including LMFs before confiscation and LWFs. Unlisted LMFs are socially irresponsible by nature because of their illicit purposes. In addition, their incentives, modus operandi and financial statement formats differ from those of listed companies. Hence, our study allows inferring conclusions on the relations of corporate social responsibility with earnings management and labor tax avoidance. Furthermore, it adopts new earnings management and labor tax avoidance measures that, as well as providing additional insights, may enhance further research on their effectiveness in other cultural, legal and institutional contexts and for other types of firm. Finally, but no less important, our findings can aid practitioners and regulators in identifying accounting signals that can be used in risk assessment models or in the detection of criminal infiltrations and related illicit practices, especially in countries with a strong criminal presence.
En aquesta tesi investiguem l’evasió contributiva laboral, la manipulació de despeses i la manipulació d’ajustos comptables dins una mostra de 224 empreses italianes definides com a empreses mafioses legalment registrades (LMFs) per haver sigut confiscades per les autoritats judicials a causa de presumptes connexions dels seus propietaris amb el crim organitzat italià. A partir dels resultats assolits, desenvolupem addicionalment un model predictiu que pot contribuir a la detecció de les LMFs. En general, els nostres resultats indiquen que, abans de ser confiscades, les LMFs realitzen més evasió contributiva laboral i manipulació d’ajustos comptables respecte a les empreses legals (LWFs). Addicionalment, les LMFs manipulen a l’alça les despeses de materials i manipulen a la baixa les despeses de personal i de serveis amb un efecte cumulatiu negatiu sobre el flux de caixa presentat respecte a les vendes. D’altra banda, després de la seva confiscació i la conseqüent assignació als administradors legals, les practiques de les LMFs esdevenen en general insignificativament diferents d’aquelles de les LWFs, tot i que les LMFs segueixen exhibint un grau major de manipulació d’ajustos comptables. Finalment, el nostre model de detecció classifica correctament el 76.41% de les empreses dins una mostra aparellada de 852 any-empreses que inclou les LMFs abans de la confiscació i les LWFs. Les LMFs no cotitzades son socialment irresponsables per natura a causa dels seus propòsits il·lícits. A més, els seus incentius, modus operandi i formats d’estats financers difereixen d’aquells de les empreses cotitzades. Per consegüent, el nostre estudi permet inferir conclusions sobre les relacions de la responsabilitat social corporativa amb la manipulació comptable i l’evasió contributiva laboral. Addicionalment, adopta noves mesures de manipulació comptable i evasió contributiva laboral que, a més de proporcionar nous coneixements, podrien fomentar una nova recerca sobre la seva efectivitat en altres contexts culturals, legals i institucionals i per a altres menes d’empreses. Finalment però no menys important, els nostres resultats poden ajudar els professionals i els reguladors a identificar senyals comptables que es poden utilitzar en models d’avaluació de riscos o per a la detecció d’infiltracions criminals i practiques il·lícites relatives, especialment en països amb una forta presencia criminal.
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Books on the topic "Legality of crisis"

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Ashworth, Andrew. Interpreting criminal statutes: A crisis of legality?. London: Stevens, 1991.

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Fantozzi, Pietro, and Antonio Costabile. Legalità in crisi: Il rispetto delle regole in economia e in politica. Roma: Carocci editore, 2012.

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The principle of legality in international and comparative criminal law. Cambridge [UK]: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Karlyson, Mykael. La violenza sessuale: Aspetti giuridici e medico-legali. Milano: A. Giuffrè, 2000.

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Notaro, Domenico. Autorità indipendenti e norma penale: La crisi del principio di legalità nello stato policentrico. Torino: G. Giappichelli, 2010.

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Gaff, Angela. An illusion of legality: A legal analysis of Israel's mass deportation of Palestinians on 17 December 1992. Ramallah: al-Haq, 1993.

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Catenacci, Mauro. Legalità e tipicità del reato nello statuto della Corte penale internazionale. Milano: A. Giuffrè, 2003.

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Legally combating atrocities on scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co., 2004.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Economic and Commercial Law. Dischargeability in bankruptcy of criminal fines, restitution, and related liabilities arising out of a debtor's operation of a motor vehicle while legally intoxicated: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Economic and Commercial Law of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, second session, June 21, 1990. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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Law, United States Congress House Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on Economic and Commercial. Dischargeability in bankruptcy of criminal fines, restitution, and related liabilities arising out of a debtor's operation of a motor vehicle while legally intoxicated: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Economic and Commercial Law of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, second session, June 21, 1990. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Legality of crisis"

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Bassan, Fabio. "Criteria for Determining the Legality of the ECB’s Unconventional Measures." In Democracy in the EMU in the Aftermath of the Crisis, 235–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53895-2_12.

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Wiącek, Marcin. "Constitutional Crisis in Poland 2015–2016 in the Light of the Rule of Law Principle." In Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States, 15–33. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62317-6_2.

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AbstractThis chapter concerns the constitutional crisis in Poland that began in 2015. It was triggered by appointing judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, by the outgoing Parliament, and then by re-appointing new judges for the same vacancies. Thus, the status of three judges elected by the previous Parliament and three judges elected by the current Parliament remains disputable.One of the crucial elements of the rule of law is the principle of legality. There are two aspects of this principle: the presumption of legality that covers all acts of state bodies; the revoking of this presumption may be performed only within procedures prescribed by the law. The law should indicate a state body competent to revoke the presumption of legality and define the legal effects of such revoking. If the law is incomplete, incoherent or imprecise in that scope—that may lead to legal and political crisis. Polish legislation and Constitution fail to comply with the said standard. This is one of the causes of the constitutional crisis in Poland.In a state governed by the rule of law state bodies should mutually respect their acts. State bodies should not treat acts or decisions issued by other state bodies as invalid or non-existent, unless it is declared within a procedure prescribed by the law. Otherwise, a legal chaos may occur. Courts are not empowered to evaluate the lawfulness of the Tribunal’s judgments. One of the crucial elements of the rule of law principle is the certainty of law.
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MacNeil, Gillian. "Crimes Against Humanity: Introduction, Development and Acceptance." In Legality Matters, 81–118. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-443-3_4.

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Ferdinandusse, Ward N. "The Principle of Legality and Direct Application of Core Crimes." In Direct Application of International Criminal Law in National Courts, 221–68. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-707-4_6.

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Szibor, R., R. Schöning, Ines Plate, and D. Krause. "Typing of Mucoid Cell Stains at Bite Marks on Victims of Sexual Homicide Crimes." In Acta Medicinæ Legalis Vol. XLIV 1994, 93–95. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-79523-7_31.

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Clark, Phil. "The International Criminal Court’s Impact on Peacebuilding in Africa." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa, 235–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_14.

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Abstract This chapter examines the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its intersections with two widespread domestic conflict resolution processes in Africa: national amnesties and peace negotiations. In doing so, it connects to two overarching scholarly and policy debates, namely the appropriateness and legality of amnesties as opposed to prosecutions for suspected perpetrators of international crimes, and the “peace versus justice” debate over whether the threat of prosecution imperils peace negotiations that involve high-level atrocity suspects. This chapter focuses on the ICC’s first two—and therefore most developed—situations in northern Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), with secondary reference to Rwanda, South Sudan, and other conflict-affected states in Africa. The chapter concludes with some lessons from the ICC’s interventions for recrafting international criminal justice in support of the wider pursuit of peace.
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von Bogdandy, Armin, Piotr Bogdanowicz, Iris Canor, Giacomo Rugge, Matthias Schmidt, and Maciej Taborowski. "A Potential Constitutional Moment for the European Rule of Law: The Importance of Red Lines." In Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States, 385–401. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62317-6_15.

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AbstractThis contribution deals with the current European rule of law crisis. It does so by analyzing the recent CJEU’s judgment in re LM and by considering its possible ramifications for the future of the rule of law in the EU. In particular, it is argued that, as a result of this judgment, the European rule of law as provided for by Art. 2 TEU has become a legally enforceable value. The CJEU has indeed made clear that this value features a set of minimum standards that the Member States cannot bluntly disregard. In the present context, which is characterized by the inaction of the supranational and national political institutions, a prominent role in safeguarding a liberal understanding of the European rule of law is played by the entire European judiciary (the so-called ‘Gerichtsverbund’), including national courts and tribunals.
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Tapiola, Kari. "What Happened to International Labour Standards and Human Rights at Work?" In International Labour Organization and Global Social Governance, 51–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55400-2_3.

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Abstract The social rules of a universal market economy, created by globalization, are based on the standards adopted by the ILO since 1919. Among them a special role belongs to fundamental principles and rights at work, comprised in an ILO Declaration in 1998. They provide for freedom of association, collective bargaining and the elimination of child and forced labour and discrimination. There is a growing debate on how other standards should be linked to fundamental rights and not seen as less important instruments. Technical cooperation has demonstrated that, in any case, implementing fundamental rights leads to strengthening of law and practice on wages, social security and occupational safety and health. All international labour standards (Conventions, Recommendations and Protocols) are derived from the labour principles of the ILO Constitution, and they are closely connected with one another. While the role of the state remains crucial—especially in times of crisis—much of the implementation of labour standards should be achieved through collective bargaining and other negotiations, while voluntary agreements between the social partners are generally legally binding.
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Danisi, Carmelo, Moira Dustin, Nuno Ferreira, and Nina Held. "Why Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Asylum?" In IMISCOE Research Series, 3–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69441-8_1.

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AbstractForced migration – no matter how we wish to define it – has been high in the political agendas and debates across the world for several decades. Forced migrants become claimants of international protection, or ‘asylum claimants’, and then find themselves trapped in convoluted, constraining and highly politicised systems. Often accused of being ‘bogus’ asylum claimants, they are also regularly accused of abusing the hospitality of the host country, violating countries’ borders and territorial sovereignty, and simply seeking economic benefits (Ford 2009; UNHCR 2007). Conversely, asylum legal instruments have been repeatedly criticised for inadequately addressing the rights and needs of asylum claimants, therefore preventing those with legitimate claims from being granted protection. These debates have more recently been rehashed in the context of the negotiations behind the Global Compact for Safe Orderly and Regular Migration, a non-legally binding agreement negotiated under the aegis of the United Nations (UN) and endorsed by the UN General Assembly. In this atmosphere of permanent politicised and humanitarian ‘crisis’ (McAdam 2014), a group warranting specific attention is constituted by those asylum claimants presenting a claim based on their sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI).
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Anders, Lisa H., and Sonja Priebus. "Does It Help to Call a Spade a Spade? Examining the Legal Bases and Effects of Rule of Law-Related Infringement Procedures Against Hungary." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 235–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_10.

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Abstract Whether infringement procedures are suitable to enforce the EU’s foundational values is contested. According to critics, they lead to a miscategorisation of the problems because rule of law concerns are reframed as concrete EU law violations. Others see infringement procedures as a powerful alternative to the Article 7 procedure, stressing their potential to depoliticise rule of law-related conflicts. As we still lack systematic studies on the deployment and effects of infringement procedures in rule of law related cases, this chapter analyses all seven procedures with rule of law relevance launched against Hungary since 2010. It analyses whether the Commission indeed miscategorised the cases and how the Hungarian government reacted legally and rhetorically. The findings cast doubt on the premises that the procedures depoliticise the conflicts and that the correct categorisation of rule of law problems could induce compliance with the EU’s foundational values.
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Conference papers on the topic "Legality of crisis"

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Lauc, Zvonimir, and Marijana Majnarić. "EU LEGAL SYSTEM AND CLAUSULA REBUS SIC STANTIBUS." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18352.

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We are witnesses and participants of Copernican changes in the world which result in major crises/challenges (economic, political, social, climate, demographic, migratory, MORAL) that significantly change “normal” circumstances. The law, as a large regulatory system, must find answers to these challenges. Primarily, these circumstances relate to (i) the pandemic - Corona 19, which requires ensuring economic development with a significant encroachment on human freedoms and rights; (ii) globalization, which fundamentally changes the concept of liberal capitalism as the most efficient system of production of goods and services and democracy as a desirable form of government; (iii) automation, robotics, artificial intelligence, and big data are changing the ways we work, live, communicate, and learn in a Copernican manner. The law should serve to shape the relationship between people in order to realize a life of love and freedom. This is done to the greatest extent through the constitutional engineering of selected institutions. The legal system focuses on institutions that have a raison d'etre in their mission, which is read as “ratio legis”, as a desirable normative and real action in the range of causal and teleological aspect. Crisis situations narrow social cohesion and weaken trust in institutions. It is imperative to seek constitutional engineering that finds a way out in autopoietic institutions in allopoietic environment. We believe that the most current definition of law is that = law is the negation of the negation of morality. It follows that morality is the most important category of social development. Legitimacy, and then legality, relies on morality. In other words, the rules of conduct must be highly correlated with morality - legitimacy - legality. What is legal follows the rules, what is lawful follows the moral substance and ethical permissibility. Therefore, only a fair and intelligent mastery of a highly professional and ethical teleological interpretation of law is a conditio sine qua non for overcoming current anomalies of social development. The juridical code of legal and illegal is a transformation of moral, legitimate and legal into YES, and immoral, illegitimate and illegal into NO. The future of education aims to generate a program for global action and a discussion on learning and knowledge for the future of humanity and the planet in a world of increasing complexity, uncertainty and insecurity.
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Fekete, Gábor. "VIDEOCONFERENCE HEARINGS AFTER THE TIMES OF PANDEMIC." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18316.

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The sanitary crisis of the Covid-19 pandemic resulted in several changes in the way courts communicate, can be reached and handle cases. The so-called videoconferencing became one of the accepted ways of the hearings. This kind of videoconferencing took place on online videoconference solutions, which differ a lot from the conventional videoconference systems. After the exceptional situation, it remained a question whether the digital revolution of court proceedings had arrived or the use of videoconferencing should remain an exceptional instrument. The application of a videoconference system is the subject of the right to a fair trial, in this regard it has been contested by the European Court of Human Rights in several cases. This case law stated several expectations and reveals many aspects, which have to be applied to the online videoconference solutions. On the other hand, the wider use of legal tech instruments is the subject of the political will. The political support is crystallizing within the EU, whose right to act is limited. The interim measures which were introduced under the emergency law regimes on national level show a number of experiences on how the continuous and legally founded functioning of the justice system can be ensured, for example by the use of online video hearings. The balance between the effectivity and the legality is a crucial question. Upon the above-mentioned sources, the paper introduces the differences of the two methods of videoconferencing. It examines the legal requirements, details the experiences and shows the opportunities of the use of videoconference systems and online videoconference solutions in civil cases. The use of videoconference in civil hearings can be an instrument conforming to procedural right. The general application of videoconference, especially the online solution lowers the threshold to access the justice, accelerates the procedures, ensures social distancing, but requires both legal and technical preparedness.
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Čučković, Bojana. "EU ASYLUM SYSTEM IN AND AFTER THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: DISCLOSING THE WEAKNESSES OF THE CURRENT RULES AND ASSESSING THE PROSPECTS OF THE NEW PACT ON MIGRATION AND ASYLUM." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18297.

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The paper analyses the influence that the Covid-19 pandemic has had on the functioning of the European asylum system. The analysis is divided into three parts and addresses problematic issues associated with different stages of the pandemic. In the first part of the paper, the author outlines the asylum practices of EU Member States in the initial stage of the Covid-19 pandemic during which the pandemic was perceived as a state of emergency. By exploring the legal possibilities to derogate both from the EU asylum rules and international human rights standards, the author offers conclusions as regards limits of derogations and the legality of Member States’ practices, especially their failure to differentiate between rules that are susceptive of being derogated in emergency situations and those that are not. The second part of the paper analyses the current phase of the pandemic in which it is perceived as a 'new normal' and focuses on making the EU asylum system immune to Covid-19 influence to the greatest extent possible and in line with relevant EU and human rights rules. The author insists on the vulnerability as an inherent feature of persons in need of international protection and researches upon the relationship between the two competing interests involved – protection of asylum seekers and ensuring public health as a legitimate reason for restricting certain asylum seekers’ rights. The final part of the paper analyses the prospects of the future EU asylum system, as announced by the New Pact on Migration and Asylum in September 2020, to adapt to the exigencies of both the current Covid-19 crisis and pandemics that are yet to come. With an exclusive focus on referral to Covid-19 and provisions relevant for the current and future pandemics, the author criticizes several solutions included in the instruments that make up the Pact. It is concluded that the Pact failed to offer solutions for problems experienced during the Covid-19 pandemic and that, under the pretext of public health, it prioritizes the interests of Member States over the interests of applicants for international protection.
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Akçacı, Taner, and Aydan Karaata. "The Paradoxical Effect of International Funds in Turkey: Dutch Disease." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00906.

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International funds flow freely across the countries both quantitatively and legally as a result of financial liberalization carried out by globalization process and huge amount of money flows into the countries in liberal system. Particularly for developing countries, these fund flows refer as hot money are mentioned frequently with respect of positive and negative signs. High export performance of the Netherlands as a result of discovering large natural gas reserve leads to increase rapidly its own currency. In 1959 when economic indicators getting worse, the reason of crisis appears as decreasing export in consequence of over-valued currency leads to decrease the industrial production. This paradoxical situation is named as “Dutch Disease” in economics literature. The purpose of this study is examining the effect of hot money inflow on the manufacturing sector of Turkey and testing Dutch disease for Turkish economy. In this paper, the monthly data 2006:01-2013:12 from Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey is used. Test results of causality tests that Toda-Yamamoto method (1995) and Hacker-Hatemi-J (2006) bootstrap method approve that there is no causality between portfolio investment and manufacturing industrial production index and also export. The results confirm that portfolio investments do not lead to Dutch disease for Turkey.
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Reports on the topic "Legality of crisis"

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S. Abdellatif, Omar, Ali Behbehani, Mauricio Landin, and Sarah Malik. Bahrain COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/ucrg0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, and Ali Behbehani. Italy COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/itl0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, states agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some states refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, and Ali Behbehani. Jordan COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/jord0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, states agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some states refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, and Ali Behbehani. Saudi Arabia COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/ksa0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, states agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some states refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Abdellatif, Omar, Ali Behbehani, and Mauricio Landin. Finland COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/fin0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, and Ali Behbehani. Netherlands COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/nl0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, Ali Behbehani, and Mauricio Landin. Australia COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/astr0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Abdellatif, Omar, Ali Behbehani, and Mauricio Landin. Japan COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/japn0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, Ali Behbehani, and Mauricio Landin. Iran COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/iran0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, states agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some states refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, and Ali Behbehani. France COVID-19 Governmental Response. UN Compliance Research Group, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/fran0501.

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The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, states agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some states refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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