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Journal articles on the topic 'Legislative chambers'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Angelo da Silva, Alexandre Manoel, Roberta da Silva Vieira, and Angelo José Mont’alverne Duarte. "Efficiency of municipal legislative chambers." EconomiA 16, no. 1 (2015): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econ.2015.03.001.

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2

Baharestanfar, Mohammadreza, and Seyed Mohammad Hashemi. "Protecting Human Rights and Constitutional Law in Bicameral Systems." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 1 (2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n1p17.

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Background and objective: The second legislative chamber has played different roles and functions since its formation in ancient Rome and Greece. The philosophy behind the presence of this chamber (either in Federal systems or unitary systems) was a matter of controversy between its proponents and critics. There are more than 78 countries with two legislative chambers in the world. Protecting constitutional law and human rights are two notable functions of the second chambers. Research method: This paper used the descriptive–analytical method. The methods used by some second chambers are discu

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3

Shepsle, Kenneth A., and Barry R. Weingast. "The Institutional Foundations of Committee Power." American Political Science Review 81, no. 1 (1987): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960780.

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Legislative committees have fascinated scholars and reformers for more than a century. All acknowledge the central strategic position of committees in legislatures. The consensus, however, centers on empirical regularities and stylized facts, not on explanations. We seek to explain why committees are powerful. We formulate an institutionally rich rational-choice model of legislative politics in which the sequence of the legislative process is given special prominence. Committees, as agenda setters in their respective jurisdictions, are able to enforce many of their policy wishes not only becau

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4

Bouricius, Terrill. "Why Hybrid Bicameralism Is Not Right for Sortition." Politics & Society 46, no. 3 (2018): 435–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789893.

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Structural problems are examined with pairing two chambers, one selected by election and the other by sortition, into a traditional bicameral system. It is argued that an all-purpose legislative chamber modeled on existing elected chambers is a mismatch for sortition and that purported benefits of maintaining partisan elections alongside sortition are illusory. Alleged benefits of a hybrid bicameral system are shown to be outweighed by a variety of harmful effects. Furthermore, even if those harms are not substantiated, the continued existence of an elected chamber will likely result in the de

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5

Benz, Arthur. "Shared Rule vs Self-Rule? Bicameralism, Power-Sharing and the ‘Joint Decision Trap’." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (2018): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0015.

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Abstract In federal and regionalised states, bicameralism constitutes shared rule between levels of governments. At the same time, second chambers serve as a safeguard protecting selfrule of decentralised governments against the encroachments of central legislation into their areas of responsibility. Both functions seem to be best fulfilled in legislative systems requiring joint decisions of legislative chambers. Depending on particular conditions, joint decision-making involves the risk that legislation ends with ineffective compromises or even fails. Under favourable conditions, it provides

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Prince, David W., and L. Marvin Overby. "Legislative Organization Theory and Committee Preference Outliers in State Senates." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 5, no. 1 (2005): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000500500104.

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Recently, several studies of Congress and the state legislatures have found evidence to support the information theory of legislative organization, that is, that legislatures develop committees whose characteristics reflect those of the parent body so as to acquire unbiased policy and political information. However, most of these studies have been conducted on the lower, larger legislative chambers. Senates, as smaller bodies that often follow the lead of legislation originating in their lower chambers, may have less need for unbiased information, perhaps allowing those bodies to develop more

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7

Gamper, Anna. "Legislative Functions of Second Chambers in Federal Systems." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (2018): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0019.

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Abstract Legislative functions of federal second chambers are not a homogeneous set of powers, but require comparison and classification. First, the paper will examine the legislative functions of the second chambers of those European states that have a federal or quasifederal character (Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Germany, Italy, Russia, Spain, Switzerland, United Kingdom). Second, the paper addresses the normative concept of the legislative functions of federal second chambers: what is the particularly federal rationale behind these legislative powers, and are there other const

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Chervinskaya, A. P. "Demarcation of Legislative Powers between the Chambers of the Bicameral Russian Parliament in the Context of Foreign Experience." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 21, no. 2 (2021): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2021-2-39-45.

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Demarcation of legislative competence of the chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation: the State Duma and the Federation Council, is studied. It is concluded that the actual powers of the Federation Council in the legislative process are significantly inferior to the real competence of the State Duma. The experience of foreign countries in the demarcation of legislative competence between the chambers of bicameral parliaments is studied.

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Fortunato, David, and Tessa Provins. "Compensation, Opportunity, and Information: A Comparative Analysis of Legislative Nonresponse in the American States." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 3 (2017): 644–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917709355.

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We present a parsimonious framework for understanding contextual variation in legislative nonresponse. We argue that legislators’ propensity to vote is a function of their willingness and ability to be physically present in the chamber and determine the best position to take on a given proposal. From this framework, we derive four hypotheses regarding the compensation legislators receive, their opportunity to pursue work outside of the chamber, and their informational resources. Analyzing data on over seven million voting opportunities across two sessions in ninety-nine chambers, we find robus

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10

Swift, Clint S. "The Legislative Matching Game: Committee Matching and Effective Legislating in the States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 20, no. 2 (2019): 234–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440019888136.

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I argue that the value of a particular set of committee assignments for a legislator is dependent on that legislator’s policy interests. By this, I mean that “good” assignments will match committee policy jurisdictions with member policy priorities. I develop this concept of committee-agenda matching and present a measure of this match for legislators in 12 state lower chambers. After some brief measure validation, I present a substantive application, demonstrating that this match poses serious consequences for individual legislator’s ability to shepherd their bills through the legislative pro

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Bezuglya, Anna A., Ekaterina A. Kulishenko, Olga V. Lepeshkina, Ludmila I. Nikonova, and Karina V. Shamaeva. "Constitutional experience in formalizing the spheres of interaction between the chambers of parliaments of the countries of the South African Region." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-A (2021): 198–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-a793p.198-203.

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This article presents the results of a comparative legal analysis of the constitutions of the countries of South Africa regarding the consolidation of the constitutional spheres of interaction of the chambers of parliaments in them. The study showed that the typical (universal) areas of interaction between the chambers of parliament include: the legislative sphere; the security sphere and the control sphere. The international sphere, which involves the interaction of the chamber of parliament on the ratification of international treaties (Eswatini, South Africa), is atypical for the states of

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Marchuk, M. I. "Legislative power in the Republic of Poland." Law and Safety 71, no. 4 (2018): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2018.4.02.

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The article is focused on the problems of studying the constitutional and legal aspects of the functioning of the bicameral parliament in the Republic of Poland. The research is carried out with the aim of studying and scientific understanding of the practical implementation of certain aspects of bicameralism in Ukraine. The peculiarities of the legal status of the Sejm and the Senate as the chambers of political representation of the sovereign Polish nation have been analyzed. It has been emphasized that certain competencies of legislative power in the Polish power system are intended t

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Bouché, Vanessa, and Dana E. Wittmer. "Gendered diffusion on gendered issues: the case of human trafficking." Journal of Public Policy 35, no. 1 (2014): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x1400021x.

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AbstractThis study aims to identify those factors that impact the comprehensiveness of state human trafficking legislation. To do so, we propose independent effects of policy diffusion and the percentage of females in a state legislature. Building on this framework, we then suggest a process of gendered diffusion, whereby female state legislators represent a unique diffusion network for “women’s interest” issues both within their own legislature, as well as across state networks. Taken together, this paper suggests that, for certain types of new issue areas, the demographic composition of stat

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14

Happacher, Esther. "Extra-legislative Functions of Second Chambers in Federal Systems." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (2018): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0020.

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Abstract Discussions regarding the functional design of second chambers in federal or quasifederal systems seem to focus mainly on legislative functions. Thus, extra- or nonlegislative functions related to the executive branch or the judiciary have been rather neglected in the literature. This paper will examine the extra-legislative functions of second chambers which include Austria, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. By grouping the functions into different categories (relations with the Government, appointment functions and functions in the field of internat

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15

Diermeier, Daniel, and Roger B. Myerson. "Bicameralism and Its Consequences for the Internal Organization of Legislatures." American Economic Review 89, no. 5 (1999): 1182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.5.1182.

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Theories of organization of legislatures have mainly focused on the U.S. Congress, explaining why committee systems emerge there, but not explaining variance in organization across legislatures of different countries. To analyze the effects of different constitutional features on the internal organization of legislatures, we adopt a vote-buying model and consider the incentives to delegate decision rights in a game among legislative chambers. We show how presidential veto power and bicameral separation can encourage a legislative chamber to create internal veto players or supermajority rules,

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Delledonne, Giacomo. "Perfect and Imperfect Bicameralism: A Misleading Distinction?" Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (2018): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0017.

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Abstract The aim of this contribution is to make some points on the distinction between ‘perfect’ (or equal) and ‘imperfect’ (or unequal) bicameralism and its relevance to contemporary discussions about second chambers and their constitutional position. The analysis starts with an assumption that this distinction is somehow under-theorised. The distinction between perfect and imperfect bicameralism, finally resulting in a clear prevalence of the latter, mainly focuses on two aspects: the exercise of legislative function and, in parliamentary regimes, the confidence vote. In spite of the unques

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Asmussen, Nicole, and Jinhee Jo. "Anchors Away: A New Approach for Estimating Ideal Points Comparable across Time and Chambers." Political Analysis 24, no. 2 (2016): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpw003.

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Existing methods for estimating ideal points of legislators that are comparable across time and chambers make restrictive assumptions regarding how legislators' ideal points can move over time, either by fixing some legislators' ideal points or by constraining their movement over time. These assumptions are clearly contradictory to some theories of congressional responsiveness to election dynamics and changes in constituency. Instead of using legislators as anchors, our approach relies on matching roll calls in one chamber and session with roll calls or cosponsorship decisions on identical bil

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18

Goodsell, Charles T. "The Architecture of Parliaments: Legislative Houses and Political Culture." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (1988): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005135.

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The architecture of houses of parliament and of legislative chambers in countries around the world is analysed for its relationship to political culture. It is argued that parliamentary buildings and spaces (1) preserve cultural values of the polity over time; (2) articulate contemporaneous political attitudes and values; and (3) contribute to the formation of political culture. Preservation is illustrated by how parliament buildings occupy sacred sites, symbolize the state and assure the continuity of legislative traditions. Articulation is exemplified by reflecting the relative importance of

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Winburn, Jonathan. "Institutional Variation and Political Career Patterns: A Look at the Influence of Chamber Size in State Legislatures." American Review of Politics 29 (April 1, 2008): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.49-63.

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State legislators routinely run for the state Senate after having served in the state House; however, this rarely occurs in the other order. Do members simply look to move up based on the conventional view of the political ambition ladder? Alternatively, do institutional reasons exist that make the Senate the preferred chamber? I examine the differences between the state legislative chambers and discuss institutional reasons why members may prefer the Senate to the House. Overall, I find chamber size is an important intra-institutional variable in explaining this variation along with the profe

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CHEN, JOWEI, and NEIL MALHOTRA. "The Law of k/n: The Effect of Chamber Size on Government Spending in Bicameral Legislatures." American Political Science Review 101, no. 4 (2007): 657–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070566.

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Recent work in political economics has examined the positive relationship between legislative size and spending, which Weingast et al. (1981) formalized as the law of 1/n. However, empirical tests of this theory have produced a pattern of divergent findings. The positive relationship between seats and spending appears to hold consistently for unicameral legislatures and for upper chambers in bicameral legislatures but not for lower chambers. We bridge this gap between theory and empirics by extending Weingast et al.'s model to account for bicameralism in the context of a Baron–Ferejohn bargain

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21

Klarner, Carl. "Forecasting the 2010 State Legislative Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (2010): 643–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001101.

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This article offers forecasts made on July 22, 2010, for the 2010 state legislative elections. Most work in the election forecasting field has been done on presidential and U.S. House elections. Less has been done for U.S. Senate elections, and almost none for gubernatorial or state legislative elections. This year will see much attention directed at the 43 state legislatures holding elections, because many will have the responsibility for drawing new district lines based on the 2010 census. Furthermore, of those chambers with elections scheduled in 2010, seven currently contain one party with

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Gouglas, Athanassios, and Bart Maddens. "Legislative turnover and its sources: It’s the selection." Politics 39, no. 1 (2017): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717701161.

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The research note argues that legislative turnover can be decomposed into two main sources of newcomer entry into the legislature: entry by election and entry by selection. This is demonstrated using available data on political mandates in the lower chambers of Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom in the period 1945–2015. We observe that selection is the leading source of new member entry across country and across time. Most turnover happens prior to general elections. This appears to be a general rule characterizing the phenomenon. We speculate as to the reason why. The co

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23

Hall, Richard L., and Bernard Grofman. "The Committee Assignment Process and the Conditional Nature of Committee Bias." American Political Science Review 84, no. 4 (1990): 1149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963257.

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The view that congressional committees tend to be biased subsets of their parent chambers provides the foundations for a substantial body of theoretical literature on distributive politics and legislative structure. More recent revisionist work suggests that committees composed of preference outliers are in fact rare. We reject the categorical account of preference outliers a priori and elaborate conditions under which committees should be unrepresentative of their parent chambers. We argue that the most widely available and frequently used data—floor roll call votes—are inappropriate to the t

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Panao, Rogelio Alicor. "‘Does the upper house have the upper hand?’." Philippine Political Science Journal 40, no. 3 (2019): 201–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340014.

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Abstract How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicameral policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive attention in the Philippine Senate, and the propensity by which these measures are passed into legislation. Contrary to views that portray deliberative processes in second chambers as redundant and time-consuming, the paper argues that this prerogative is institutionally functional as it affords a mechanism for checking the informational quality of legislative

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Barnes, Tiffany D., and Jinhyeok Jang. "How the size of governing coalitions shape legislative behavior: A subnational analysis of Argentine legislative chambers, 1992–2009." International Area Studies Review 19, no. 4 (2016): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916667867.

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In presidential democracies, minority governments are widespread and the size of the governing coalition varies dramatically across legislatures. Despite substantial variation across legislatures, no significant research has been conducted to explore how the size of the governing coalition shapes legislative behavior. We argue that executives supported by a legislative majority have the necessary resources to promote the party; consequently, members of the governing coalition are subject to less partisan pressure. However, as the size of the governing coalition decreases, so does the executive

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SHOR, BORIS, and NOLAN McCARTY. "The Ideological Mapping of American Legislatures." American Political Science Review 105, no. 3 (2011): 530–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000153.

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The development and elaboration of the spatial theory of voting has contributed greatly to the study of legislative decision making and elections. Statistical models that estimate the spatial locations of individual decision-makers have made a key contribution to this success. Spatial models have been estimated for the U.S. Congress, the Supreme Court, U.S. presidents, a large number of non-U.S. legislatures, and supranational organizations. Yet one potentially fruitful laboratory for testing spatial theories, the individual U.S. states, has remained relatively unexploited, for two reasons. Fi

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Nelson, Albert J. "Women's advancement as chairpersons in lower state legislative chambers: 1979 and 1983." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 11, no. 4 (1987): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0147-1767(87)80006-8.

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Alemán, Eduardo. "Policy Gatekeepers in Latin American Legislatures." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 03 (2006): 125–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00358.x.

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Abstract Legislators who control the congressional agenda have a significant advantage over the membership at large. Policy gatekeepers can restrict change to outcomes they prefer over the status quo and can use this prerogative to keep a legislative party or coalition unified. This article examines agenda-setting rules in 26 Latin American chambers, shows why the institutional structure is theoretically relevant, and reveals some implications for policymaking with evidence from Argentina, Chile, and Mexico. Majority leaders in the Argentine and Chilean lower chambers have successfully blocked

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Binder, Sarah A. "The Dynamics of Legislative Gridlock, 1947–96." American Political Science Review 93, no. 3 (1999): 519–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585572.

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David Mayhew's Divided We Govern(1991) sparked an industry of scholars who alternately challenge or confirm the work on theoretical and empirical grounds. Still, we lack a definitive account of the proportions and causes of legislative gridlock. I revisit the effects of elections and institutions on policy outcomes to propose an alternative theory of gridlock: The distribution of policy preferences within the parties, between the two chambers, and across Congress more broadly is central to explaining the dynamics of gridlock. To test the model, I construct a measure that assesses legislative o

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Malang, Thomas, Laurence Brandenberger, and Philip Leifeld. "Networks and Social Influence in European Legislative Politics." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 4 (2017): 1475–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000217.

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The Treaty of Lisbon strengthened the role of national parliaments in the European Union. It introduced an ‘early warning system’, granting parliamentary chambers the right to reject legislative proposals by the European Commission. Previous studies assumed independence between the decisions of parliaments to reject a legislative proposal. We apply recent advances in inferential network analysis and argue that parliamentary vetoes are better explained by conceptualizing parliaments’ veto actions as a temporal network. Network effects can be observed along the dimension of party families. Based

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VanDusky-Allen, Julie, and Michael Touchton. "Clientelism by Committee: The Effect of Legislator–Constituent Relationships on Legislative Organization." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 3 (2019): 667–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919851872.

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In this paper, we analyze how legislator–voter relationships influence legislative organization. We argue that legislators who engage in clientelistic practices to gain votes will create much larger committee systems, with more committees, than legislators who engage in more programmatic practices. We test these arguments using an original dataset on the number of committees in the lower chambers of seventy-seven democracies throughout the world. Our analysis demonstrates that the number of committees is higher in legislatures with clientelistic practices than in legislatures with programmatic

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Clark, Jennifer Hayes, Tracy Osborn, Jonathan Winburn, and Gerald C. Wright. "Representation in U.S. Legislatures: The Acquisition and Analysis of U.S. State Legislative Roll-Call Data." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 9, no. 3 (2009): 356–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000900900305.

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Roll-call data have become a staple of contemporary scholarship on legislative behavior. Recent methodological innovations in the analysis of roll-call data have produced a number of important theoretical insights, such as understanding the structure of congressional decisionmaking and the role of parties and ideology in Congress. Many of the methodological innovations and theoretical questions sparked by congressional scholarship have been difficult to test at the state level because of the lack of comprehensive data on various forms of state legislative behavior, including roll-call voting.

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Giannetti, Daniela, Andrea Pedrazzani, and Luca Pinto. "Bicameralism and government formation: does bicameral incongruence affect bargaining delays?" European Political Science Review 12, no. 4 (2020): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773920000235.

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AbstractThe effects of bicameral legislatures on government formation have attracted scholarly attention since Lijphart’s (1984) seminal contribution. Previous research found support for the ‘veto control hypothesis,’ showing that bicameralism affects coalition governments’ composition and duration. However, the effects of bicameralism on the duration of the bargaining process over government formation have yet to be explored. Our work contributes to this area of research by focusing on the impact of bicameralism on bargaining delays. We show that the duration of the bargaining process over go

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Banda, Kevin K., and Justin H. Kirkland. "Legislative Party Polarization and Trust in State Legislatures." American Politics Research 46, no. 4 (2017): 596–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17727317.

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We argue that citizens’ trust attitudes are inversely related to party polarization because polarization tends to encourage political conflict, which most people dislike. We further posit that partisans trust attitudes are driven by the ideological extremity of the opposing and their own parties for similar reasons. Using roll-call-based estimates of state legislative party polarization and public opinion data collected in 2008, we show strong evidence in favor of our theory: higher levels of party polarization within legislative chambers depresses citizens’ trust in their legislatures. Among

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DÄUBLER, THOMAS. "Veto Players and Welfare State Change: What Delays Social Entitlement Bills?" Journal of Social Policy 37, no. 4 (2008): 683–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279408002274.

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AbstractIn contrast to the study of outcomes such as social spending, systematic comparative analysis of political processes underlying welfare state change is scarce. This study deals with the influence of government parties and second chambers as veto players in social entitlement legislation. It asks three questions regarding the duration and outcome of the legislative process at the parliamentary stage. Does the number of government parties or the ideological distance between them affect the passage of bills? Under which circumstances do second chambers have an influence? Does the ideologi

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Lu, Xiaoyan, Jianxi Gao, and Boleslaw K. Szymanski. "The evolution of polarization in the legislative branch of government." Journal of The Royal Society Interface 16, no. 156 (2019): 20190010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsif.2019.0010.

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The polarization of political opinions among members of the US legislative chambers measured by their voting records is greater today than it was 30 years ago. Previous research efforts to find causes of such increase have suggested diverse contributors, like growth of online media, echo chamber effects, media biases or disinformation propagation. Yet, we lack theoretic tools to understand, quantify and predict the emergence of high political polarization among voters and their legislators. Here, we analyse millions of roll-call votes cast in the US Congress over the past six decades. Our anal

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Bernabel, Rodolpho. "Does the Electoral Rule Matter for Political Polarization? The Case of Brazilian Legislative Chambers." Brazilian Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212014000200012.

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Imran, Imran, Handar Subhandi Bakhtiar, and Dirga Achmad. "Legal Standing and Authority of the Regional Representative Council in the Indonesia Constitusional System." Amsir Law Journal 1, no. 2 (2020): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36746/alj.v1i2.23.

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The Regional Representative Council (DPD) as a regional representative institution is located as a state institution. The existence of the DPD reflects the principle of territorial or regional representation (regional representation). Therefore, as a representative institution, the DPD should ideally have the legislative, supervisory and budgetary functions as well as the House of Representatives (DPR). However, the DPD as a representative institution with these three functions actually has a very weak and soft function. The two chambers of the House of Representatives (DPR and DPD) do not hav

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Ariyanto, Bambang. "REFORMASI STRUKTUR PARLEMEN, LANGKAH PENGUATAN DPD." Perspektif Hukum 20, no. 1 (2020): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.30649/phj.v20i1.246.

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<p><em>The formation of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) as a representative body that has an equal position with the House of Representatives (DPR) is designed to accommodate regional interests in decision making at the central level. With this kind of design, the implication will be that there will be a change in the structure of parliament to move towards a bicameral parliamentary structure. However, every country that wants to adopt a representative system of both one chamber and two chambers must consider three sides, namely the function of representative institutions

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Jenkins, Shannon. "101 Chambers: Congress, State Legislatures and the Future of Legislative Studies101 Chambers: Congress, State Legislatures and the Future of Legislative Studies. By Peverill Squire and Keith E. Hamm. (Ohio State University Press, 2005)." Journal of Politics 69, no. 1 (2007): 275–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00527.x.

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Jane, P. A. H., and F. Brear. "The Development of a Direct Injection Diesel Combustion System for Low Noise, Emissions and Mechanical Loading." Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Part D: Journal of Automobile Engineering 203, no. 4 (1989): 255–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1243/pime_proc_1989_203_175_02.

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In recent years the whole climate of diesel engine development has changed with the advent of noise and emissions legislation combined with the demand for higher specific output. The conventional direct injection combustion chambers that have been used in the 1 litre/cylinder class of engine now present difficulties to the engineer in meeting these increasingly stringent demands. The development history of a novel combustion system, ‘Quadram’, is presented, leading up to its introduction into quantity production. Emphasis has been placed on achieving the legislative targets while retaining cos

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Murray, Stephanie, Colleen Loo-Gross, Mary Pham, Sonja Armbruster, Kelly Konda, and Elizabeth Ablah. "Assessing Legislative Interest for a Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Tax in a Midwestern State." Kansas Journal of Medicine 8, no. 1 (2015): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/kjm.v8i1.11510.

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BACKGROUND: This study sought to ascertain the opinions of members of the Kansas Legislature regarding pending sugar-sweetened beverage taxation legislation, including perceptions that such a tax would generate revenue or be associated with personal sugar-sweetened beverage consumption habits. METHODS: This study utilized a cross-sectional survey design and was conducted by administering an electronic or telephone survey of the 2010-2011 Kansas Legislature. Publicly-listed contact information for the 165 members in both chambers of the 2010-2011 Kansas Legislature was obtained. State legislato

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Swaelen, Frank. "Naar een alternatieve Senaatsfunctie." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (1989): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18875.

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The federalisation of the Belgian state requires a rethinking of the legislature, especially of the Senate. A 'Second Chamber' seems a necessary prerequisite for a federal system. It usually serves as a forum of representation of the different components of the federation, deliberation and national cohesion. In the future the Senate could also become closer involved into European politics.As far as the specific redrawing of the powers of the new Senate concerns, opinions differ considerably. Firstly, nearly all parties agree the Senate should have the same powers as the House of Representative

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AINSLEY, CAITLIN, CLIFFORD J. CARRUBBA, BRIAN F. CRISP, BETUL DEMIRKAYA, MATTHEW J. GABEL, and DINO HADZIC. "Roll-Call Vote Selection: Implications for the Study of Legislative Politics." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (2020): 691–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000192.

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Roll-call votes provide scholars with the opportunity to measure many quantities of interest. However, the usefulness of the roll-call sample depends on the population it is intended to represent. After laying out why understanding the sample properties of the roll-call record is important, we catalogue voting procedures for 145 legislative chambers, finding that roll calls are typically discretionary. We then consider two arguments for discounting the potential problem: (a) roll calls are ubiquitous, especially where the threshold for invoking them is low or (b) the strategic incentives behin

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Gulick, Walter B. "International Business and the Common Good: A Response to Manuel Velasquez." Business Ethics Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1992): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857222.

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The topic of Manuel Velasquez's clear and persuasive paper is of great significance today—far greater than is commonly realized. For multinational corporations have come to play an extraordinary—and largely unchecked—role in shaping the conditions of life today around the world. It is not so much that they have begun to control legislative processes—although there is some of this—as that they have increasingly escaped governmental control by playing governments off one another. Accordingly, the board rooms in New York, Toronto, and Amsterdam have more and more replaced the legislative chambers

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Myers, Adam. "Electoral Incongruence and Delayed Republican Gains in Southern State Legislatures." American Review of Politics 35, no. 2 (2016): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2016.35.2.73-102.

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This paper investigates the impact of electoral incongruence – the tendency of Democratic state legislative candidates to perform better than their co-partisans in higher-level races – on partisan control of southern legislative chambers in the 1990s and 2000s. Using precinct-level data from five southern states, I examine incongruence between presidential and state house election results and show how such incongruence delayed the Republican consolidation of power in southern legislatures during this period. I then develop and test an account of electoral incongruence focusing on the tendency

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Myers, Adam. "Electoral Incongruence and Delayed Republican Gains in Southern State Legislatures." American Review of Politics 35, no. 2 (2016): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2016.35.2.73-102.

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This paper investigates the impact of electoral incongruence – the tendency of Democratic state legislative candidates to perform better than their co-partisans in higher-level races – on partisan control of southern legislative chambers in the 1990s and 2000s. Using precinct-level data from five southern states, I examine incongruence between presidential and state house election results and show how such incongruence delayed the Republican consolidation of power in southern legislatures during this period. I then develop and test an account of electoral incongruence focusing on the tendency

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Cibes, Margaret. "A Tale of Three Taxes." Mathematics Teacher 86, no. 4 (1993): 278–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.86.4.0278.

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U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis once referred to state governments as laboratories for experimentation in social theory. Their legislative chambers may also be laboratories for mathematics. One such laboratory in 1991 was Connecticut, which was faced with the need, some said, to restructure its revenue system. Many policymakers favored the introduction of a tax on total personal income as the first step toward generating a more reliable and equitable revenue stream than that yielded by the traditional sales-tax-based system.

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Willumsen, David M., and Klaus H. Goetz. "How does staggered membership renewal affect parliamentary behaviour? Evidence from the French Senate." European Political Science Review 11, no. 2 (2019): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000110.

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AbstractThe staggered renewal of parliamentary mandates is widespread in upper chambers, yet little understood. Comparative work has found that all members of a chamber are affected by upcoming elections, not merely those whose terms are up for renewal. In this study, we explore for which activities, and under which conditions, staggered membership renewal is associated with class-specific parliamentary activity, defined as systematically differing behaviour across two or more classes of members. We examine these questions with data on the French Senate. Drawing on insights from the study of p

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Staśkiewicz, Łukasz. "Parlament Białorusi – kompetencje w obszarze polityki zagranicznej." Przegląd europejski 2 (November 19, 2019): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5828.

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The National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus as legislative authority representation mainly plays a legislative role. However, both Chambers of the Belarusian Parliament are also involved in the process of implementing the country foreign policy. They perform it through the activities within the framework of multilateral cooperation or bilateral cooperation. They consider legislative issues related to international agreements or the approval of foreign policy orientations. The presentation of the above issue required an analysis of the Belarusian Parliament constitutional status in the con

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