Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Legality of crisis'

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Este trabalho tem por objetivo refletir acerca de que forma a idéia ou o conceito de legalidade transitou pelo ambiente político do período da experiência democrática brasileira do Pós-II Guerra Mundial. Naquele momento, estar ao lado da legalidade se constituiu em um elemento fundamental do discurso de grupos políticos diversos e com propostas e soluções opostas. No período posterior ao suicídio do presidente Getúlio Vargas, particularmente durante os episódios da intervenção político-militar de novembro de 1955, da crise da renúncia de Jânio Quadros e solução parlamentarista de 1961 e do golpe de 1964, as discussões em torno da legalidade assumiram o primeiro plano. Desta forma, a conquista do argumento da legalidade, para além das conspirações, ameaças e repressões, mostrou-se primordial para o desfecho dos acontecimentos. Este trabalho busca, através da análise dos usos, significados e interpretações expressos pelos editoriais dos jornais Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, afirmar que a necessidade de se manter o país sob a proteção da legalidade norteou a ação dos formadores de opinião da sociedade brasileira, fossem eles militares ou civis. Qualquer ação que não procurasse se sustentar sob o guarda-chuva da legalidade enfrentaria fortes resistências nos mais diversos setores da sociedade. Esta, mesmo sofrendo ressiginificações, se manteve sempre presente no discurso dos atores políticos envolvidos nestes episódios.
This work has the objective to reflect about the ways that the idea or the concept of legality transited by the political environment of Brazilian democratic experience during the period Post-II World War. In that moment, being on the legality side constituted in a fundamental element in the speeches from a diversity of political groups and with opposite proposals and solutions. In the period after the suicide of president Getúlio Vargas, particularly during the episodes of the political-military intervention in November of 1955, the crisis of Jânio Quadros resignation and the parliamentary solution of 1961, and the coup of 1964, the discussions about legality became a priority. This way, the use of the legality argument, beyond the conspirations, threats and repressions, was shown primordial to the happenings outcome. This work seeks, throughout the analysis of the uses, meanings and interpretations expressed by editorials from the newspapers Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, from the city of Rio de Janeiro, to affirm that the need to maintain the country under the protection of legality guided the actions of opinion formers from Brazilian society, military and civil. Any action that wasn t supported by the protection of legality would face strong resistance in the most diverse sectors of society. The concept of legality went through re-significations, but was always present in the speech of political actors involved in these episodes.

The present thesis investigates the causes of the Bolivian state crisis (2000-2008). The case study is intriguing because, compared to other countries in the region, Bolivia appeared to successfully implement competitive elections and neo-liberal reforms. Nevertheless, by 2008 the country was on the verge of civil war. This sudden political collapse, I argue, shows that Bolivia represents an extreme case of a regional trend, namely the periodic opening of a gap between legality and legitimacy in periods of social change, punctuated by external shocks. Most accounts of the crisis try to explain it based on the historical prevalence of ethnic, regional or class cleavages within the Bolivian society. Other explanations claim that the crisis was caused by the inability of the country to sustain positive reforms. The former explanations fail because they try to explain what has changed, based on what has not. The latter fail to explain the sudden collapse of the system. In order to provide a better explanation of the Bolivian state crisis, I followed Samuel Huntington´s (1968) study on the relationship between social change, political institutions and instability. I revisited and revised Huntington’s theory combining historical sociology and historical institutionalism. The thesis makes a theoretical contribution through a conceptual advancement to Huntington’s approach by embedding it in a more adequate framework: the gap between legality and legitimacy. Empirically, the research is based on elite interviews, original electoral data, archival records of the CA, and secondary sources. Methodologically, a process-tracing analysis of this evidence led me to conclude that intense social changes, punctuated by external shocks, unsettled and politicised the Bolivian structure of cleavages, giving way to a situation by which political institutions were unable to process social conflicts within the constitutional structure. A cross-temporal comparative analysis of former Bolivian state crises strengthened the analytical framework.

A refugee faces many issues on their journey to safety, but the issues do not end once they reach a host country. Applying for asylum is an arduous process with long waiting times in most European countries, and a low acceptance rate. Lack of integration into a new community is one of the main issues faced during this time. Studies show that labour market opportunities are a successful tool to aid integration and help to close the employment gap between native residents and new arrivals. The employment gap exists due to lack of local language, employment connections, transference of existing skills, legal issues, and personal and health issues. This paper argues that early commencement of language learning, transference of qualifications and picking up the necessary new skills for employment, is a positive way to use the long waiting time to benefit asylum seekers. It is also important to support newly accepted refugees during their integration into the community. Reflecting on organisations and networks that currently exist for refugees, a new civic space is proposed in the city to improve the integration of users through labour market training and opportunities. Looking at the legislations in place for integration and existing pathways to residency, an example is shown of how it can be manipulated to encourage involvement in the labour market.

Due to the crisis lived in Mali since 2012, due to a non-international armed conflict between the government and different armed groups, the Security Council of the United Nations Organization declared that the situation in Mali constituted a threat to international peace and security. This led to the military intervention in Mali by France. This article aims to analyse the arguments with which the French government attempted to justify its intervention in order to determine if those arguments are legal or not.
Debido a la crisis que vive Malí desde el año 2012, a causa de un conflicto armado no internacional entre el gobierno y varios grupos armados, el Consejo de Seguridad de la Organización de Naciones Unidas declaró que dicha situación representaba una amenaza contra la paz y la seguridad internacionales. Ello condujo a la intervención  militar de Francia  en la República de Malí. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los argumentos con los que el gobierno francés justificó su intervención para así determinar sidichos argumentos son legales o no.

Bangladesh’s place on the globe as a sovereign nation-state came at the expense of millions of victims who perished during the war of 1971. For the greater part of four decades an endemic culture of impunity deprived the surviving victims of justice. As the crimes of 1971 remained beyond the ratione temporis of the ICC, the Bangladesh Government established the first International Crimes Tribunal in 2010 under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 for the purposes of detaining, prosecuting and punishing “persons responsible for committing genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and other crimes under international law” in 1971. According to critics, the ICTs are a case of “complementarity gone bad” because they have failed to uphold international standards of justice. This thesis determines the legality and the legitimacy of the ICTs of Bangladesh. It does so by analysing the major criticisms directed towards the statutory provisions of the ICTA and the trial process of the ICTs through the prism of the principle of complementarity with particular reference to the “principles of due process recognized by international law”.

Magister Legum - LLM
The coming into force of the Rome Statute on the 1st July 2002 signified the birth of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC came into existence as a permanent criminal court for the prosecution of Genocide, Crimes against Humanity, War Crimes and Crime of Aggression. There are 121 states-parties to the Rome Statute. This means there are many states that have not ratified the Rome Statute. The ICC would ordinarily not have jurisdiction over the nationals of these states if they committed offences within the jurisdiction of the ICC on the territories of the non-states parties. This paper intends to analyse whether the ICC has jurisdiction over nationals of non-state parties who commit crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC on the territories of non-states parties to the Rome Statute. There are situations and cases that are before the ICC involving nationals of non-state parties that committed crimes on territories of non-states parties. These cases have come before the ICC by way of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) referrals. This paper will therefore examine the legality of UNSC referrals under international law in respect of nationals of non-states parties, who commit crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC, on territories of non-states parties.

In this dissertation we examine labor tax avoidance, expenses manipulation and accrual management within a sample of 224 Italian firms defined as legally registered Mafia firms (LMFs), due to having been confiscated by judicial authorities in relation to alleged connections of their owners with Italian organized crime. Based on the insights gained, we further develop a predictive model that can contribute to the detection of LMFs. Overall, our results reveal that, before being confiscated, LMFs engage more in labor tax avoidance and accrual management relative to lawful firms (LWFs). Furthermore, LMFs upward manage material expenses and downward manage personnel and service expenses with a cumulative negative effect on reported cash flow relative to sales. On the other hand, following their confiscation and consequent assignment to legal administrators, practices of LMFs mostly become insignificantly different from those of LWFs, although LMFs continue exhibiting a higher degree of accrual management. Finally, our detection model correctly classifies 76.41% of firms within a matched sample of 852 firm-years including LMFs before confiscation and LWFs. Unlisted LMFs are socially irresponsible by nature because of their illicit purposes. In addition, their incentives, modus operandi and financial statement formats differ from those of listed companies. Hence, our study allows inferring conclusions on the relations of corporate social responsibility with earnings management and labor tax avoidance. Furthermore, it adopts new earnings management and labor tax avoidance measures that, as well as providing additional insights, may enhance further research on their effectiveness in other cultural, legal and institutional contexts and for other types of firm. Finally, but no less important, our findings can aid practitioners and regulators in identifying accounting signals that can be used in risk assessment models or in the detection of criminal infiltrations and related illicit practices, especially in countries with a strong criminal presence.
En aquesta tesi investiguem l’evasió contributiva laboral, la manipulació de despeses i la manipulació d’ajustos comptables dins una mostra de 224 empreses italianes definides com a empreses mafioses legalment registrades (LMFs) per haver sigut confiscades per les autoritats judicials a causa de presumptes connexions dels seus propietaris amb el crim organitzat italià. A partir dels resultats assolits, desenvolupem addicionalment un model predictiu que pot contribuir a la detecció de les LMFs. En general, els nostres resultats indiquen que, abans de ser confiscades, les LMFs realitzen més evasió contributiva laboral i manipulació d’ajustos comptables respecte a les empreses legals (LWFs). Addicionalment, les LMFs manipulen a l’alça les despeses de materials i manipulen a la baixa les despeses de personal i de serveis amb un efecte cumulatiu negatiu sobre el flux de caixa presentat respecte a les vendes. D’altra banda, després de la seva confiscació i la conseqüent assignació als administradors legals, les practiques de les LMFs esdevenen en general insignificativament diferents d’aquelles de les LWFs, tot i que les LMFs segueixen exhibint un grau major de manipulació d’ajustos comptables. Finalment, el nostre model de detecció classifica correctament el 76.41% de les empreses dins una mostra aparellada de 852 any-empreses que inclou les LMFs abans de la confiscació i les LWFs. Les LMFs no cotitzades son socialment irresponsables per natura a causa dels seus propòsits il·lícits. A més, els seus incentius, modus operandi i formats d’estats financers difereixen d’aquells de les empreses cotitzades. Per consegüent, el nostre estudi permet inferir conclusions sobre les relacions de la responsabilitat social corporativa amb la manipulació comptable i l’evasió contributiva laboral. Addicionalment, adopta noves mesures de manipulació comptable i evasió contributiva laboral que, a més de proporcionar nous coneixements, podrien fomentar una nova recerca sobre la seva efectivitat en altres contexts culturals, legals i institucionals i per a altres menes d’empreses. Finalment però no menys important, els nostres resultats poden ajudar els professionals i els reguladors a identificar senyals comptables que es poden utilitzar en models d’avaluació de riscos o per a la detecció d’infiltracions criminals i practiques il·lícites relatives, especialment en països amb una forta presencia criminal.

La légalité est un principe qui apparaît comme une pierre angulaire de la notion d’État de droit. L’expression « principe de légalité » a été longtemps utilisée pour affirmer que l’administration doit respecter les règles de droit. Mais, en cas d’une crise majeure, la légalité peut être atténuée. Il est toléré une légalité de crise. L’État a besoin, de disposer d’autres outils juridiques que ceux ordinaires. Des pouvoirs exceptionnels sont conférés à certaines autorités ou reconnus à certaines personnes par des dispositifs juridiques de nature très différente. Cette théorie des circonstances exceptionnelles vise à assurer la continuité de l’État. Elle repose sur l’adage controversé « nécessité fait loi » en vertu duquel dans les cas extrêmes, certains actes qui seraient illégaux en période normale sont justifiés. L’état de nécessité et la légitime défense de l’État sont les principaux faits justificatifs du recours aux pouvoirs de crise. En droit positif, les régimes de crise sont hétérogènes et redondants. La persistance de la menace terroriste accentue l’accumulation des lois et des mesures antiterroristes. L’hétérogénéité des régimes français de crise pose la question de l’unification des principaux états de crise par la réécriture de leur cadre constitutionnel. Le contrôle de l’état d’exception est tempéré par d’importantes prérogatives reconnues à l’exécutif. Cela peut être un risque pour la garantie de l’exercice des libertés fondamentales surtout lorsque l’exception devient permanente ou lorsque le droit commun est contaminé par le droit dérogatoire
Legality is a principle that appears as a cornerstone of the rule of law. The term "principle of legality" has long been used to assert that the administration must respect the rules of law. But, in the event of a major crisis, legality can be mitigated. It is tolerated a legality of crisis. The state needs other legal tools than ordinary ones. Exceptional powers are conferred on certain authorities or recognized to certain persons by legal devices of a very different nature. This theory of exceptional circumstances aims to ensure the continuity of the state. It is based on the controversial "necessity is law" saying that in extreme cases, certain acts that would be illegal in normal times are justified. State of necessity and self-defense of the state are the main justifications for the use of crisis powers. In positive law, crisis regimes are heterogeneous and redundant. The persistence of the terrorist threat accentuates the accumulation of anti-terrorist laws and measures. The heterogeneity of the French crisis regimes raises the question of the unification of the main states of crisis by rewriting their constitutional framework. The control of the state of emergency is tempered by important prerogatives recognized by the executive. This can be a risk for guaranteeing the exercise of fundamental freedoms, especially when the exception becomes permanent or when common law is contaminated by the derogatory right

Les violations graves des droits de l’Homme des civiles commises par leur état n’est plus considérée comme une affaire interne des pays. En effet, s’il y a un comportement illicite, la Communauté internationale peut intervenir, c’est ce que l’on dénomme souvent « droit d’ingérence ». Ce dernier a évolué récemment vers un nouveau concept introduit dans le rapport de la CIISE (2001) : « responsabilité de protéger ». Si nous regardons l’intervention militaire du côté purement humanitaire, loin de la théorie de complot et des intérêts coloniaux, nous confirmons sa nécessité comme moyen efficace pour la protection des civils contre les violations graves des droits de l’Homme. En revanche, nous affirmons que les interventions militaires visant à protéger les civils par l’ONU ne sont pas toutes légales ou légitimes. En conséquence, pour que l’intervention soit légale et légitime il faut respecter des fondements et des normes contraignantes
Serious violations of the Human Rights of the civilians are not consistent as internal affairs of countries. Yet, regarding any unlawful policy behavior, the international community can intervene. This is often called “ the right interference “. The latter has recently been developed into the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) concept (2001) as“responsibility to protect”. Considering military interventions as a humanitarian action without any conspiracy and colonial interests theory, we may confirm the needs for an effective means for protecting the civilians against serious violations of human rights. On the other hand, we can confirm that not all military interventions aimed at protecting civilians by the United Nations are legal or legitimate. Consequently, for legal and legitimate intervention, it respects binding foundations and norms
لم تعد مسألة الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان للمدنيين، التي ترتكبها دولهم من المسائل الداخلية للدول. إذ أنه يمكن للمجتمع الدولي التدخل عسكرياً إذا كانت هناك انتهاكات جسيمة لحقوق الإنسان، وهذا ما يسمى "حق التدخل". وقد تطور هذا الأخير إلى مفهوم جديد تم تقديمه في تقرير اللجنة الدولية المعنية بالتدخل وسيادة الدول، تحت مسمى "مسؤولية الحماية. (2001) والواقع أنه إذا نظرنا إلى التدخل العسكري من الجانب الإنساني البحت ، بعيداً عن نظرية المؤامرة والمصالح الاستعمارية، فإننا نؤكد ضرورة القيام به كوسيلة فعالة لحماية المدنيين من الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان. ومن ناحية أخرى، نؤكد أن جميع التدخلات العسكرية التي تهدف إلى حماية المدنيين من قبل الأمم المتحدة ليست شرعية ومشروعة. من أجل ذلك، ولكي يكون التدخل شرعياً ومشروعاً، يجب أن يحترم القائمون به الأسس والمعايير اللازمة للقيام بالتدخل

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Dealing effectively with economic crimes is a fundamental need for fair and balanced development of society today, given the collective nature of legal interests protected by them and the special features of economic criminality, consisting of one of the most obvious legal limit on the economic power. The success of combating such crimes within which include crimes against the financial system and crimes against the capital market - depends directly on the adoption of specific legislative techniques of criminal law. Constant innovations in the means of transmission of wealth, associated with the evolution of products and services offered to users of the financial market and the necessity to preserve the constitutional economic order, require that the economy criminal law is endowed with mechanisms that would allow flexibility and adaptation to the economic reality of any given time. Therefore, it is crucial that the expertise and the regulatory powers inherent to normative and supervisor agencies of the National Financial System emanating from within their respective regulatory administrative functions - are also translated to economic criminal law. Among the instruments of criminal regulation that allow this administrative influence, are in the characterization of blank criminal laws, the use of normative elements of the crime and objective conditions for punishment. Despite these legislative techniques cause, as a rule, the creation of open criminal types, it is emphasized that these mechanisms of penal norms do not offend the principle of legality.
O enfrentamento eficiente aos delitos econômicos representa uma necessidade fundamental para o desenvolvimento justo e equilibrado da sociedade nos dias atuais, em virtude dos bens jurídicos de índole coletiva por eles tutelados e das características especiais da criminalidade econômica, consistindo em uma das formas mais evidentes de limitação jurídica sobre o poder econômico. O sucesso do combate a tais delitos dentro dos quais se inserem os crimes contra o sistema financeiro e os crimes contra o mercado de capitais depende diretamente da adoção de técnicas legislativas diferenciadas dos tipos penais. As constantes inovações nos meios de transmissão de riquezas, aliadas à evolução dos serviços e produtos oferecidos aos usuários do mercado financeiro e à necessidade de preservação da ordem econômica constitucional, requerem que o direito penal econômico seja dotado de mecanismos que permitam sua maleabilidade e adaptação constante à realidade econômica de determinado momento. Torna-se fundamental, portanto, que os conhecimentos técnicos e os poderes normativos inerentes aos órgãos normativos e supervisores do Sistema Financeiro Nacional exarados no âmbito de suas respectivas atribuições administrativas regulatórias sejam transpostos também para a seara do direito penal econômico. Dentre os instrumentos de normatização penal que permitem essa influência administrativa, situam-se a tipificação de normas penais em branco, a utilização de elementos normativos do tipo e as condições objetivas de punibilidade. Em que pese tais técnicas legislativas ensejarem, em regra, a criação de tipos penais abertos, destaca-se que esses mecanismos de normatização penal não ofendem o princípio da legalidade.

La thèse analyse le recours, en droit pénal, à la technique énumérative, particulièrement aux listes d'infractions. Cette figure légistique, jadis utilisée dans les conventions bilatérales d'extradition, est aujourd'hui fortement répandue pour délimiter le champ d'application de règles exceptionnelles. Le droit pénal international, le droit pénal français et le droit pénal italien sont simultanément interrogés sur leurs recours à la technique énumérative. L'intérêt de ce rapprochement est de fournir un corpus d'étude riche et varié mettant en jeu différents systèmes et ordres juridiques. La liste n'est pas considérée sous le seul aspect légistique ; sa fonction politique est également analysée. Opérant une sélection d'infractions soumises à un régime différencié, elle est au service d'une répression aggravée ou innovante.L'utilisation de cette technique législative est évaluée à l'aune des résultats escomptés d'une part et avérés d'autre part. On découvre que l'extension, qui est naturelle à toute énumération, appelle une appréciation tantôt critique, tantôt positive. On regrette la dénaturation des listes d'infractions par des rédacteurs qui en détournent la vocation première. L'évaluation se fonde sur les grands principes du droit pénal, à savoir les principes de légalité et de proportionnalité, dont le respect effectif constitue in fine le remède proposé à la dénaturation des listes d'infractions
The thesis analyses the utilization of enumeration through the "listing of crimes" as a legislative technique in criminal law. Such a method of legislative drafting was used historically in bilateral conventions, specifically in the area of extradition, but nowadays it is heavily employed in criminal law to delimit the scope of application of exceptional rules. Aiming at providing a rich and solid base of knowledge in a domain that is rarely studied, this work reviews various systems and legal orders. As such, the resort to "listing of crimes" will be examined in international criminal law as well as in French and Italian criminal law. Being a tool to select a group of crimes in order to treat them differently than the common crimes, the listing technique serves the needs of aggravated or innovative repression. In that regard, the "listing" technique is not only considered as a means of legislative drafting, but its political function is also analyzed. The utilization of this technique is assessed in the light of the expected as well as the verified results. The extension of an existing "list of crimes", a normal consequence of resorting to enumeration, is found to be positive in some cases but more or less criticized in other cases where legislatures deviate from the original reason for which this drafting technique has been elaborated. Examined from the perspective of the fundamental principles of criminal law, namely the principle of legality and the principle of proportionality, the usage of this technique is appraised. The respect of these two primordial principles constitutes the ultimate solution proposed for any deviated resort to "listing of crimes" as a legislative tool

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The present research has as object the investigation of the work of the Italian Marxist Galvano Della Volpe, in order to reconstruct his concept of law and his legalist s critic. In this construction, it was aimed at to study the author s works as a whole, in reading of his diverse texts. Still, it was looked to contrast the thought of Galvano Della Volpe ideas of other philosophers and lawyers, consulting with the works of the same ones.
A presente pesquisa tem como objeto a obra do marxista italiano Galvano Della Volpe, tentando construir seu conceito de direito e sua crítica da legalidade. Nesta construção, buscou-se entender a obra do autor como um todo, a partir da leitura de seus diversos textos. Ainda, procurou-se contrastar o pensamento de Galvano Della Volpe às concepções de outros filósofos e juristas, com consulta às obras dos mesmos.

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This area, are exposed some misconceptions of the legislature in relation to parental bids, as inflation punitive scattered through legislation, rather than simple point releases enough of the Penal Code, such as the advance of the barriers of penal intervention, with the characterization of negligible preparatory acts and conduct abstract and remotely related to the possibility of injury to the interest protected at the expense of the principles of minimum intervention and injury; as the equivalence between an attempt and completion, to the detriment of the principles of culpability and proportionality, as the autonomous classification conduct that would configure as an attempt to more serious crimes or who were under the Penal Code, as over crimes of abstract danger and formal, as the adoption of open standards and penal rules too criminal blank inadequate to achieve the principle of legality, in the form of legal reserve and taxativity; as the pain of penalties for similar infractions of gravity substantially different in relation to injury to the legal and housed, without due attention to the principle of proportionality, and as the criminalization of conduct that could be curbed by Administrative Law sanctioning or intervention, reserving and prestige to the application of prison sentences, depending on the primary functions assigned to it in our times, serious injury or threat to the relevant legal right under the constitutional prism, without yielding to the temptation of building a Symbolic Criminal Law. Eventually, assuming a minimum functionalism, considers it is appropriate to outline the contours of the criminal action, as ultima ratio, but effective, in the area of bid and contract administration in a model of itself guarantees the democratic rule of law, in its dual meaning, ie, the guarantor of both fundamental human rights, as an efficient protection of legal interests relevant to all citizens, in the terms that had been sheltered by the Constitution
Nesta sede, são expostos alguns equívocos do legislador pátrio em relação às licitações, como a inflação punitiva, mediante legislação esparsa, ao invés de simples e suficientes atualizações pontuais do Código Penal; como o adiantamento das barreiras da intervenção penal, com a tipificação despicienda de atos preparatórios e de condutas abstrata e remotamente relacionadas à possibilidade de lesão do interesse tutelado, em detrimento dos princípios da intervenção mínima e da lesividade; como a equiparação entre tentativa e consumação, em prejuízo dos princípios da culpabilidade e da proporcionalidade; como a tipificação autônoma de condutas que já configurariam tentativa de delitos mais graves ou que estariam previstas no Código Penal; como o excesso de crimes de perigo abstrato e formais; como a adoção de tipos demasiadamente abertos e normas penais em branco, inadequada à concretização do princípio da legalidade, na forma de reserva legal e taxatividade; como a cominação de sanções semelhantes para infrações de gravidade substancialmente distinta, em relação à lesão ao bem jurídico albergado, sem a devida atenção ao princípio da proporcionalidade; e como a criminalização de condutas que poderiam ser coibidas pelo Direito Administrativo Sancionador ou de Intervenção, reservando e prestigiando a aplicação de penas privativas de liberdade, consoante as funções primordiais que lhe são atribuídas hodiernamente, para graves lesões ou ameaças a bem jurídicos relevantes, sob o prisma constitucional, sem ceder à tentação da construção de um Direito Penal Simbólico. Por fim, assumindo um funcionalismo mínimo, reputa-se conveniente esboçar os contornos da intervenção penal, como ultima ratio, mas eficaz, na seara de licitações e contratos administrativos, em um modelo de garantias próprio do Estado Democrático de Direito, na sua dúplice acepção, ou seja, garantidor tanto dos direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana, como de uma proteção eficiente dos bens jurídicos relevantes para todos os cidadãos, nos termos em que foram albergados pela Constituição Federal

This thesis focuses on the issue of government authorities and assesses its activity in the case of legality distortion. The thesis describes government autority in general as a whole, from which detaches its local part and focuses on its function during specific activities. The basic used document was the valid legislation of the crisis management, professional publications and appropriate documents. The aim of this work is based on the available literature to describe and evaluate the functioning of the government in solving distortions of legality consider whether legislative support is enough, and bring in new methodology for increasing the success of the management activities of local authorities.

An important change wrought by the post-1994 South African Constitutions is the attempt to have South Africa recognised as a democratic and sovereign state in the "family of nations." The new Constitutions make extensive reference to the state's international obligations and represent an endeavour to [re]define the status of international law vis-a-vis national law. Some provisions utilise international law in the interpretation and formulation of national jurisprudence and represent an [albeit not totally successful] endeavour to attain greater harmonisation between international and national law. This is an attempt to systematize the various criticisms levelled against these provisions to date, and to highlight certain interpretational difficulties and problems that present themselves in the process. The distinction between the various terminologies and branches of international law is also taken to task. Lastly, this paper attempts to determine the extent to which international law is applied at national level under the post-1994 constitutions.
Jurisprudence
LL. M.