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Journal articles on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments – Europe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic Governments in Europe: Getting the Critique Right." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (2015): 948–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12217.

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In Europe, technocratic governments have become a popular topic of debate. Commentators have condemned them as a ‘suspension of democracy’ or even as ‘the end of democracy as we know it’. However, no academic analysis has assessed whether technocratic governments are indeed undemocratic. This article is intended to fill this gap by assessing technocratic governments’ democratic credentials. It compares them to party governments along the main dimensions of party democracy, including representation, deliberation, constitutionality and legitimacy. It concludes that technocratic governments in Eu

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Glied, Viktor. "The Populist phenomena and the reasons for their success in Hungary." Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (2020): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0002.

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AbstractAfter the parliamentary elections in 2014, the weakened legitimacy of the Hungarian government could be re-established through activism in migration issues. Fidesz-KDNP that won elections twice already highlighted migration as the main theme of governance from 2014 to 2018, suppressing every other topic on the political agenda. The position that was established for purposes of the Hungarian domestic situation and politics initially faced intense rejections all over Europe, but then garnered some supporters as well, mostly in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, and to a smaller e

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Hanley, Seán. "Legitimacy and the Paradox of Technocratic Government in Newer European Democracies: The Fischer Administration in the Czech Republic Revisited." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417734281.

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The creation of technocratic caretaker governments in several European countries in the wake of the Great Recession (2008–2009) and the Eurozone crisis led to renewed academic interest in such administrations. Although such governments are often assumed to be illegitimate and democratically dysfunctional, there has been little empirical consideration of if and how they legitimate themselves to mass publics. This question is particularly acute given that, empirically, caretaker technocrat-led administrations have been clustered in newer, more crisis-prone democracies in Southern and Eastern Eur

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Alakbarov Tahır, Tural. "FEATURES OF MANIFESTATION OF POLITICAL LEGITIMACY IN CENTRAL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 1 (April 1, 2025): 108–19. https://doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2025-1-12.

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Abstract. Understudied aspects of political legitimacy in the contexts of these CEE countries, especially the subjects of this paper, namely Hungary, Poland, East Germany (GDR), and the Czech Republic are investigated in this study. Many of them realized political democratization mainly due to pressure from international organizations such as the European Union and the Council of Europe. In Hungary, legitimacy under Viktor Orban Fidesz government entail electoral support and conservatism and anti-immigration policies albeit undermining the democratic institutional structure. The Polish state g

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Vasilyan, Syuzanna. "The External Legitimacy of the EU in the South Caucasus." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 3 (2011): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011024.

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This article delves into the external legitimacy of the European Union (EU) in the South Caucasus by analysing the perceptions of the EU's image and role as held by the Armenian, Azeri, and Georgian governments, the public, and political parties. It tests the academic claims regarding the EU's 'difference' by scrutinizing key official documents, drawing on surveys, and relying on in-depth semi-structured interviews. Consequently, it reveals the variations among the three South Caucasian states in terms of their current and potential future visions of the EU. By showing that the Union is seen a

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Garamvölgyi, Bence, and Tamás Dóczi. "Sport as a tool for public diplomacy in Hungary." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 90, no. 1 (2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcssr-2021-0012.

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Abstract Sport is often utilized as a tool by governments and nation-states in building a favorable international image, seeking external political legitimacy, and strengthening nation-building endeavors across borders. Given its universal appeal, sport is often perceived as a valuable soft power asset for conveying positive messages to foreign publics. Against this backdrop, the present study aims to introduce the sports diplomacy approach of Hungary, specifically focusing on the state-led utilization of sport in public diplomacy under the recent government of Viktor Orbán (2010–2020). With t

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Brayson, Kimberley. "Securing the Future of the European Court of Human Rights in the Face of uk Opposition." International Human Rights Law Review 6, no. 1 (2017): 53–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00601001.

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This article highlights transnational consequences for access to justice of political posturing by national governments in respect of the European Convention on Human Rights (echr). It charts the uk context preceding the adoption of Protocol 15, which inserts the concepts of subsidiarity and the margin of appreciation into the echr preamble. The article argues that whilst this was an attempt to curb the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) powers, this proved limited in effect, as the court is too well established as a Supreme Court for Europe in the cosmopolitan legal order of the echr. Th

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Lidström, Anders. "Public Authorities and Intermunicipal Cooperation in a European Context." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 2 (2016): 403–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416630613.

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Although not entirely clear with regard to definitions and delimitations, the article by Savitch and Adhikari opens up for a comparative research agenda of considerable importance for better understanding the preconditions for how the metropolis can be governed. Their suggestion that public authorities are important for solving collective problems in the metropolitan areas is also relevant in a European context. There is already a tradition in Europe to establish cooperative arrangements between metropolitan local governments for tasks that requires a larger territorial scale, but Savitch and

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Bejtja, Saida, and Dritan Bejtja. "Comparative Study in Central and Eastern Europe Regarding Restitution/Compensation Process." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 1, no. 1 (2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v1i1.p31-45.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the transformations that occurred in the area of private property ownership following the change of political regime in former socialist or communist countries. The six countries looked at are: Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Serbia. These countries illustrate well the whole range of contentious problems in a region where the Communist regimes have varied tremendously in their approach to private property, intensity of social control, repression and overall legitimacy. This diversity of situations poses today different types of dilemmas for the prope

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Lewis, Paul G. "The Repositioning of Opposition in East‐Central Europe." Government and Opposition 32, no. 4 (1997): 614–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00449.x.

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THE EVENTS OF 1989 IN EASTERN EUROPE HAVE BEEN INTERPRETED in diverse and often contradictory ways: from the end of history to its rebirth, as both negotiated revolutions and popular uprisings. In many countries a fundamental repositioning of opposition and dissident forces was observed — changing from groups of anti-system activists quite outside the political establishment into major statesmen and national leaders involving, in some cases, rapid transformation into the occupants of major or even prime ministerial roles. Similarly, the former monopolistic ruling parties often found themselves

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Horler, Vanessa. "Steven Blockmans and Sophia Russack (eds.): Representative Democracy in the EU: Recovering Legitimacy." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 1 (2021): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1757.

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Representative democracy is beset by a crisis of legitimacy across the world, but in Europe this crisis is compounded by the inadequacy of national governments to address citizens’ frustrations and to achieve transnational unity on common issues. How representative are national parliaments in their decision-making on EU matters? This volume investigates the relationship between the democratic institutions of the member states and those of the EU. With a focus on polity rather than policy, it looks at voting and decision-shaping mechanisms in selected member states, in particular the ‘Europeani

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Pernice, Ingolf. "European v. National Constitutions." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 1 (2004): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605000994.

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In federal systems public authority is established by the people and exercised for the people at two levels. The treaties establishing the European Union may be conceptualised as the constitution of a supranational public authority, part of a federal system. And what the European Convention has submitted to the European Council to agree upon is an attempt to give this constitution a more coherent, more complete and more appealing form. The new ‘Constitution for Europe’ will be concluded, formally, by an international treaty. But governments and national parliaments will do this on behalf of th

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Sajó, András, and Juha Tuovinen. "The Rule of Law and Legitimacy in Emerging Illiberal Democracies." osteuropa recht 64, no. 4 (2018): 506–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2018-4-506.

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The current legal changes in Eastern and Central Europe leading to illiberal regimes are raising fundamental questions about the nature of the legitimacy of these regimes. While constitutional democracies rely on legitimacy originating from the observance of the rule of law, the rule of law is challenged in countries like Hungary, Poland and progeny. This article analyses, in particular, the lack of clear standards in illiberal regimes, especially where the cultural traits that underlie and animate the rule of law, in particular fairness, are not part of the “folklore”. It then thoroughly outl

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Sunier, Thijl. "The Production and Transmission of Islamic Knowledge in Europe." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 2 (2022): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2021.8.2.7.

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This article deals with the training of imams to work for Muslim communities in Europe with a migrant background. Imams are considered the prime actors in conveying Islamic knowledge and the training of these figureheads is a crucial issue with many implications. Imam training is a particular aspect of a broader multifaceted process that includes the production, transmission, reception, and interpretation of Islamic knowledge. Imam training is thus part of the much broader issue of the positioning of Islam and Muslims in Europe, particularly given European governments’ intention to take a more

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Regan, Aidan. "Rethinking social pacts in Europe: Prime ministerial power in Ireland and Italy." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 2 (2016): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680116669032.

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In Ireland and Southern European countries, social pacts were widely seen as a mechanism to mobilize broad support for weak governments to legitimate difficult reforms in the context of monetary integration. I retrace the politics of these pacts in Ireland and Italy to argue that it was less the condition of ‘weak government’ that enabled the negotiation of tripartite pacts, than the intervention of a ‘strong executive’: the prime minister’s office. Social pacts were pursued as a political strategy to enhance prime ministerial executive autonomy. In the aftermath of the euro crisis, this means

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Алла Анатоліївна Гринчак. "Parliamentary responsibility of the government in the european countries." Problems of Legality, no. 149 (June 9, 2020): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2414-990x.149.201832.

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The article reveals the features of parliamentary responsibility of the governments of Western Europe. When the government or some of its members is to be failing to carry out their duties, parliament can initiate procedures which have the potential to replace all or part of the government. There are two different types of procedure. One is the withdrawal of confidence in the government or in individual ministers. The requirement for a certain minimum number of votes to be obtained before such motions can be initiated or passed highlights the relative strengths of the different political group

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Grynchak, A. "Parliamentary responsibility of the government in the european countries." PROBLEMS OF LEGALITY, no. 149 (June 16, 2020): 24–35. https://doi.org/10.21564/2414-990x.149.201832.

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The article reveals the features of parliamentary responsibility of the governments of Western Europe. When the government or some of its members is to be failing to carry out their duties, parliament can initiate procedures which have the potential to replace all or part of the government. There are two different types of procedure. One is the withdrawal of confidence in the government or in individual ministers. The requirement for a certain minimum number of votes to be obtained before such motions can be initiated or passed highlights the relative strengths of the different political group

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Babül, Elif M. "Training Bureaucrats, Practicing for Europe: Negotiating Bureaucratic Authority and Governmental Legitimacy in Turkey." PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 35, no. 1 (2012): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1555-2934.2012.01178.x.

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VAN GERVEN, WALTER. "The European Union institutions in the draft Constitution for Europe." European Review 12, no. 4 (2004): 465–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000419.

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This paper deals with the Institutions of the European Union in the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (hereinafter: ‘the draft Constitution’) submitted to the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki on 20 June 2003. It describes these institutions and their task from a perspective of the Union's democratic legitimacy. The paper is based on a book entitled The European Union: a Polity of States and Peoples, which will be published by Stanford University Press and Hart Publishing, Oxford. In this book, I examine the democratic legitimacy of the European Union as a whole. The b

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Kuhlmann, Sabine, and Patrick Eckner. "Bürokratieabbau konkret: Der Nationale Normenkontrollrat als Impulsgeber für Bessere Rechtsetzung, Verfahrensbeschleunigung und digitaltaugliches Recht." Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftspolitik 72, no. 3 (2023): 248–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfwp-2023-2018.

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Abstract Since the 1990s, a number of governments in Germany and Europe have put better regulation and bureaucracy reduction on the political agenda and implemented corresponding reforms. In the face of increasing international competition, a growing body of regulation and the need to maintain and strengthen the legitimacy of legislative action, reforms are aimed at reducing regulatory compliance costs and the bureaucratic burden that regulations place on businesses, citizens and public administration. Germany’s National Regulatory Control Council (NKR) was set up in 2006 on the basis of the A

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Wade, Marianne L. "True EU citizenship as a precursor to genuine criminal justice in Europe: an analysis of EU citizenship as it relates to a sustainable area of freedom, security and justice." Criminal Law Forum 31, no. 3 (2020): 291–344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10609-020-09396-9.

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Abstract This paper traces developments - both legal and political in nature - relating to EU citizenship and compares the status quo to what individuals might expect from citizenship particularly within the context of criminal proceedings. Drawing upon debates in political science, it highlights the divergence between EU citizenship and what would normally be associated with any idea of citizenship. Exploring the parameters of European criminal justice and its revolutionary direction of travel, this essay highlights how strongly exposed EU citizens are to enhanced coercive state power within

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Vetter, A. "Local Political Competence in Europe: A Resource of Legitimacy for Higher Levels of Government?" International Journal of Public Opinion Research 14, no. 1 (2002): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/14.1.3.

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Dobos, Balázs. "The Elections to Nonterritorial Autonomies of Central and South Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (2019): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.1.

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AbstractIn managing ethno-cultural diversity, several countries in Central and Eastern Europe refer to the notion of nonterritorial/cultural autonomy in their legislation and policies, and in some of them, namely Croatia, Estonia, Hungary, Serbia, and Slovenia, registered minority voters are granted the right to create their own representational, consultative, or decision-making bodies by direct or indirect elections. While a growing body of literature has examined the functioning of these elected minority councils/self-governments at various levels, numerous features of their elections have n

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Popławska, Ewa. "Legitimacy and constitutional stability as challenges for Poland's accession to the European Union." "Droit Polonais Contemporain / Polish Contemporary Law" 125-132 (June 30, 2002): 95–109. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4036158.

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This article is about the agreement of politicians and citizens of Poland for access to EU. Polish Constitution from 1997  was written by experts and accepted by a slim majority in referendum. It made a lot of controversies and similar controversies were made by the Polish Government which tried to make Poland part of EU Membership. The paper is an updated and shortened version of a report presented at the international conference The politics of enlargement in Central and Eastern Europe: Changing rules and institutions organised by the Leiden University and Academia Istropolitana Nova, B

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Veebel, Viljar, and Raul Markus. "Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p254.

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Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union a

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Sunier, Thijl. "Religieus gezag op drift." Religie & Samenleving 10, no. 2 (2015): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.12246.

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Islamic authority and leadership are probably the most sensitive issues in contemporary debates about Islam in Europe. In the 1990s the religious landscape was still firmly anchored in immigrant networks and structures. These networks still play an important role, but the process of diversification among Muslims significantly undermined their legitimacy. Although governments seem to persist in the idea of a homogeneous national Islam that speaks with one voice, the current situation shows the reverse. There are numerous indications that the authoritative and institutional frameworks of Islam i

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Plottka, Julian. "Die Konferenz zur Zukunft Europas zwischen „Konvent 2.0“ und „Intergouvernementalismus 3.0“: Warum Europa diese Chance zur Reform nutzen muss." integration 43, no. 3 (2020): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2020-3-231.

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Three months after the initially scheduled start of the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) its design remains unclear. While the European Parliament proposed a rather ambitious concept of a “European Convention 2.0”, the European Council seeks additional legitimacy for its Strategic Agenda, excluding the possibility of treaty reforms. However, not all national governments seem to be convinced that such an “Intergovernmentalism 3.0” legitimised by participative democracy is a good idea. In between these two positions, the European Commission seeks to water down Ursula von der Leyen’s bi

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CONWAY, MARTIN, and PETER ROMIJN. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 13, no. 4 (2004): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001857.

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The concept of political legitimacy has hitherto tended to occupy a rather modest place in the historiography of twentieth-century Europe. In contrast to the attention paid by historians of pre-modern and non-European societies to issues of political culture and, more especially, to the ways in which the exercise of power by all rulers, be they sacred or secular, putative or actual, has to be located in a complex matrix of conventional beliefs, rituals and practices, historians of contemporary Europe have tended to regard issues of political legitimacy as of secondary importance compared with

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Patterson, James M. "The Anti-Nationalist Patriotism of Venerable Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen." Religions 13, no. 9 (2022): 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13090822.

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Scholars today regard Venerable Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen as a supporting player in the American efforts to drum up support for the Cold War; however, this view limits Sheen’s influence to the years he spent on television hosting his program, Life Is Worth Living (1952–1957). Yet, by the time Sheen left his program, he had been part of public discussions of religion and American politics for almost thirty years. Before his 1930 debut as an authoritative Catholic voice in America, Sheen had become a decorated Catholic scholar, both in his home country and in Europe, earning him a papal audienc

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Hodge, Carl Cavanagh. "Botching the Balkans: Germany's Recognition of Slovenia and Croatia." Ethics & International Affairs 12 (March 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1998.tb00035.x.

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On December 23, 1991, the Federal Republic of Germany announced its intention to proceed with unilateral diplomatic recognition of the secessionist Yugoslav states of Croatia and Slovenia, unquestionably one of the most precipitous acts in post-Cold War Europe. With it the Bonn government in effect renounced the legitimacy of the existing Yugoslav state and pressured other European governments to do the same. Within weeks the Yugoslav federation came apart at every seam, while its civil affairs degenerated into an anarchy of armed violence as convoluted in many respects as the Thirty Years' Wa

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Grydehøj, Adam. "Challenges to Local Government Innovation: Legal and Institutional Impediments to the Exercise of Innovative Economic Development Policy by Subnational Jurisdictions." Europeano Journal of Spatial Development (EJSD) 11, no. 1 (2013): 1–21. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5139764.

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A local government can use innovative governance practices to expand its jurisdictional capacity, thereby promoting local economic development. There are, however, legal and institutional impediments to the exercise of such innovative economic development policy. Using the subnational jurisdiction of Shetland as a case study, this paper considers how local government innovation can be a key driver of economic development. Local government innovation can nevertheless become subject to legal challenges by authorities in the higherlevel jurisdictions (Scotland, the United Kingdom, and the Europea

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Elander, I. "Between Centralism and Localism: On the Development of Local Self-Government in Postsocialist Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 2 (1997): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150143.

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During real-socialism in Central and Eastern Europe the scope for local government discretion was marginal. Local government had a very low degree of legitimacy, and this is something that poses a big problem when it comes to developing local self-government under postsocialism. It seems as if most citizens are prepared to pin their hopes on new central leaders, while they are still very hesitant with regard to local self-governance. Various expressions of localism appeared during the first three to four years of postsocialist development. However, today it seems as if the tide has turned in f

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Dabic, Dragana. "The crisis of democracy in Eastern Europe: (un)successful political integration of new members?" Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 2 (2019): 188–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902188d.

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The main hypothesis of this paper is that when it comes to its member states, the European Union does not possess effective legal and political mechanisms to sanction and/or reverse their democratic backsliding. Emphasis is put on the examples of violations of liberal-democratic norms undertaken by governments in Hungary, Poland and Romania, in order to analyse political will, ability, and legitimacy of the European Union to defend basic values stated in the Founding Act. The aim of the author is to examine the impact of questionable political integration of Eastern European countries in regar

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Damurski, Lukasz, and Hans Thor Andersen. "Towards political cohesion in metropolitan areas. An overview of governance models." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series, no. 56 (April 15, 2022): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/bgss-2022-0012.

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As cities grew beyond their administrative borders, the demand for metropolitan governance appeared. The last 50 years proved that there is no one, universal model of metropolitan governance as urban regions are very different all around the world. However, it seems quite obvious that if metropoles are to be the forefront of development, they need to provide a widely defined cohesion within their subordinate territories. Metropolitan political cohesion may be defined as a collaborative public governance which offers tailored managerial solutions for enhancing development based on the subsidiar

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Casagrande, Agustín Elías. "Between History and Passion: The Legitimacy of Social Clubs in the Province of Buenos Aires (2001–2007)." Politics and Governance 5, no. 1 (2017): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i1.775.

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In the last few decades the concept of self-regulation accompanied the process of dismantling the welfare state. In this context, in central countries—Europe and North America—the importance given to private regulations versus public action increased, thus requiring new mechanisms of legitimacy. To this end, appeals to the principles of economy and technical efficiency to legitimate private regulations have been made by several researchers. However, these principles acquired a negative view in Argentina because they were used to use to legitimate processes that led to various crises, especiall

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Medushevsky, Andrey. "The Conference on the Future of Europe: possible scenarios of the forthcoming European Perestroika." Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 31, no. 1 (2022): 14–42. https://doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2022-1-14-42.

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A Pan-European discussion on the future of Europe was officially initiated by European authorities after Brexit — the shocking decision by the UK to withdraw from the European Union after its referendum of June 23, 2016. This debate covered all the most vital aspects of the European integration project: the nature of European identity, the prospects for integration, democracy deficits, the future of multi-layer constitutionalism, mechanisms of power and the decision-making process, conflicts between European institutions and national governments and elites, and the problem of uneven European l

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MOURLON-DRUOL, EMMANUEL. "Steering Europe: Explaining the Rise of the European Council, 1975–1986." Contemporary European History 25, no. 3 (2016): 409–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000242.

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AbstractThis article seeks to explain the emergence of the European Council at the heart of Europe's governance between 1975 and 1986. It highlights four factors that quickly made the newly-created institution both indispensable and stable, despite concerns over the excessive reliance on the intergovernmental method in European cooperation processes. These factors were the rise of globalisation in its multi-faceted policy dimensions, a satisfactory new-found institutional balance, the public impact of societal actors’ connections with regular and frequent heads of government meetings and the d

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Polat, Oğuz, and Zeynep Reva. "LEGAL DIMENSION OF CHILD MARRIAGES IN TURKEY: COMPARED WITH THE EASTERN EUROPE AND MIDDLE EAST COUNTRIES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 4 (2020): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i4.2019.916.

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Child marriage is defined as a marriage before the age of 18. In many countries, a significant number of girls still marry before the age of 18. The country governments and international communities are increasingly aware of the negative impacts of child marriages, but the actions to end the practice is still limited. Child marriage threatens particularly girls’ lives and health, and it limits their future prospects. Early marriages are not considered as a "problem" by the majority of the society where as it is a phenomenon that has been existing for long years in our country. It is obse

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Oğuz, Polat, and Reva Zeynep. "LEGAL DIMENSION OF CHILD MARRIAGES IN TURKEY: COMPARED WITH THE EASTERN EUROPE AND MIDDLE EAST COUNTRIES." International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah 7, no. 4 (2019): 338–54. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2667712.

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Child marriage is defined as a marriage before the age of 18. In many countries, a significant number of girls still marry before the age of 18. The country governments and international communities are increasingly aware of the negative impacts of child marriages, but the actions to end the practice is still limited. Child marriage threatens particularly girls’ lives and health, and it limits their future prospects. Early marriages are not considered as a "problem" by the majority of the society where as it is a phenomenon that has been existing for long years in our country.

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Gaul, Jerzy. "Polska racja stanu i legalizacja przez Józefa Piłsudskiego przewrotu majowego 1926." Studia Historyczne 62, no. 3 (247) (2022): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.62.2019.03.02.

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THE POLISH REASON OF STATE AND THE LEGALIZATION OF THE MAY 1926 COUP D’ÉTAT BY JÓZEF PIŁSUDSKI Having unconstitutionally seized power in the military coup of May 1926, Józef Piłsudski lacked an immediate legal framework that legitimized his rule. This crisis of state not only raised the specter of civil war, but also raised doubts among the countries of Western Europe that Poland could continue as a bulwark of Western civilization and a barrier against Russia. In these circumstances, Józef Piłsudski launched a wide-ranging campaign that included high-ranking government ministers to convi

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de Wet, Erika. "The African Union’s Struggle Against ‘Unconstitutional Change of Government’: From a Moral Prescription to a Requirement under International Law?" European Journal of International Law 32, no. 1 (2021): 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chab015.

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Abstract In 1992 Thomas Franck proclaimed an emerging right to democratic governance in international law. With reference to developments in the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, he identified free and fair elections as the core benchmark of this right, possessing significant legitimacy in terms of its pedigree, determinacy, coherence and adherence. The current contribution examines Franck’s understanding of the right to democratic governance within the African context, notably in relation to those institutional developments that ha

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van Biezen, Ingrid, and Helen Wallace. "Old and New Oppositions in Contemporary Europe." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (2013): 289–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.11.

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Unity and peace in Europe, freedom and democracy in Eastern Europe: Government and Opposition's founding editor Ghiţă Ionescu – the centenary of whose birth this special issue commemorates – might have been contented to see that two of his main ideals have now by and large been realized. At the same time, in contemporary Europe we can observe a huge variety of forms of opposition to the conventional holders of power, who appear to have been unable to respond successfully to new and pressing societal and economic challenges. The old convictions that once characterized politics in the European l

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Tagirova, N. F., E. I. Sumburova, Yu A. Zherdeva, and A. S. Zotova. "“Mobilization of Ethnicity” as Europe-Asian Project: Constructing a Higher Education Policy." SHS Web of Conferences 71 (2019): 05009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20197105009.

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The article discusses the ethnic policy in the field of higher education in Russia between the First and Second World Wars. The "mobilization of ethnicity" in the educational policy of the first years of Soviet power is presented in the study as the "European-Asian project" of Soviet Russia - an attempt to create a single supranational economic, political and cultural space in a significant part of Eurasia. Based on the materials of the multicultural region of the Middle Volga region, the authors analyze the process of integration of the Volga peoples (Tatars, Mordovians and Chuvash) into the

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Benhabib, Seyla. "The new legitimation crises of Arab states and Turkey." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (2014): 349–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714529770.

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The Arab Spring uprisings that led to the downfall of erstwhile authoritarian regimes in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya heralded the end of a state system introduced into the Middle East and North Africa by imperialist powers after the First World War. Characterized by an authoritarian model of modernization and secularization from above, these regimes are challenged by the rise of political Islam and its ideology of a transnational ‘ ummah’. Islamist parties that have come to power in Egypt and Tunisia, however, have proven remarkably unsuccessful in stabilizing governments and writing new constitu

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Gómez-Reino Cachafeiro, Margarita, and Carolina Plaza-Colodro. "Populist Euroscepticism in Iberian party systems." Politics 38, no. 3 (2018): 344–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718762667.

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As the introduction to this special issue highlights, the Great Recession, along with the more recent phenomenon such as the refugees’ crisis and the Brexit referendum, has contributed to the success and strengthening of populist Eurosceptic parties across European party systems. The loss of legitimacy of governments and European institutions has opened a window of opportunity for parties expressing anti-establishment positions and populist orientations and criticizing the political-economic arrangements prevailing in Europe. Our study focuses on the rise of a specific left-wing populist Euros

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Sætra, Henrik Skaug. "A Hobbesian Argument for World Government." Philosophies 7, no. 3 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7030066.

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The legitimacy of government is often linked to its ability to maintain order and secure peace. Thomas Hobbes’ political philosophy provides a clear description of why government is necessary, as human nature and the structures emerging out of human social interaction are such that order and peace will not naturally emerge to a sufficient degree. Hobbes’ general argument is often accepted at the national level, but in this article, I explore why a Hobbesian argument for the international level—an argument for world government—is deducible from his philosophy. Hobbes builds his philosophy on hi

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Mugge, Miqueias Henrique. "Building an empire in the Age of Revolutions: Independence and immigration in the Brazilian borderlands." Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 23, no. 51 (2022): 870–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x02305110.

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ABSTRACT Throughout Brazil’s Independence process, its central elites and the Crown planned what was to become of their new nation. Arguments over political systems and the continuation of slavery were at the heart of the debate, which drew in rich, poor, and the enslaved alike. As the empires of the Old World were rent at the seams by wars and conflicts, Brazil was rethinking its role in the world. In this article, inspired by the dialogue between micro-history and global history, and by the trans-imperial trajectory of the Bavarian doctor Georg von Schaeffer, I examine the political ideas th

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Gjana, Ferdinand. "EU and NATO, Need For a Coherent Partnership." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 1, no. 1 (2014): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v1i1.p332-341.

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The United States and its European allies share a common commitment to global order, moderated by the quest of global justice. So long as the Soviet Union stationed its armies across central Europe, the overriding common interest of maintaining the security and freedom of Western Europe held the Atlantic Alliance together. Underneath this, however, interests (and perceptions of interests) had diverged from the 1960s onwards, as American security concerns focused more on Southeast Asia and the Persian Gulf, while European governments explored the possibilities of détente within their own region

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Schweiger, Christian. "Parliamentary Scrutiny of the European Semester: The Case of Poland." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 124–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4250.

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The European Semester became an essential part of the revised governance architecture of the Europe 2020 reform strategy for the Single European Market under the conditions of the global financial crisis and the emerging eurozone crisis a decade ago. The article examines to what extent the European Semester offers channels to establish <em>throughput legitimacy </em>by granting national parliaments the ability to effectively scrutinise executive decision-making in the annual policy cycle. Poland is chosen as the case study for parliamentary scrutiny of the EU’s system of multi-leve

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Babelon, Ian, Jiří Pánek, Enzo Falco, Reinout Kleinhans, and James Charlton. "Between Consultation and Collaboration: Self-Reported Objectives for 25 Web-Based Geoparticipation Projects in Urban Planning." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 11 (2021): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10110783.

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Web-based participatory mapping technologies are being increasingly harnessed by local governments to crowdsource local knowledge and engage the public in urban planning policies as a means of increasing the transparency and legitimacy of planning processes and decisions. We refer to these technologies as “geoparticipation”. Current innovations are outpacing research into the use of geoparticipation in participatory planning practices. To address this knowledge gap, this paper investigates the objectives of web-based geoparticipation and uses empirical evidence from online survey responses rel

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