Journal articles on the topic 'Lenovo Group'

In applying for the Curiosity Creates grant, my colleague Jane Breen and I wanted to promote our new In Be-Tween Room, a space designed to showcase tween books as well as provide technology (including a Lenovo touch table and a Wii U gaming system) and encourage reading among that age group.

Since the development of Chinese firms, more and more Chinese firms would like to operate their business over the world to increase their strength. For the difficulty of expanding the scale of the company in a short term, many Chinese firms made use of strategy asset seeking to achieve their goal. This article will develop the evidence of Haier Group and Lenovo Group and find the role and effect of their outward strategy asset seeking.

ABSTRAK:�Sandiwara lenong yang bersifat humor diduga memiliki beberapa jenis prinsip kerja sama�yang terdapat di dalam dialognya. Dialog lenong yang dilakukan tanpa naskah dan memaksimalkan improvisasi antarpemeran menyebabkan terjadinya humor spontan. Maka dari itu, tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan dan menemukan jenis-jenis maksim kesantunan yang terdapat dalam dialog lenong Betawi. Judul lenong yang diteliti dalam penelitian ini adalah �Anak Durhaka� yang dipentaskan oleh grup Sanggar Surya Kencana. Data penelitian ini diperoleh dari pertunjukan lenong yang diadakan oleh Lembaga Budaya Betawi di Jurang Mangu Timur, Tangerang Selatan. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode analisis isi dengan kriteria analisis didasarkan pada teori prinsip kerja sama�yang dikemukakan oleh Grice. Analisis dan interpretasi data dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dalam dialog leonog �Anak Durhaka� terdapat�maksim kesantunan. Hasil dari kajian tersebut menunjukkan bahwa pelanggaran maksim memiliki jumlah temuan terbanyak. Hal itu mengindikasikan bahwa dalam dialog lenong terdapat banyak pelanggaran maksim sehingga memunculkan percakapan humor.KATA KUNCI:�Pragmatik; prinsip kerja sama; lenong betawi.�>COOPERATION PRINCIPAL IN THE "ANAK DURHAKA" LENONG BETAWI DIALOGUE�ABSTRACT: Humorous lenong play is thought to have some kind of cooperation principles contained in the dialogue. The dialogue of lenong spoken without the script and maximizing the improvisation led to the occurrence of spontaneous humor. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to describe and find the types of maxims of politeness in the lenong dialogue. The title of lenong studied in this research is "Anak Durhaka" performed by Sanggar Surya Kencana Group. The data of this research is obtained from lenong performances held by Lembaga Budaya Betawi in Jurang Mangu Timur, South Tangerang. This qualitative research using the method of content analysis with the criteria of analysis based on the theory of cooperation proposed by Grice. The analysis and interpretation of the data in this study indicates that in the dialogue of lenong "Anak Durhaka" there is fulfillment and maximal abuse of cooperation. The results of the review indicate that the maximal breach has the highest number of findings. This results indicates that in lenong there are many violations of the maxim so as to bring up the conversation of humor.�

Purpose Over the decade the trend of Global Fortune 500 firms has shown significant changes – Japanese and Chinese firms in particular. The purpose of this paper is to present trend analysis of Global Fortune 500 – Japanese and Chinese firms. Key research questions are: what are the relevant macro-level changes that have affected the growth and decline of Japanese and Chinese firms? What are the industry-level changes that have occurred in Japanese and Chinese firms in terms of firm characteristics and financial performances? What are the lessons and implications from the firms added to or removed from Global Fortune 500? Data analysis is conducted based on Fortune database from 1995 to 2013. Design/methodology/approach The study employs descriptive analysis to examine the trend of Japanese and Chinese firms listed in Global Fortune 500 including: based on revenue and profit figures from 1995 to 2013; the authors perform trend analysis for each of those five types from 1995 to 2013; the authors replicate the analyses for different industry types in terms of the above five types; the authors compare the performances of Japanese and Chinese firms; based on 2011-2013 data, the authors conduct more in-depth analysis for selected firms. Findings The findings suggest five distinct types of firms including “Sustainables,” “New Comers,” “Move Ups,” “Decliners,” and “Drop Outs”; it is interesting to note that the changes in Global Fortune 500 firms suggest how these two countries show their relative competitive advantage. Chinese firms show steady flows of new firms that join in the rank of Global Fortune 500 whereas Japanese firms suggest continuous drop of firms that move out of Global Fortune 500 firms. As China increases its size of economy, state-owned financial institutions, resource-focus firms (e.g. mining and petroleum) firms also rapidly increased its overall size. Although the number is still small, privately owned Chinese global firms (e.g. Lenovo, Huawei, Zhejiang Geely Holding Group, Ping An Insurance) also are now listed as Global Fortune 500 firms. In contrast, Japanese firms that lost their global market positions steadily disappeared from Global Fortune 500 firms. Representative firms include Daiei, Mitsubishi Motor Company, and NEC. Research limitations/implications One limitation of the analysis on financial indicators is that the authors select only a few firms and focus only on two time points. Nevertheless, it provides the authors information about the financial factors that characterize the two types of Global Fortune 500 firms. Moreover, it opens up new opportunities for future research. Practical implications Factors that influence the behaviors of Global Fortune 500 firms suggest both external environmental and internal managerial factors. Although serious external factors (e.g. Global Financial Crisis) affect the outcomes of these competitive positioning, it is still the managerial leadership that makes differences in cases of many Japanese firms. To Japanese firms maintaining domestic advantage is not enough to sustain their position in Global Fortune 500. Global competitiveness matters. On the other hand, it is unclear whether changes occurring in Chinese firms are more managerial than externally dictated. In case of many Chinese financial firms and resource rich firms, the huge domestic advantage has much to do with their position in Global Fortune 500. Originality/value This is the first trend analysis that examines the Global Fortune 500 firms from Japan and China. The authors identify five types of firms that would be an important basis for the further benchmarking studies of Global Fortune 500 firms in other counties (e.g. the USA, Germany, Korea, and other Emerging Economies – Russia, India, Brazil).

Lenong Betawi is one of community theatrical performance that still exists. It has a significant role in criticizing current social life. This paper aims to find Leech�s politeness principle in the Lenong Betawi humorous dialogue entitled �Anak Durhaka.� A story staged by Sanggar Surya Kencana group and held by Betawi Culture Institute. The method used was a content analysis by using politeness principle of Leech. The percentage results of fulfillment politeness maxims obtained 12.28% for agreement maxim, 10.52% for tact maxim, 8.11% for sympathy maxim, 2.41% for generosity maxim, 1.97% for approbation maxim, and 0.87% for modesty maxim. It means that agreement maxim as the highest and modesty maxim as the lowest fulfillment politeness maxims in Lenong Betawi humorous dialogue. Meanwhile, the percentage results of violation politeness maxims obtained 9.21% for agreement maxim, 2.63% for tact maxim, 13.81% for sympathy maxim, 4.16% for generosity maxim, 20.83% for approbation maxim, and 13.15% for modesty maxim. It means approbation maxim as the highest and tact maxim as the lowest violation politeness maxims in Lenong Betawi humorous dialogue. Finally, it can be concluded that the violation politeness maxims is more found than fulfillment politeness maxims in Lenong Betawi humorous dialogue entitled �Anak Durhaka.�

Nerijus Bičkauskas, Gintaras Žukauskas, Gintaras Apanavičius, Marijus GutauskasVilniaus miesto universitetinės ligoninėsKraujagyslių chirurgijos skyriusAntakalnio g. 57, LT-10305 VilniusEl paštas: nnnb@post.omnitel.net Įvadas / tikslas Pasaito kraujagyslių rekonstrukcinės operacijos sudaro nedidelę kraujagyslių rekostrukcinių operacijų dalį, stambiausiose klinikose – tik iki 0,5% rekonstrukcinių operacijų kiekio. Pagerėjus diagnostikai, lengviau sprendžiama operacijos tikslingumo problema, tačiau kontroversiški lieka operacinės taktikos klausimai. Labiausiai paplitusios antegradinė ir retrogradinė kraujotakos atkūrimo operacijos. Antegradinė kraujotakos atkūrimo operacija turi pranašumų. Tačiau jos apimtis yra gerokai didesnė. Retrogradinis kraujotakos atkūrimas yra lengvesnė operacija ir dėl to palankesnė senyviems ligoniams. Mūsų siūloma metodika atlikti šuntą su lengvu linkiu yra optimali, leidžia išvengti šunto perlinkių, be to, anastomozė gula tolygiau, sugrąžinus žarnas į pirminę padėtį. Darbo tikslas – palyginti tiesaus šunto ir lenkto šunto efektą. Ligoniai ir metodai Nuo 1998 metų iki 2003 metų operuoti 29 ligoniai (17 vyrų ir 12 moterų). Iš jų 18 atliktas lenktas šuntas, 11 – tiesus šuntas. Taikytas retrogradinis kraujotakos atkūrimo metodas. Vidutinis ligonių amžius – 68,7 metų. Visi ligoniai tirti ultragarsu ir angiografiškai. Ligonio operacijos taktiką pasirinkdavo pats chirurgas. Rezultatai Operacijos metu kraujotaka buvo atkuriama į geresnį kolateralių tinklą ar kelias pilvo visceralines šakas. Siuvama šunto medžiaga (protezas ar autovena ) abiejose grupėse buvo panaši. Pooperacinių mirčių nebuvo. Stebint ankstyvuosius ir vėlyvuosius rezultatus paaiškėjo, kad I grupėje, kuriai buvo atliekamas lenktas šuntas, vienam ligoniui pasireiškė restenozė, II grupėje, kuriai buvo siuvamas tiesus šuntas, pasitaikė viena restenozė ir dvi šunto trombozės (1 ligonis operuotas skubos tvarka). Vėliau išgyvenamumas, klinikinis ir ultragarsinis efektas liko panašūs. Išvados Taikant ilgo lenkto šunto techniką, galima išvengti šunto perlinkio ir trombozės ar distalinės anastomozės susiaurėjimo, todėl naudojant šią techniką retrogradinė pilvo aortos visceralinių šakų kraujotakos atkūrimo operacija tampa gana veiksminga. Ji yra saugesnė, nei tradicinė tiesaus šunto technika. Prasminiai žodžiai: pasaito kraujagyslės, lėtinė žarnyno išemija, retrogradinė rekonstrukcija Retrograde mezenteric revascularisation for patients with chronic visceral ischemia Nerijus Bičkauskas, Gintaras Žukauskas, Gintaras Apanavičius, Marijus Gutauskas Background / objective Occlusive disease of mezenteric vessels makes only a small part of all vascular surgical cases. According to literature, mezenteric revascularization makes about 0.5% of all reconstructive operations. Improvement of diagnostic procedures led to a more precise selection of the patients for surgery, while the surgical technique remains quite controversial. Most widely accepted is the antegrade and retrograde revascularization of mezenteric arteries. The main disadvantage of antegrade revascularization is a difficult, long and traumatic procedure. Retrograde revascularisation is significantly less traumatic, what is very important for elderly and severely sick patients. The disadvantage of this procedure – if the graft is positioned straight – is kinking of the graft, which can lead to thrombosis. The method proposed by us – positioning of the graft with a soft kinking – in our opinion, is optimal, as it allows to avoid sharp kinking and thrombosis of the graft, anastomosis is located in a more anatomic position, and the bowels are located in the most physiological position after surgery. Patients and methods From January 1998 till December 2003, 29 patients were treated by revascularization of mezenteric arteries – all by the retrograde method. In 18 cases bypass was performed with soft kinking (group I), and in 11 cases strait bypass was inserted (group II). The mean age of the patients was 68.7 years. There were 17 male and 12 female patients in the group. All patients were investigated by Dupplex-scan and aortography. Bypass was inserted to the artery with a better collateral network or to several visceral arteries. The use of graft material (autologous vein or prosthetic graft) was similar in both groups. The choice of the procedure was at the discretion of the operating surgeon. Results There was no deaths in the immediate postoperative period. In remote postoperative period we observed 1 restenosis in group I (retrograde revascularization with a soft graft kinking). In group II, where strait graft was inserted, we observed 1 restenosis, and in 2 cases thrombosis of the graft was observed (one of them was operated on on emergency basis). In the remote period, the survival rate, clinical and Dupplex-scan results were similar. Conclusions The advantages of retrograde revascularization are less operative trauma, possibility to perform simultaneously reconstruction of aorto-iliac as well as renal arteries. Positioning the graft with a soft kinking showed better postoperative results, allowing us to propose it as a method of choice for mezenteric reconstructive surgery. Keywords: mezenteric vessels, chronic visceral ischemia, mezenteric revascularisation

AbstractThe genetic diversities of 72 individuals from three wild Lenok populations of Mudanjiang River (MD), Yalujiang River (YL) and Wusulijiang River (WSL) in the northeast of China were analysed using amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) markers. The results showed that 541 polymorphic loci out of 559 were amplified by 12 primer pairs and the percentage of polymorphic loci was 96.78%. Shannon indices for the MD, YL and WSL populations were 0.3988±0.2913, 0.3254±0.3037, 0.2125±0.2862, respectively, and Nei's gene diversity indices were 0.2737±0.2062, 0.2229±0.2129, 0.1446±0.1985, respectively. The average total genetic diversity (Ht) was 0.3512±0.0.0208 and the average genetic diversity within populations (Hs) was 0.2137±0.0152. Among the three populations, the average genetic distance (Dst) was 0.1375 and the gene differentiation coefficient (Gst) was 0.3914. The genetic diversity was 60.85% within populations and 39.15% among populations. The gene flow index (Nm) was 0.7776. The analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) indicated that the average fixation index (Fst) was 0.55336. The variance was 55.16% within populations and 44.84% among populations. The highest polymorphism ratio was in the MD group and the lowest in the WSL group.

This article presents preliminary findings of the oral history project on the subject of the soldiers of the People’s Troops of Poland. Testimonies of ca. 40 “People’s Poland” veterans were recorded (giving more than 2000 hours of audio recordings). These soldiers fought on the Eastern Front, participating in, among others, the battles of Lenino, Budziszyn, and Berlin. The article describes the interviewed group and defines the method applied when conducting the interviews. It also gives a short account of how the interviewed were conscripted into the People’s army. The main part of the article is devoted to pointing to the similarities in the veterans’ accounts. These common elements include interspersing a personal narrative with a broad historical context, underlining that in their individual actions during the war and after it they encountered situations from which there was no escape, using the propaganda expressions dating back to the times of the Polish People’s Republic, and the feeling of being omitted (as a whole group of veterans of the People’s Troops) from the sphere of historical memory after 1989. In the last part of the article, plans for a monograph based on the project are presented.

Aidanas Preikšaitis, Saulius RočkaVilniaus universiteto Medicinos fakultetas, M. K. Čiurlionio g. 21, LT-03101 VilniusVilniaus universiteto Neurologijos ir neurochirurgijos klinikos Neurochirurgijos skyrius,Šiltnamių g. 29, LT-04130 VilniusEl paštas: danas911@gmail.com; ross@aiva.lt Įvadas / tikslas Pasaulyje galvos trauma patiriama kas penkiolika sekundžių, kas dvylika minučių nuo jos miršta žmogus. Daugiausia asmenų iki 40 metų miršta dėl išorinių priežasčių, tarp jų ir įvairių traumų. Mirtys dėl galvos smegenų traumų sudaro apie 30% visų trauminių mirčių. Ši studija buvo suplanuota dėl to, kad epidemiologinė galvos smegenų traumos situacija mūsų krašte yra neaiški. Ligoniai ir metodai Retrospektyvusis tyrimas atliktas Vilniaus greitosios pagalbos universitetinėje ligoninėje. Buvo ištirta 622 dėl galvos smegenų traumos hospitalizuotų pacientų. Duomenys buvo renkami į asmeninį kompiuterį ir apdoroti naudojant "MS office Excel 2003" ir "SPSS 10" programas. Rezultatai Vyrai galvos smegenų traumą patiria vidutiniškai tris kartus dažniau negu moterys. 20–59 metų žmonės sudarė 72,5%. Dažniausios galvos smegenų traumos priežastys: kritimai (40,7%), eismo nelaimės (20,5%) ir smurtiniai sužalojimai (19%). Lengvų galvos smegenų traumų (pagal Glasgow komų skalę (GKS) 13–15 balų) pasitaikė 67,8% atvejų, vidutinio sunkumo (GKS 9–12 balų) buvo 15,2%, o sunkių galvos smegenų traumų (GKS < 8 balai) – 17%. Remiantis radiologiniais duomenimis dažniausiai buvo diagnozuojama subduralinė kraujosruva (29,1%), kiek rečiau – trauminė subarachnoidinė kraujosruva (19,5%). Net 86,4% baigtis buvo gera (pagal Glasgow baigčių skalę 4–5 balai), 6,4% pacientų, patyrusių galvos smegenų traumą, neišgyveno. Išvados Galvos smegenų traumą reikšmingai dažniau patiria 20–59 metų vyrai. Dažniausia traumos priežastis – kritimai. Vilniaus ligoninėse dažniausiai gydomi pacientai, patyrę lengvą galvos smegenų traumą (GKS 15–13 balų). Net trys ketvirtadaliai baigčių yra labai geros. Pusė žmonių, patyrusių sunkią galvos traumą (GKS 3 balai), neišgyvena. Pasitvirtino ankstyvieji galvos smegenų traumos prognoziniai veiksniai: atvykimo GKS, amžius, vyzdžių skersmuo ir jų reakcija į šviesą, pakitimai galvos kompiuterinėje tomogramoje. Vilniaus ligoninėje hospitalizuojama santykinai daugiau lengvą galvos smegenų traumą patyrusių pacientų negu kitose pasaulio klinikose. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: galvos trauma, galvos smegenų trauma, neurochirurgija, epidemiologija The epidemiology of in-hospital-treated brain traumas in Vilnius city and region AIDANAS PREIKŠAITIS, SAULIUS ROČKAVilnius University, Faculty of Medicine, M. K. Čiurlionio str. 21, LT-03101 Vilnius, LithuaniaVilnius University, Clinic of Neurology and Neurosurgery, Department of Neurosurgery,Šiltnamių str. 29, LT-04130 Vilnius, LithuaniaE-mail: danas911@gmail.com; ross@aiva.lt Background / objective Every fifteen seconds a head injury happens in the world, and every twelve minutes it causes a death. Most individuals younger than 40 years die due to external causes including different traumas. Deaths caused by traumatic brain injury comprise about 30% of all traumatic deaths. This study has been planned because of the unclear epidemiology of traumatic brain injuries in our country. Patients and methods A retrospective study was carried out at Vilnius University Emergency Hospital. 622 hospitalized traumatic brain injury patients were enrolled in the study. The data were stored in a personal computer and analyzed using Microsoft Excel 2003 and SPSS 10 statistical package. Results The male gender was dominant among the brain-injured. 72.5% of these patients were 20–59 years of age. Most frequent causes of traumatic brain injuries were falls (40.7%), traffic accidents (20.5%) and assaults (19%). Mild traumatic brain injuries (Glasgow Coma Scale (GCS) 13–15) were proved in 67.8%, moderate (GCS 9–12) in 15.2% and severe (GCS < 8) – in 17.0% of cases. Radiological evaluation revealed subdural hemorrhage in 29.1% and traumatic subarachnoid hemorrhage in 19.5% of victims. Good outcomes (according to GOS 4–5) were reGBStered in 86.4% patients, 6.4% patients did not survive. Conclusions Traumatic brain injuries in males were three times more frequent than in females. The age group of 20–59 years was prevalent. The most frequent cause of trauma was fall. Mild traumatic brain injuries (GCS 15–13) prevailed in Vilnius among the in-hospital patients. Three quarters of the outcomes were very good. Half of the patients brought in with three-point coma did not survive. The following early prognostic factors of traumatic brain injury were approved: GCS score, age, pupils diameter and light reflex, CT features. It was established that hospitalization of mild traumatic brain injuries in Lithuania was more frequent than in neurosurgical departments of other countries. Keywords: head injury, traumatic brain injury, neurosurgery, epidemiology

Prevalence of mental disorders in 62 battered women receiving services from a Florida battered woman agency was identified by means of a structured interview, the Diagnostic Interview Schedule. Of the total sample of battered women, 30 were in a shelter operated by the agency and 32 were living in their own homes and receiving assistance from the agency. Resultant diagnoses met diagnostic criteria developed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (3rd. ed.) of the American Psychiatric Association. The Diagnostic Interview Schedule is a 263 item structured interview used in the National Institute of Mental Health Epidemiological Catchment Area program carried out in the early 1980s. The Diagnostic Interview Schedule permits the use of 10,953 females in the epidemiological study as a comparison group of normal women. Scoring of the interviews was done by a computer diagnostic program with absolute decision rules. Extremely high prevalence was found for psychosexual dysfunction, major depression, post traumatic stress disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, and obsessive compulsive disorder. These diagnoses appear to reflect the major components of the battered woman syndrome developed by Lenore Walker and the study approximates Walker's request for improved methodology in the research into the psychology of the battered woman.

Este artigo examina um conjunto de pesquisas brasileiras sobre as mídias na vida das crianças, colocando em primeiro plano aspectos de gênero que eram secundários na maioria dos trabalhos. Encontram-se ali registros de pesquisas de campo – principalmente falas de crianças – realizadas entre 2000 e 2010 no contexto de um grupo sediado na Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. Tais pesquisas basearam-se nos estudos culturais, nos estudos de recepção latino-americanos e nos estudos da infância contemporâneos. Desse quadro teórico-metodológico fazem parte discussões sobre as relações de gênero na pesquisa com crianças sobre as mídias, cujos aspectos principais são sintetizados no trabalho, a partir, principalmente, de Joseph Tobin e David Buckingham. Das falas das crianças registradas e analisadas nas pesquisas, e selecionadas no âmbito do presente trabalho, conclui-se que, se muitas vezes as crianças encenam e reproduzem preconceitos, elas são também capazes de identificar na cultura das mídias elementos problemáticos do ponto de vista de gênero, que provocam desconforto, desigualdade e exclusão; que as situações de pesquisa em que as crianças se manifestam sobre sua experiência com as mídias podem ser um espaço importante de negociação e resistência; que a crítica às representações de gênero dualistas e estereotipadas nas mídias permanece sendo muito importante no século XXI. Com base na discussão, reafirma-se a importância dos projetos voltados a uma educação inclusiva, não sexista e anti-homofóbica. Reading between the lines and footnotes: aspects of gender in research with children about media AbstractThis article examines Brazilian studies about media in the life of children, and emphasizes aspects of gender that were secondary in most of the research. Registers were found from field research – mainly statements from children – conducted between 2000 and 2010 in the context of a study group based at the Federal University at Santa Catarina. The works examined were based on cultural studies, Latin American reception studies and on contemporary childhood studies. Discussions about gender relations in research with children about media are part of this theoretical-methodological framework, whose main aspects are synthesized in the work, mainly using concepts from Joseph Tobin and David Buckingham. The statements of the children registered and analyzed in the studies and selected in this work, led to the conclusion that children often express and reproduce prejudice. They are also capable of identifying in the media culture problematic elements from the perspective of gender that provoke discomfort, inequality and exclusion. The research situations in which the children discuss their experience with the media can be important spaces for negotiation and resistance. Criticism of dualistic and stereotyped representations of gender in the media continues to be important in the 21st century. This reaffirms the relevance of projects aimed at an inclusive, non-sexist and anti-homophobic education. Keywords: Gender. Media. Children. Leyendo entre líneas y pies de página: aspectos de género en investigaciones con niños sobre los medios ResumenEste artículo examina un conjunto de investigaciones brasileñas sobre los medios en la vida de los niños, colocando en primer plano aspectos de género que eran secundarios en la mayoría de los trabajos. Allí se encuentran registros de investigaciones de campo – principalmente declaraciones de niños – realizadas entre 2000 y 2010 en el contexto de un grupo con sede en la Universidad Federal de Santa Catarina. Estas investigaciones se basaron en estudios culturales, estudios de recepción latinoamericanos y estudios de la infancia contemporáneos. De ese cuadro teórico-metodológico hacen parte discusiones sobre las relaciones de género en la investigación con niños sobre los medios, cuyos principales aspectos se sintetizan en el trabajo, principalmente a partir de Joseph Tobin y David Buckingham. De las declaraciones de los niños registradas y analizadas en las investigaciones, y seleccionadas en el ámbito del presente trabajo, se concluye que, si muchas veces los niños exhiben y reproducen prejuicios, también son capaces de identificar en la cultura de los medios elementos problemáticos desde el punto de vista de género, que provocan malestar, desigualdad y exclusión; que las situaciones de investigación en las cuales los niños se manifiestan sobre su experiencia con los medios pueden ser un espacio importante de negociación y resistencia; que la crítica a las representaciones de género dualistas y estereotipadas en los medios permanecen siendo muy importantes en el siglo XXI. Basada en la discusión, se reafirma la importancia de los proyectos dirigidos a una educación inclusiva, no sexista y anti-homofóbica.Palabras claves: Género. Medios. Niños.

Over the past decade, an increasing number of linguists have been turning their attention toward the plight of endangered languages. We are realizing that most of the small indigenous languages of the world are in great danger of disappearing over the coming century, if they have not already disappeared. Nor are linguists alone in their concern; the media have become interested in the issue, as have international organizations – like UNESCO, the European Union, and even national governments that have in the past been instruments of the demise of indigenous languages. Clearinghouses are being set up (e.g. the International Clearing House for Endangered Languages at Tokyo University), and funds such as the Endangered Languages Fund. Most active in fighting language extinction are members of the affected communities themselves, who are working on their own, or forging new kinds of partnerships with linguists, in an effort to reverse language shift. In the context of these movements, this excellent book is a welcome and crucial resource. The volume gathers together a set of valuable articles by a group including some of the best scholars in linguistics and some of the best native language teachers: Nancy Dorian, Nora and Richard Dauenhauer, Kaia'titahkhe Annette Jacobs, Colette Grinevald, Marianne Mithun, Ken Hale, Christopher Jocks, Anthony Woodbury, Carol Myers-Scotton, and Nikolai Vakhtin. It is a must-read for anyone – native, linguist, teacher, or policy maker – who is involved with issues of language loss, maintenance, or revitalization.

Benlian P, Giraud S, Lahlou N, Roger M, Blin C, Holler C, Lenoir G, Sallandre J, Calender A, Turpin G. Familial acromegaly: a specific clinical entity. Eur J Endocrinol 1995;133:451–6. ISSN 0804–4643 Familial acromegaly is a very rare inherited disorder, characterized by the clustering within a single family of several related cases with somatotroph adenomas and acromegaly. The causes of these dominantly inherited pituitary tumours remain unknown. Although these families have a clinical presentation distinct from that of multiple endocrine neoplasia type 1 (MEN-1), the question of this syndrome as being linked to the MEN-1 locus has remained open. Our aim was to study a three-generation family with cases of acromegaly in a mother and her son, to explore better the clinical presentation of the disease, its pattern of inheritance and to test the hypothesis of a genetic linkage to the MEN-1 locus using closely linked polymorphic genetic markers. The refined analysis of 15 unaffected relatives revealed miscellaneous non-specific endocrine dysfunctions and the presence of multiple lipomata, as noted previously in some cases. Moreover, the notion of acromegalo-gigantism in the maternal grandmother and an incomplete penetrance appeared even more typical, suggesting that familial acromegaly is a specific clinical entity. Finally, under the hypotheses assumed for segregation analysis, no clinical, biological or genetic evidence of linkage to the MEN-1 locus could be retained in this family. However, these conclusions were limited because of incomplete penetrance and uncertain definition of the carrier status. Therefore, we conclude that further identification of the genetic predisposition to familial acromegaly might be obtained from the combined molecular genetic analysis of several families presenting with the same clinical features. Pascale Benlian, Service d'Endocrinologie Métabolisme, Groupe Hospitalier Pitié Salpétrière, 83 Boulevard de l'Hôpital, 75651 Paris cedex 13, France

Jolanta Labanauskienė1, Haroldas Bernotas1, Benjaminas Siaurusaitis21 Vilniaus universiteto Vaikų ligoninė, Santariškių g. 7, LT-08406 Vilnius2 Vilniaus universiteto Medicinos fakulteto Vaikų ligų klinika, Santariškių g. 7, LT-08406 VilniusEl paštas: j.labanauskiene@yahoo.com Įvadas / tikslas Vaikų smurtinės traumos aktualios visame pasaulyje, taip pat ir Lietuvoje. Šių traumų klinikiniai požymiai nėra specifiniai, todėl nesant tikslių anamnezės duomenų šių traumų diagnostika nėra lengva. Šio tyrimo tikslas – nustatyti vaikų smurtinių traumų ypatumus, lyginant jas su atsitiktinėmis traumomis. Metodai Retrospektyviai analizuota vaikų, gydytų Vilniaus universiteto vaikų ligoninėje 2001-2005 metais, medicininiai dokumentai. Tirta po 200 ligonių, gydytų dėl smurtinių ir atsitiktinių traumų stacionare ir po 100 ligonių, gydytų ambulatoriškai. Analizuotos traumų priežastys, padariniai ir sunkumas. Rezultatai Vaikų smurtinių ir atsitiktinių traumų priežastys buvo skirtingos. Smurtinėms traumoms buvo būdingi galvos smegenų sužeidimai (55,5%), nosies kaulų, delnakaulių lūžiai, durtinės bei šautinės žaizdos, dauginiai kūno sumušimai. Jos buvo sunkesnės nei atsitiktinės traumos. Šioms buvo būdingi įvairių kūno vietų sumušimai, žaizdos, nudegimai, pavienių kaulų lūžiai. Išvados Vaikų smurtinių ir atsitiktinių traumų priežastys, sužeidimai ir sunkumas buvo skirtingi. Smurtinės traumos buvo daug sunkesnės pagal klinikinius kriterijus ir pediatrinę traumų skalę. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: vaikų smurtinės ir atsitiktinės traumos, ypatumai Specific features of the child abuse Jolanta Labanauskienė1, Haroldas Bernotas1, Benjaminas Siaurusaitis21 Vilnius University Childrens Hospital, Santariškių str. 7, LT-08406 Vilnius, Lithuania2 Clinic of Childrens Diseases of Vilnius University Medical Faculty,Santariškių str. 7, LT-08406 Vilnius, LithuaniaE-mail: j.labanauskiene@yahoo.com Background / objective Child abuse trauma is a concerning issue worldwide, also in Lithuania. Clinical signs of such traumas are not specific, therefore, in lack of definite anamnestic data, the diagnostics of child abuse traumas is complicated. The purpose of this research is to determine the features of child abuse traumas by comparing them to accidental traumas. Methods A retrospective study of medical documents was carried out with regard to the children treated at Vilnius University Children’s Hospital in 2001–2005. The study included two groups. Each group included 200 in-patients and 100 out-patients with abuse and accidental traumas. The causes, consequences and severity of traumas were analyzed. Results Causes of child abuse traumas differed from those of accidental traumas. Child abuse traumas typically included cerebral affection (55.5% ), broken nasal and metacarpus bones, punctured and gunshot wounds and multiple body bruises. These traumas were more severe than accidental traumas which typically included bruises of different body parts, wounds, burns and single broken bones. Conclusions The causes, consequences and severity of child abuse traumas were different from those of accidental traumas. With regard to clinical criteria and according to the Pediatric Trauma Scale, abuse traumas were much more severe than accidental traumas. Key words: child abuse and accidental injuries, specific features

<p>Este artigo consiste numa proposta de classificação das atividades de cooperação Sul-Sul brasileiras. Por cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira entende-se as atividades diplomáticas empreendidas por este Estado tendo como alvo os países em desenvolvimento. Estas incluem, no levantamento realizado pelos autores, desde a fundação de consulados (postos oficiais) e embaixadas, envio de adidos diplomáticos e visitas presidenciais até a oferta de projetos de cooperação técnica. Acredita-se que, isoladamente, tais atividades não traduzam a orientação da política externa para os países em desenvolvimento. Lendo-as em conjunto, entretanto, tem-se uma visão mais ampla das relações entre Brasil e países e desenvolvimento. Um das formas de facilitar essa leitura em conjunto é processando os dados levantados através de técnicas de análise multivariada, dentre elas a análise de agrupamentos, técnica que permite o agrupamento de objetos a partir da similaridade entre eles. Neste caso, os subconjuntos formados são compostos por países que apresentam características semelhantes em relação às atividades diplomáticas brasileiras, sendo classificados de acordo com sua relação com o Brasil. O resultado deste processo é revelador do ponto de vista geográfico, já que permite identificar um padrão espacial na distribuição destes grupos. Na América Latina, por exemplo, o Brasil concentra muitas atividades diplomáticas mas estas são distintas daquelas realizadas nos países da Comunidade de Países de Língua portuguesa, o segundo grupo que concentra muitas atividades. De modo mais amplo, sendo este um artigo articula relações internacionais, geografia e estatística multivariada, ele mostra as contribuições que a interdisciplinaridade oferece para a resolução de problemas científicos.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Palavras–chave:</strong> Cooperação Internacional. Cooperação Sul-Sul. Política Externa Brasileira. Análise Espacial. Análise de Agrupamento.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>This paper is a classification proposal regarding Brazilian South-South cooperation engagement. Brazilian South-South cooperation means, to the purpose of this paper, diplomatic activities taken by this State and directed to developing countries. They include the presence of Brazilian consulates, embassies, diplomatic attachés, presidential visits and technical cooperation projects. Isolated, these variables do not translate Brazilian cooperation as whole, but together they give a broader vision of its foreign policy regarding developing countries. One possible way to work with this set of phenomena is to process them using multivariate analysis, such as cluster analysis, a technique that group objects taking into account the similarities between them. In this paper, the subgroups resulting from cluster analysis contains the countries that are similar regarding Brazilian foreign policy and, so, they can be classified according to their relationship with Brazilian. The results show several geographical information, suggesting spatial patterns regarding international cooperation. For example, in Latin America and in Community of Portuguese Language Countries Brazil develops several diplomatic activities, but their content are very different. In a broader manner, since this paper brings international relations, geography and multivariate analysis, it is an example of the potential contributions of the interdisciplinarity in scientific studies.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: International Cooperation. South-South Cooperation. Brazilian Foreign Policy. Spatial Analysis. Cluster Analysis.</p>

Mexico’s implementation of mandatory teacher assessments in 2013 was part of a group of federal reforms aimed at enhancing the quality of state-run education. The reforms elicited strong opposition from key stakeholders. Building on the idea that policy capacities are the set of capabilities necessary to perform policy functions, we examine the effect of subnational government capacities on the pace of implementation of the mandatory teacher assessment in Mexico, a country with one of the most powerful teachers’ unions in the world. After conducting statistical analyses based on panel data encompassing information on subnational government capacities from 2015 to 2017, we find that while subnational governments’ human resources and fiscal capacities are associated with higher proportions of evaluated teachers, repressive capacities do not seem relevant for this purpose. Our research offers valuable lessons for policy makers in terms of recognizing adequate resource allocation and predicting the speed of policy implementation, even in contexts of significant opposition.

Resumo Este estudo investigou a influência que a idade com a qual brasileiros começam a estudar inglês no Brasil pode ter na sua pronúncia ao final do curso avançado de inglês, mais especificamente na inteligibilidade e no grau de sotaque estrangeiro. Alunos que estavam cursando o último semestre de seus cursos e haviam começado o curso em diferentes idades foram gravados lendo um parágrafo e falando espontaneamente. Um grupo controle de falantes nativos de inglês também foi gravado desempenhando as mesmas tarefas. Os níveis de inteligibilidade e de grau de sotaque estrangeiro dos participantes foram avaliados por um painel de nove juízes, e os resultados mostram uma tendência de declínio na pronúncia com o aumento da idade de início do curso, com um grande declínio mesmo entre o grupo controle e os aprendizes mais novos. Alguns aprendizes excepcionais, com níveis de inteligibilidade e de grau de sotaque estrangeiro próximos aos dos falantes nativos, foram encontrados. Os resultados estão alinhados ao conceito de aquisição de segunda língua como sistema dinâmico, sob a qual os dados foram analisados. Palavras-chave: Aquisição de segunda língua. Aquisição fonológica. Pronúncia. Inglês-L2. Inteligibilidade. The influence of age on intelligibility and rate of foreign accent of Brazilian advanced learners of English Abstract This study has investigated the influence that the age in which Brazilian learners begin to study English in Brazil may have on their pronunciation at the end of their advanced English courses, especially on their intelligibility and rate of foreign accent. Learners who were in the last semester of their courses and who had begun studying at different ages were recorded reading a paragraph and speaking spontaneously. A control group of native speakers of English was also recorded performing the same tasks. Participants’ levels of intelligibility and of rate of foreign accent were assessed by a panel of nine judges and the results show a tendency of decline in their pronunciation as the age in which they began studying increases; with a sharp decline even between the control group and the earliest starters. A few exceptional learners, with intelligibility and rate of foreign accent levels close to those of the native speakers, were found. The results are aligned with the concept of second language acquisition as a dynamic system, under which the data were analyzed. Keywords: Second language acquisition. Phonological acquisition. Pronunciation. English as a foreign language. Intelligibility.

Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. 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Obscured in contemporary climate change discourse is the fact that under even the most serious mitigation scenarios being envisaged it will be virtually impossible to avoid runaway ecosystem collapse; so great is the momentum of global greenhouse build-up (Anderson and Bows). And under even the best-case scenario, two-degree warming, the ecological, social, and economic costs are proving to be much deeper than first thought. The greenhouse genie is out of the bottle, but the best that appears to be on offer is a gradual transition to the pro-growth, pro-consumption discourse of “ecological modernisation” (EM); anything more seems politically unpalatable (Barry, Ecological Modernisation; Adger et al.). Here, I aim to account for how cheaply EM has managed to allay ecology. To do so, I detail the operations of the co-optive, definitional strategy which I call the “high-ground” strategy, waged by a historic bloc of actors, discourses, and institutions with a common interest in resisting radical social and ecological critique. This is not an argument about climate laggards like the United States and Australia where sceptic views remain near the centre of public debate. It is a critique of climate leaders such as the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands—nations at the forefront of the adoption of EM policies and discourses. With its antecedent in sustainable development discourse, by emphasising technological innovation, eco-efficiency, and markets, EM purports to transcend the familiar dichotomy between the economy and the environment (Hajer; Barry, ‘Towards’). It rebuts the 1970s “limits to growth” perspective and affirms that “the only possible way out of the ecological crisis is by going further into the process of modernisation” (Mol qtd. in York and Rosa 272, emphasis in original). Its narrative is one in which the “dirty and ugly industrial caterpillar transforms into an ecological butterfly” (Huber, qtd. in Spaargaren and Mol). How is it that a discourse notoriously quiet on endless growth, consumer culture, and the offshoring of dirty production could become the cutting edge of environmental policy? To answer this question we need to examine the discursive and ideological effects of EM discourse. In particular, we must analyse the strategies that work to continually naturalise dominant institutions and create the appearance that they are fit to respond to climate change. Co-opting Environmental Discourse Two features characterise state environmental discourse in EM nations: an almost universal recognition of the problem, and the reassurance that present institutions are capable of addressing it. The key organs of neoliberal capitalism—markets and states—have “gone green”. In boardrooms, in advertising and public relations, in governments, and in international fora, climate change is near the top of the agenda. While EM is the latest form of this discourse, early hints can be seen in President Nixon’s embrace of the environment and Margaret Thatcher’s late-1980s green rhetoric. More recently, David Cameron led a successful Conservative Party “detoxification” program with an ostentatious rhetorical strategy featuring the electoral slogan, “Vote blue, go green” (Carter). We can explain this transformation with reference to a key shift in the discursive history of environmental politics. The birth of the modern environmental movement in the 1960s and 70s brought a new symbolic field, a new discourse, into the public sphere. Yet by the 1990s the movement was no longer the sole proprietor of its discourse (Eder 203). It had lost control of its symbols. Politicians, corporations, and media outlets had assumed a dominant role in efforts to define “what climate change was and what it meant for the world” (Carvalho and Burgess 1464). I contend that the dramatic rise to prominence of environmental issues in party-political discourse is not purely due to short-term tactical vote-winning strategy. Nor is it the case that governments are finally, reluctantly waking up to the scientific reality of ecological degradation. Instead, they are engaged in a proactive attempt to redefine the contours of green critique so as to take the discourse onto territory in which established interests already control the high ground. The result is the defusing of the oppositional element of political ecology (Dryzek et al. 665–6), as well as social critique in general: what I term the gentrification of climate change. If we view environmentalism as, at least partially, a cultural politics in which contested definitions of problem is the key political battleground, we can trace how dominant interests have redefined the contours of climate change discourse. We can reveal the extent to which environmentalism, rather than being integrated into capitalism, has been co-opted. The key feature of this strategy is to present climate change as a mere aberration against a background of business-as-usual. The solutions that are presented are overwhelmingly extensions of existing institutions: bringing CO2 into the market, the optimistic development of new techno-scientific solutions to climate problems, extending regulatory regimes into hitherto overlooked domains. The agent of this co-optive strategy is not the state, industry, capital, or any other manifest actor, but a “historic bloc” cutting across divisions between society, politics, and economy (Laclau and Mouffe 42). The agent is an abstract coalition that is definable only to the extent that its strategic interests momentarily intersect at one point or another. The state acts as a locus, but the bloc is itself not reducible to the state. We might also think of the agent as an assemblage of conditions of social reproduction, in which dominant social, political, and economic interests have a stake. The bloc has learned the lesson that to be a player in a definitional battle one must recognise what is being fought over. Thus, exhortations to address climate change and build a green economy represent the first stage of the definitional battle for climate change: an attempt to enter the contest. In practical terms, this has manifest as the marking out of a self-serving division between action and inaction. Articulated through a binary modality climate change becomes something we either address/act on/tackle—or not. Under such a grammar even the most meagre efforts can be presented as “tackling climate change.” Thus Kevin Rudd was elected in 2007 on a platform of “action on climate change”, and he frequently implored that Australia would “do its bit” on climate change during his term. Tony Blair is able to declare that “tackling climate change… need not limit greater economic opportunity” and mean it in all sincerity (Barry, ‘Towards’ 112). So deployed, this binary logic minimises climate change to a level at which existing institutions are validated as capable of addressing the “problem,” and the government legitimised for its moral, green stand. The Hegemonic Articulation of Climate Change The historic bloc’s main task in the high-ground strategy is to re-articulate the threat in terms of its own hegemonic discourse: market economics. The widely publicised and highly influential Stern Review, commissioned by the British Government, is the standard-bearer of how to think about climate change from an economic perspective. It follows a supremely EM logic: economy and ecology have been reconciled. The Review presents climate change, famously, as “the greatest market failure the world has ever seen” (Stern et al. viii). The structuring horizon of the Stern Review is the correction of this failure, the overcoming of what is perceived to be not a systemic problem requiring a reappraisal of social institutions, but an issue of carbon pricing, technology policy, and measures aimed at “reducing barriers to behavioural change”. Stern insists that “we can be ‘green’ and grow. Indeed, if we are not ‘green’, we will eventually undermine growth, however measured” (iv). He reassures us that “tackling climate change is the pro-growth strategy for the longer term, and it can be done in a way that does not cap the aspirations for growth of rich or poor countries” (viii). Yet Stern’s seemingly miraculous reconciliation of growth with climate change mitigation in fact implies a severe degree of warming. The Stern Review aims to stabilise carbon dioxide equivalent concentrations at 550ppm, which would correspond to an increase of global temperature of 3-4 degrees Celsius. As Foster et al. note, this scenario, from an orthodox economist who is perceived as being pro-environment, is ecologically unsustainable and is viewed as catastrophic by many scientists (Foster, Clark, and York 1087–88). The reason Stern gives for not attempting deeper cuts is that they “are unlikely to be economically viable” (Stern et al. 231). In other words, the economy-ecology articulation is not a meeting of equals. Central to the policy prescriptions of EM is the marketising of environmental “bads” like carbon emissions. Carbon trading schemes, held in high esteem by moderate environmentalists and market economists alike, are the favoured instruments for such a task. Yet, in practice, these schemes can do more harm than good. When Prime Minister Kevin Rudd tried to legislate the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme as a way of addressing the “greatest moral challenge of our generation” it represented Australia’s “initial foray into ecological modernisation” (Curran 211). Denounced for its weak targets and massive polluter provisions, the Scheme was opposed by environmental groups, the CSIRO, and even the government’s own climate change advisor (Taylor; Wilkinson). While the Scheme’s defenders claimed it was as a step in the right direction, these opponents believed it would hurt more than help the environment. A key strategy in enshrining a particular hegemonic articulation is the repetition and reinforcement of key articulations in a way which is not overtly ideological. As Spash notes of the Stern Review, while it does connect to climate change such issues as distributive justice, value and ethical conflicts, intergenerational issues, this amounts to nothing but lip service given the analysis comes pre-formed in an orthodox economics mould. The complex of interconnected issues raised by climate change is reduced to the impact of carbon control on consumption growth (see also Swyngedouw and While, Jonas, and Gibbs). It is as if the system of relations we call global capitalism—relations between state and industry, science and technology, society and nature, labour and capital, North and South—are irrelevant to climate change, which is nothing but an unfortunate over-concentration of certain gases. In redrawing the discursive boundaries in this way it appears that climate change is a temporary blip on the path to a greener prosperity—as if markets and capitalism merely required minor tinkering to put them on the green-growth path. Markets are constituted as legitimate tools for managing climate change, in concert with regulation internalised within neoliberal state competition (While, Jonas, and Gibbs 81). The ecology-economy articulation both marketises “green,” and “greens” markets. Consonant with the capitalism-environment articulation is the prominence of the sovereign individual. Both the state and the media work to reproduce subjects largely as consumers (of products and politics) rather than citizens, framing environmental responsibility as the responsibility to consume “wisely” (Carvalho). Of course, what is obscured in this “self-greening” discourse is the culpability of consumption itself, and of a capitalist economy based on endless consumption growth, exploitation of resources, and the pursuit of new markets. Greening Technology EM also “greens” technology. Central to its pro-growth ethos is the tapering off of ecosystem impacts through green technologies like solar, wind, tidal, and geothermal. While green technologies are preferable to dependence upon resource-intensive technologies of oil and coal, that they may actually deliver on such promises has been shown to be contingent upon efficiency outstripping economic growth, a prospect that is dubious at best, especially considering the EM settlement is one in which any change to consumption practices is off the agenda. As Barry and Paterson put it, “all current experience suggests that, in most areas, efficiency gains per unit of consumption are usually outstripped by overall increases in consumption” (770). The characteristic ideological manoeuvre of foregrounding non-representative examples is evident here: green technologies comprise a tiny fraction of all large-scale deployed technologies, yet command the bulk of attention and work to cast technology generally in a green light. It is also false to assume that green technologies do not put their own demands on material resources. Deploying renewables on the scale that is required to address climate change demands enormous quantities of concrete, steel, glass and rare earth minerals, and vast programs of land-clearing to house solar and wind plants (Charlton 40). Further, claims that economic growth can become detached from ecological disturbance are premised on a limited basket of ecological indicators. Corporate marketing strategies are driving this green-technology articulation. While a single advertisement represents an appeal to consume an individual commodity, taken collectively advertising institutes a culture of consumption. Individually, “greenwash” is the effort to spin one company’s environmental programs out of proportion while minimising the systemic degradation that production entails. But as a burgeoning social institution, greenwash constitutes an ideological apparatus constructing industry as fundamentally working in the interests of ecology. In turn, each corporate image of pristine blue skies, flourishing ecosystems, wind farms, and solar panels constitutes a harmonious fantasy of green industry. As David Mackay, chief scientific advisor to the UK Government has pointed out, the political rhetoric of green technology lulls people into a false sense of security (qtd. in Charlton 38). Again, a binary logic works to portray greener technologies—such as gas, “clean coal”, and biomass combustion—as green. Rescuing Legitimacy There are essentially two critical forces that are defused in the high-ground strategy’s definitional project. The first is the scientific discourse which maintains that the measures proposed by leading governments are well below what is required to reign in dangerous climate change. This seems to be invisible not so much because it is radical but because it is obscured by the uncertainties in which climate science is couched, and by EM’s noble-sounding rhetoric. The second is the radical critique which argues that climate change is a classic symptom of an internal contradiction of a capitalist economy seeking endless growth in a finite world. The historic bloc’s successful redefinition strategy appears to jam the frequency of serious, scientifically credible climate discourse, yet at the level of hegemonic struggle its effects range wider. In redefining climate change and other key signifiers of green critique – “environment”, “ecology”, “green”, “planet”—it expropriates key properties of its antagonist. Were it not that climate change is now defined on the cheery, reassuring ground of EM discourse, the gravity of the alarming—rather than alarmist (Risbey)—scientific discourse may just have offered radical critique the ammunition it needed to provoke society into serious deliberations over its socioeconomic path. Radical green critique is not in itself the chief enemy of the historic bloc. But it is a privileged element within antagonistic discourse and reinforces the critical element of the feminist, civil rights, and student movements of the 1960s and 1970s. In this way ecology has tended to act as a nodal point binding general social critique: all of the other demands began to be inscribed with the green critique, just as the green critique became a metaphor for all of the others (Laclau). The metaphorical value of the green critique not only relates to the size and vibrancy of the movement—the immediate visibility of ecological destruction stood as a powerful symbol of the kernel of antagonistic politics: a sense that society had fundamentally gone awry. While green critique demands that progress should be conditional upon ecology, EM professes that progress is already green (Eder 217n). Thus the great win achieved by the high-ground strategy is not over radical green critique per se but over the shifting coalition that threatens its legitimacy. As Stavrakakis observes, what is novel about green discourse is nothing essential to the signifiers it deploys, but the way that a common signifier comes to stand in and structure the field as a whole – to serve as a nodal point. It has a number of signifiers: environmental sustainability, social justice, grassroots democracy, and peace and non-violence, all of which are “quilted” around the master-signifiers of “ecology”, “green”, or “planet”. While these master-signifiers are not unique to green ideology, what is unique is that they stand at the centre. But the crucial point to note about the green signifier at the heart of political ecology is that its value is accorded, in large part, through its negation of the dominant ideology. That is to say, it is not that green ideology stands as merely another way of mapping the social; rather, the master-signifier "green" contains an implicit refutation of the dominant social order. That “green” is now almost wholly evacuated of its radical connotations speaks to the effectiveness of the redefinitional effort.The historic bloc is aided in its efforts by the complexity of climate change. Such opacity is characteristic of contemporary risks, whose threats are mostly “a type of virtual reality, real virtuality” (Beck 213). The political struggle then takes place at the level of meaning, and power is played out in a contest to fix the definitions of key risks such as climate change. When relations of (risk) definition replace relations of production as the site of the effects of power, a double mystification ensues and shifts in the ground on which the struggle takes place may go unnoticed. Conclusion By articulating ecology with markets and technology, EM transforms the threat of climate change into an opportunity, a new motor of neoliberal legitimacy. The historic bloc has co-opted environmentalist discourse to promote a gentrified climate change which present institutions are capable of managing: “We are at the fork in the road between order and catastrophe. Stick with us. 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