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Journal articles on the topic 'Leo Strauss, political philosophy, natural right, natural law'

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Published: 24 April 2022

Last updated: 30 July 2025

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1

ALDES WURGAFT, BENJAMIN. "CULTURE AND LAW IN WEIMAR JEWISH MEDIEVALISM: LEO STRAUSS'S CRITIQUE OF JULIUS GUTTMANN." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 1 (2014): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000358.

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The German Jewish historian of political philosophy Leo Strauss is best known for mature works in which he proposed the existence of an esoteric tradition in political philosophy, attacked the liberal tradition of political thought, and defended a classical approach to natural right against its modern counterparts. This essay demonstrates that in his youth, beginning during a scholarly apprenticeship at the Berlin Akademie für die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Strauss championed “medievals” (rather than ancients) against “moderns,” and did so through a sparring match with his postdoctoral superv

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2

Ardakani, Mohammad Abedi, Mohammad Ali Tavana, and Gholamreza Mohebzadeh Nobandegani. "The Critique of Leo Strauss to Modernist Political Thought." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 7 (2016): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n7p119.

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As a conservative philosopher, Leo Strauss reconsiders and criticizes modern political thought methodologically and epistemologically, in that he believes it has faced crises leading history of philosophical thinking to deviate. To put simply, Strauss claims that the major part of critical thinking arisen in the West is the by-product of the modern political thought. According to this, the present paper reviews Strauss’s critique of modern political thought, putting the question “what kind of insights and enlightenments does Strauss’ critique of modern political thought encompass?” As a findin

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3

Umphrey, Stewart. "Natural Right and Philosophy." Review of Politics 53, no. 1 (1991): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050005018x.

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“The problem inherent in the surface of things, and only in the surface of things, is the heart of things.” So wrote Leo Strauss in his Thoughts on Machiavelli. The sentence may seem to be a passing remark, and yet it states his main hermeneutical principle. On the one hand it articulates the abiding hypothesis that what is first for us, the very looks of things, is somehow first in itself. On the other hand it guides his commentaries on great books, ancient as well as modern. What if we let this principle guide our commentaries on Strauss's own books? Then the heart of Natural Right and Histo

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4

Kraynak, Robert P. "Moral Order in the Western Tradition: Harry Jaffa's Grand Synthesis of Athens, Jerusalem, and Peoria." Review of Politics 71, no. 2 (2009): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509000308.

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AbstractHarry V. Jaffa has inspired a generation of students in American political thought by defending the natural rights principles of the Declaration of Independence and of Abraham Lincoln. Jaffa is also a defender of Leo Strauss's idea of a “political science of natural right,” which Strauss drew primarily from classical Greek political philosophy. Jaffa's efforts to defend the several strands of the Western natural right tradition led him to develop a grand synthesis of “Athens, Jerusalem, and Peoria,” which I argue is a noble but untenable way of upholding the moral order of the West—and

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LAZIER, BENJAMIN. "NATURAL RIGHT AND LIBERALISM: LEO STRAUSS IN OUR TIME." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 1 (2009): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001984.

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Not long ago, the actor and playwright Tim Robbins directed a production in New York and Los Angeles calledEmbedded. The play is strange, but nowhere more so than in one, infamous scene: a black mass in honor of the deceased political philosopher Leo Strauss, conducted by candlelight by advisers to President Bush in the run-up to the Iraq war. Characters who are transparent representations of Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz and Condoleezza Rice masturbate with abandon, all the while yelping “hail Leo Strauss!” beneath an outsized portrait of his face. The scene reac

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6

Cruz Sousa, André Luiz. "Thoughts on Leo Strauss's Interpretation of Aristotle's Natural Right Teaching." Review of Politics 78, no. 3 (2016): 419–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670516000334.

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AbstractThe essay discusses the interpretation of Aristotle's natural right teaching by Leo Strauss. This interpretation ought to be seen as the result of an investigation into the history of philosophy and of an attempt to philosophically address political problems. By virtue of this twofold origin, the Straussian commentary is unorthodox: it deviates from traditional Aristotelianism (Aquinas and Averroes) and it seems alien to the text of the Nicomachean Ethics. Strauss's criticism of medieval variants results from their incapacity—shared by contemporary political thought—to address a perple

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7

Havers, Grant. "Leo Strauss and the politics of biblical religion." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 30, no. 3-4 (2001): 353–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980103000307.

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Leo Strauss was one of the few political philosophers of the twentieth century to study the relation between faith and political philosophy. Yet Strauss's notoriously esoteric style has led scholars to wildly diverse interpretations of his views: his defenders believe that Strauss supports biblical religion as an instrument of truth and morality, while his critics contend that he opposes biblical religion for its biases while appreciating its political usefulness. I shall argue that Strauss is deeply opposed to the doctrines and political usage of biblical religion. For biblical doctrines clas

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8

McWiliams, Wilson Carey. "Leo Strauss and the Dignity of American Political Thought." Review of Politics 60, no. 2 (1998): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500041188.

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Leo Strauss wrote only rarely about American thought, but he pointed his students and readers toward the “high adventure” of the American political tradition as a serious encounter with the great questions of political philosophy. Strauss saw American theory as a contest—one fought less between Americans than within them—pitting modernity's “first wave”, with its appeal to reason and natural right, against the more radical individualism and the historicism of later modern doctrine. Religion and classical rationalism, offering their own standards of a right above opinion, had been historically

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9

Smith, Thomas W. "The Order of Presentation and the Order of Understanding in Aquinas's Account of Law." Review of Politics 57, no. 4 (1995): 607–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500018659.

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It is argued that natural law can be known without the aid of revelation, and so it seems to be a medium through which people of different faiths can live together and talk to each other. However, Leo Strauss argues that Aquinas's understanding of natural law cannot possibly provide such a medium because Thomas relies on Christian revelation to develop his account of natural law. To counter this claim, this article makes a distinction between the way Aquinas presents his natural law teaching to his readers in a discussion of revelation and the way he thinks human beings may come to know natura

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10

Guerra, Marc D. "The Ambivalence of Classic Natural Right: Leo Strauss on Philosophy, Morality, and Statesmanship." Perspectives on Political Science 28, no. 2 (1999): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457099909600686.

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11

Stoškus, Mindaugas. "LEO STRAUSSAS: ISTORIZMAS, POLITINĖ FILOSOFIJA IR POLITIKOS MOKSLAS." Problemos 83 (January 1, 2013): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2013.0.830.

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Straipsnyje analizuojamas Leo Strausso iškeltas istorizmo poveikis politinei filosofijai. Aptariamos istorizmo sąsajos su pozityvizmu, moderniąja politine filosofija. Aiškinamasi, kuo remdamasis istorizmas iš mokslinio diskurso eliminuoja pagrindines klasikinės politinės filosofijos problemas apie teisingumą, prigimtinę teisę ir geriausią režimą, svarstoma, kokį poveikį tai padarė visai politinei filosofijai. Straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip ir kokias istoristines nuostatas perėmė naujas politikos mokslas, kaip tai paveikė politikos mokslininkų požiūrį į filosofinę politinės tikrovės analizę. Na

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12

Vavouras, Elias. "The Machiavellian reality of Leo Strauss." dianoesis 12 (May 22, 2024): 249–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dia.37834.

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What is it makes Machiavelli such a decisive thinker, worthy of the Straussian interpretation? For Strauss, Machiavellian theoretical achievement is that he succeeds in misleading us, in leading us through his intelligent propaganda away from philosophy or political science in the literal sense of the word. He uses his interpretation of Machiavellian thought as a means of esoteric expression of his own positions. While he states that thoughts are expressed on Machiavelli, in fact Strauss' thoughts are expressed with Machiavelli as his "speaker-mouthpiece", with the aim of returning to the poin

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13

Lachterman, David R. "Strauss Read from France." Review of Politics 53, no. 1 (1991): 224–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050300.

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Leo Strauss has long had a “scholarly” presence among French orientalists and medievalists, thanks to his fundamentally important works on the falasifa and Maimonides, two of which were published in France in the 1930's. To French political “thinkers,” caught as they were for so long, like Laocoon, in the serpentine toils of Stalinism, Maoism and other variants of “Marxism,” including its decadently ironic postmodern negations, Strauss seems to have been a largely unknown name. Some interpreters of the history of modern political philosophy have, of course, taken note of his analyses of Machia

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14

Behnegar, Nasser. "Leo Strauss's Confrontation with Max Weber: A Search for a Genuine Social Science." Review of Politics 59, no. 1 (1997): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027170.

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An analysis of Leo Strauss's difficult and relatively neglected criticism of Max Weber in Natural Right and History reveals the fundamental difficulties that political science, and social science more generally, must overcome in order to be a genuine science. In Strauss's view, the inadequacy of the fact-value distinction, which is now widely acknowledged, compels a re-examination of Weber's denial of the possibility of valid knowledge of values. Strauss identifies the serious ground of this denial as Weber's insight that modern philosophy or science cannot refute religion. Believing that phil

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15

Velkley, Richard. "On the Roots of Rationalism: Strauss's Natural Right and History as Response to Heidegger." Review of Politics 70, no. 2 (2008): 245–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670508000326.

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AbstractThe essay reconsiders the argument of Leo Strauss in Natural Right and History with “radical historicism” and above all its leading representative, Martin Heidegger. Strauss's critique of such historicism is not motivated by the need to recover a teleological natural philosophy for the grounding of natural right. Strauss's turn to “the fundamental problems coeval with human thought” is in accord with Heidegger's claim that the whole is mysterious. His reservation rather concerns Heidegger's attempt, both longing and hopeful, to show that radical questioning of rationalism can solve the

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16

Christias, Panagiotis. "Jerusalem and Athens against Rome Leo Strauss’ critique of Edmund Burke’s political logic." dianoesis 12 (May 22, 2024): 109–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dia.37799.

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Leo Strauss never stopped questioning the three great Western traditions. The first was Judaism and the paradox of understanding it in the orthodox way in the modern era. His writings on Moses Maimonides are an attempt to present a coherent version of what he called “moderate Enlightenment”, an intellectual world where Moses and the prophets could be heard and understood for their reason. The second was an immoderate attachment to Plato and Platonism. In Philosophie und Gesetz (1935) he asserts that all great medieval philosophers of Judaism and Islam were platonicians. Strauss establishes a k

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17

Altman, William. "The Alpine Limits of Jewish Thought: Leo Strauss, National Socialism, and Judentum ohne Gott." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 17, no. 1 (2009): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147728509x448975.

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AbstractWriting in 1935 as "Hugo Fiala," Karl Löwith not only connected Martin Heidegger and Carl Schmitt to an apparently contentless "decisionism" but drew attention to the fact that his correspondent Leo Strauss (1899–1973) had attacked Schmitt—like Heidegger an open Nazi since 1933—from the Right in 1932. In opposition to the views of Peter Eli Gordon, Heidegger's bellicose stance at the Davos Hochschule of 1929 is presented as "political" in Schmitt's sense of the term while Strauss's embrace of Heidegger, never regretted, showed that he ceased to be Nietzsche's "Good European" in his thi

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18

Rodríguez, Raúl. "Liberal Democracy Reexamined: Leo Strauss on Alexis de Tocqueville." Perspectives on Politics, February 25, 2025, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537592724002603.

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This article explores Leo Strauss’s thoughts on Alexis de Tocqueville in his 1954 “Natural Right” course transcript. One of the significant features of this transcript is that it contains an original interpretation and tentative critique of Tocqueville’s political philosophy. Although Strauss considered Tocqueville to be an indispensable observer of modern liberal democracy, he saw significant limits to Tocqueville’s thought. By comparing him with Aristotle and Nietzsche, among others, Strauss criticizes Tocqueville’s understanding of justice, history, and democracy. Strauss concludes that Nie

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19

Villaça, Theo Magalhães. "A crítica de Leo Strauss ao historicismo de Edmund Burke." REVISTA PRIMORDIUM, February 23, 2024, 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/reprim-v8n15a2023-68215.

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Resumo: O presente artigo visa examinar a crítica do pensador teuto-americano Leo Strauss ao estadista irlandês Edmund Burke, sobretudo exposto no livro Direito Natural e História. Apesar de ambos os autores serem frequentemente tidos como exemplos de pensadores conservadores, Strauss enquadra Burke dentro do que ele chama de historicismo, uma grande mazela do pensamento moderno. A filosofia política do estadista irlandês, ao ressaltar a importância das circunstâncias locais para a ordem política, se afasta da busca por uma ordem eterna e, portanto, pode resultar em um relativismo não só polít

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20

Matts, Tim, and Aidan Tynan. "The Melancholy of Extinction: Lars von Trier's "Melancholia" as an Environmental Film." M/C Journal 15, no. 3 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.491.

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Lars von Trier’s film Melancholia depicts the last days of the earth through the eyes of a young woman, Justine, who is suffering from a severe depressive illness. In the hours leading up to the Earth’s destruction through the impact of a massive blue planet named Melancholia, Justine tells her sister that “the Earth is evil, we don’t need to grieve for it. Nobody will miss it.” We can read this apparently anti-environmental statement in one sense as a symptom of Justine’s melancholic depression. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders defines melancholia as a form of depress

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