Journal articles: 'Leopold Senghor'

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Wake, Clive, and Janice Spleth. "Leopold Sedar Senghor." Modern Language Review 82, no. 4 (October 1987): 984. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3729117.

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Beier, Ulli. "Leopold Sedar Senghor: A Personal Memoir." Research in African Literatures 33, no. 4 (2002): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2002.0102.

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Martin, Michel Louis, and Jacqueline Sorel. "Leopold Sedar Senghor: L'Emotion et la Raison." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221134.

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Satygo, Iryna. "A Poet in Scientist’s Uniform: Leopold Senghor." Pitannâ lìteraturoznavstva 92 (December 25, 2015): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/pytlit2015.92.088.

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Vaillant, Janet G. "Homage to Leopold Sedar Senghor: 1906-2001." Research in African Literatures 33, no. 4 (2002): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2002.0131.

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Lamouth, Juan Sánchez. "Choral Salute to the Poet Leopold Sedar Senghor." Black Scholar 45, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 65–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2015.1013003.

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O'BRIEN, DONAL D. CRUISE. "Black, French and African. A life of Leopold Senghor." African Affairs 91, no. 363 (April 1992): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098517.

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Hymans, Jacques, and Janet G. Vaillant. "Black, French, and African: A Life of Leopold Sedar Senghor." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219808.

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Johnson, G. Wesley, and Janet G. Vaillant. "Black, French, and African: A Life of Leopold Sedar Senghor." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164681.

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Nicol, Davidson, and Janet G. Vaillant. "Black, French and African: A Life of Leopold Sedar Senghor." African Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1992): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525141.

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Westley, David. "A Select Bibliography of the Works of Leopold Sedar Senghor." Research in African Literatures 33, no. 4 (2002): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2002.0134.

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Gianuzzi, Valentino. "Jean-Joseph Rabearivelo." Cuadernos Literarios 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2003): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35626/cl.1.2003.243.

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En la sección Otra voz se podrán leer fragmentos de textos poéticos de Jean-Joseph Rabearivelo. Como se sabe, Rabearivelo es una de las figuras intelectuales más destacadas del continente africano al lado de Leopold Senghor, con su estilo maudit, derivado de la lectura de Baudelalre y su tam-tam de tristeza y melancolía de spleen estimulante.

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Pyrova, Tatiana Leonidovna. "Philosophical-aesthetic foundations of African-American hip-hop music." Философия и культура, no. 12 (December 2020): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2020.12.34717.

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This article is dedicated to the philosophical-aesthetic foundations of African-American hip-hop music of the late XX century. Developed by the African philosopher Leopold Senghor, the author of the theory of negritude, concept of Negro-African aesthetics laid the foundations for the formation of philosophical-political comprehension and development of the principles of African-American culture in the second half of the XX century in works of the founders of “Black Arts” movement. This research examines the main theses of the aesthetic theory of L. Senghor; traces his impact upon cultural-political movement “Black Art”; reveals which position of his aesthetic theory and cultural-political movement “Black Arts” affected hip-hop music. The author refers to the concept of “vibe” for understanding the influence of Negro-African aesthetics upon the development of hip-hop music. The impact of aesthetic theory of Leopold Senghor upon the theoretical positions of cultural-political movement “Black Arts” is demonstrated. The author also compares the characteristics of the Negro-African aesthetics and the concepts used to describe hip-hop music, and determines correlation between them. The conclusion is made that the research assessment of hip-hop music and comparative analysis of African-American hip-hop with the examples of global hip-hop should pay attention to the philosophical-aesthetic foundations of African-American hip-hop and their relation to Negro-African aesthetics, which differs fundamentally from the European aesthetic tradition.

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Bobo, Rostand Sylvanius. "Le je lyrique chez Léopold Sédar Senghor." Anales de Filología Francesa 27, no. 1 (November 18, 2019): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/analesff.381941.

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El lirismo es una forma de expresión que extiende su imperio a todas las artes. En la literatura, fue traído a su cima por el romanticismo que lo hizo su línea de fuerza. Ha conocido una variedad de fortunas desde entonces. Asumido por algunos, vilificados por otros, sigue siendo hoy en día el corazón de las preocupaciones de muchos críticos. Nuestro estudio propone estudiar la letra I en un poema de Leopold Sédar Senghor: el Kaya Magan, extraído de su colección Etícuos. Es una contribución humilde a las numerosas obras dedicadas a esta importante figura de la literatura Afroafricana, principalmente a aquellos que tienen como eje principal la dimensión lírica. La prueba una vez más que el lirismo y el compromiso pueden ser una buena limpieza. Es un enfoque lingüístico de la autoescritura que incorpora referencias al contexto sociohistórico. Lyricism is a form of expression that extends its empire to all arts. In literature, it was brought to its pinnacle by the romanticism that made it its line of strength. He has known a variety of fortunes since then. Assumed by some, vilified by others, it remains today still at the heart of the concerns of many critics. Our study proposes to study the lyric I in a poem by Leopold Sédar Senghor: the Kaya Magan, extracted from his collection Ethiopiques. It is a humble contribution to the many works devoted to this major figure of the Negro-African literature, mainly to those who have as a major axis the lyrical dimension. The proof once again that lyricism and commitment can be good housekeeping. It is a linguistic approach to self-writing that incorporates references to the socio-historical context. Le lyrisme est une forme d’expression qui étend son empire à tous les arts. En littérature, il a été porté à son pinacle par le romantisme qui en a fait sa ligne de force. Il a connu des fortunes diverses depuis. Assumé par les uns, vilipendé par les autres, il demeure aujourd’hui encore au cœur des préoccupations de nombreux critiques. Notre étude se propose d’étudier le je lyrique dans un poème de Léopold Sédar Senghor : Le Kaya Magan, extrait de son recueil Éthiopiques. Elle se veut une humble contribution aux nombreux travaux consacrés à cette figure majeure de la littérature négro-africaine, principalement à ceux qui ont pour axe majeur la dimension lyrique. La preuve une fois encore que le lyrisme et engagement peuvent faire bon ménage. C’est une approche linguistique de l’écriture de soi qui intègre les références au contexte socio-historique.Mots-clés : Lyrisme-je lyrique/ethos poétique-ode-négritude

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ALIM, Eray. "Post-Kolonyalizm ve Leopold Sedar Senghor: Tartışmalı Bir Düşünür Üzerine Bir İnceleme." Anemon Muş Alparslan Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 9, Toplum & Siyaset (March 29, 2021): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18506/anemon.819284.

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Senior Grant, Alder. "La mujer-madre de Leopold Sedar Senghor y el matriarcado en la literatura francofona." Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 20, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v20i1.20228.

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El propósito principal de este artículo es analizar la relación que Léopold Sédar Senghour, poeta contemporáneo de Senegal, mantiene con su madre en toda su obra Poemes.The main purpose of this article is to analyze the relationship that Léopold Sédar Senghour, contemporary poet from Senegal, holds with his mother throughout his work Poemes.

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Mark Helbling. "Black, French, and African: A Life of Leopold Sedar Senghor (review)." Biography 15, no. 2 (1992): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2010.0357.

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Bongie, Chris. "Francophone conjunctures." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1997): 291–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002610.

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[First paragraph]Decolonizing the Text: Glissantian Readings in Caribbean and African-American Literatures. DEBRA L. ANDERSON. New York: Peter Lang, 1995. 118 pp. (Cloth US$46.95)L'Eau: Source d'une ecriture dans les litteratures feminines francophones. YOLANDE HELM (ed.). New York: Peter Lang, 1995. x + 295 pp. (Cloth US$ 65.95)Postcolonial Subjects: Francophone Women Writers. MARY JEAN GREEN, KAREN GOULD, MICHELINE RICE-MAXIMIN, KEITH L. WALKER & JACK A. YEAGER (eds.). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996. xxii + 359 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Statue cou coupe. ANNIE LE BRUN. Paris: Jean-Michel Place, 1996. 177 pp. (Paper FF 85.00) Although best remembered as a founding father of the Negritude movement along with Aime Cesaire, Leopold Senghor was from the very outset of his career equally committed - as both a poet and a politician - to what he felt were the inseparable concepts of la francophonie and metissage. Senghor's has been an unabashedly paradoxical vision, consistently addressing the unanswerable question of how one can be essentially a "black African" and at the same time (in Homi Bhabha's words) "something else besides" (1994:28). In his "Eloge du metissage," written in 1950, Senghor ably described the contradictions involved in assuming the hybrid identity of a metis (an identity that offers none of the comforting biological and/or cultural certainties - about "rhythm," "intuition," and such like - upon which the project of Negritude was founded): "too assimilated and yet not assimilated enough? Such is exactly our destiny as cultural metis. It's an unattractive role, difficult to take hold of; it's a necessary role if the conjuncture of the 'Union francaise' is to have any meaning. In the face of nationalisms, racisms, academicisms, it's the struggle for the freedom of the Soul - the freedom of Man" (1964:103). At first glance, this definition of the metis appears as dated as the crude essentialism with which Senghor's Negritude is now commonly identified: in linking the fate of the metis to that of the "Union francaise," that imperial federation of states created in the years following upon the end of the Second World War with the intention of putting a "new" face on the old French Empire, Senghor would seem to have doomed the metis and his "role ingrat" to obsolescence. By the end of the decade, the decolonization of French Africa had deprived the "Union franchise" of whatever "meaning" it might once have had. The uncompromisingly manichean rhetoric of opposition that flourished in the decolonization years (and that was most famously manipulated by Fanon in his 1961 Wretched of the Earth) had rendered especially unpalatable the complicities to which Senghor's (un)assimilated metis was subject and to which he also subjected himself in the name of a "humanism" that was around this same time itself becoming the object of an all-out assault in France at the hands of intellectuals like Foucault.

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Ahamada, Youssouf, Salimata G. Diagne, Amadou Coulibaly, D'ethi'e Dione, N'dogotar Nlio, and Youssou Gningue. "Modeling and Resolution of the Allocation Problem of the Time Slots in Dakar Airport." Journal of Mathematics Research 9, no. 3 (May 17, 2017): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jmr.v9n3p30.

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In this article, we proposed a programming linear model in integer numbers(PLIN) for the optimal allocation of the time slots in the international Leopold Sedar Senghor airport of Dakar (L.S.S). The slots are specific allocated periods which allow an aircraft to land or take off in a saturated airport. Their attribution depends on theconfiguration of the airport, more particularly on its capacity. We maximize the confirmed demand in each slot and take the number of aircrafts and the number of manageable passengers with an optimal quality service into account. We used the CPLEX software so that to test the effectiveness of the linear model. Firstly, in the proposed model linear in integer numbers, any unmet demand was isolated. Secondly, the rejected demands by introducing a model and an algorithm of resolution based on the dynamic programming.

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Gbadegesin, Olusegun. "Negritude and Its Contribution to the Civilization of the Universal: Leopold Senghor and the Question of Ultimate Reality and Meaning." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 14, no. 1 (March 1991): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.14.1.30.

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Sanni, John Sodiq. "The Negritude Movement: W.E.B Du Bois, Leon Damas, Aime Cesaire, Leopold Senghor, Frantz Fanon, and the evolution of an insurgent idea." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 38, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 652–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1825652.

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OKLOPCIC, ZORAN. "Beyond Empty, Conservative, and Ethereal: Pluralist Self-Determination and a Peripheral Political Imaginary." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2013): 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000216.

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AbstractOver the last couple of years, a stream of pluralist theories of international legal order has developed at the intersection of international law and political theory, having immediate implications for conceptualizing self-determination. The understanding of self-determination under the framework ofbounded,constitutional, andradicalpluralism markedly departs from the previous wave of normative theories in the 1990s: self-determination is now evacuated from the field of national pluralism and struggles over territory.This article does not question the thrust of pluralists’ recent work, but complements their critical attunement to global disparities of power, and complicates their neglect of nationalism and rejection of territorial reconfigurations as self-determination's core meaning. In doing so, it unearths two visions that come from the (semi-)periphery of the international political order. The first belongs to Edvard Kardelj, pre-eminent Yugoslav theorist of socialist self-management and the Non-Aligned Movement. The second belongs to Leopold Sédar Senghor, the poet and politician, advocate ofnégritude, a proponent of French West African integration, and a constitutional advocate for the reconfiguration – not abolition – of the French Union, the heir to the French Empire. While they are suspicious of extensive territorial reconstruction, like contemporary pluralists, unlike them they have seen a role for territorial reconfigurations in the name of national plurality.

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Valdiviezo Arista, Luis Martín. "Perú: Colonialismo y política educativa intercultural." Revista Iberoamericana de Educación 62, no. 2 (June 15, 2013): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35362/rie622842.

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En este artículo, analizo cómo los paradigmas coloniales obstaculizan los intentos de democratización social peruana a través de la educación intercultural. Mi tesis central es que la persistencia de creencias coloniales (eurocéntricas y patriarcales) dentro de la cultura nacional dominante fomentan discursos y prácticas que refuerzan las desigualdades existentes entre razas, géneros, culturas y lenguas; las cuales perjudican especialmente a las mujeres de nuestros pueblos afro-descendientes e indígenas. De aquí se deriva la necesidad de que la educación intercultural contenga un propósito descolonizador. Es decir que promueva creencias sociales inclusivas en relación a identidades sociales marginalizadas y dispuestas a la democratización que los grupos más oprimidos, movimientos sociales y ciudadanos más progresistas exigen. Este tipo de política educativa requiere la inclusión de los grupos marginalizados en su diseño, implementación y evaluación. Uno de los grupos que ha padecido extrema marginalización a través de la historia peruana ha sido el afro-peruano. Mostrar las contribuciones potenciales de la tradición afro-peruana para la creación de una interculturalidad descolonizada facilitará también la inclusión de todos los otros grupos marginados. Por ello, presento algunas ideas del poeta peruano Nicomedes Santa Cruz y del filósofo y estadista senegalés Leopold Sedar Senghor que pueden estimular una concepción más democrática y descolonizadora de la interculturalidad peruana. Palabras clave: Interculturalidad, Descolonización, Afro Peruanos, Eurocentrismo.

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Garuba, Harry. "Race in Africa: Four Epigraphs and a Commentary." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1640–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1640.

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“Look, a Negro!” It was an external stimulus that flicked over me as I passed by. I made a tight smile.“Look, a Negro!” It was true. It amused me.“Look, a Negro!” The circle was drawing a bit tighter. I made no secret of my amusement.“Mama, see the Negro! I am frightened!” Frightened! Frightened! Now they were beginning to be afraid of me. I made up my mind to laugh myself to tears, but laughter had become impossible.—Frantz Fanon, “The Fact of Blackness” (111–12)The racialization of the Tutsi/Hutu was not simply an intellectual construct, one which later and more enlightened generations of intellectuals could deconstruct and discard at will. More to the point, racialization was also an institutional construct. Racial ideology was embedded in institutions, which in turn undergirded privilege and reproduced racial ideology. It was this political-institutional fact that intellectuals alone would not be able to alter. Rather, it would take a political-social movement to be dismantled.—Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers (87)Far back as one may go into the past, from the northern Sudanese to the southern Bantu, the African has always and everywhere presented a concept of the world which is diametrically opposed to the traditional philosophy of Europe.—Leopold Sedar Senghor, “Negritude: A Humanism of the Twentieth Century” (30)Sango's history is not the history of primal becoming but of racial origin, which is historically dated.—Wole Soyinka, Myth, Literature and the African World (9)These four epigraphs give a sense of the diversity of usages of the category of race in Africa and the discourses and practices that coalesce around these usages. I use the textual fragments to open up questions about race in Africa, to explore the various discursive economies in which race is articulated and circulates, and the registers and vocabularies in which responses to it have been conducted. The approach adopted is therefore metonymic: each fragment represents a larger body of texts and practices that broadly constitute a discourse defined by a set of shared characteristics. My purpose is not to discuss exhaustively these characteristics but rather to draw rough distinctions among the conditions that govern their articulation and circulation. In this way I can indicate the network of social, historical, and discursive relations in which the idea of race functions.

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Eichelsheim, John. "Regionaal Particularisme en Staatsvorming in Afrika: De Diola van Zuid Senegal in hun Relatie Met Dakar." Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (January 26, 1991): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703002.

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Regional Particularism and State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and Their Relationship with Dakar In the French daily newspaper “Libération” of 819 september 1990 I read : “Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed”. A morbid déjà vu. At the end of 1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn’t the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modem state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 196O the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot of power in the region. But it should be clear that these “representatives” were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of june 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!

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"Black, French, and African: a life of Leopold Sedar Senghor." Choice Reviews Online 28, no. 06 (February 1, 1991): 28–3213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.28-3213.

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Migliavacca, Adriano Moraes. "Sortir de la grande nuit." Anos 90 21, no. 40 (August 4, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/1983-201x.49367.

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Esta resenha busca apresentar ao leitor brasileiro a obra Sortir de la grande nuit, do cientista político camaronês Achille Mbembe. Situado na nova geração de pensadores africanos, Achille Mbembe defende uma linha de pensamento a que chama de “afropolitanismo”, a qual busca oferecer uma alternativa aos movimentos da negritude e do panafricanismo. A análise da atual situação cultural e social africana que Mbembe oferece, não obstante seu caráter eminentemente político, utiliza de extenso material autobiográfico, partindo de relatos de suas vivências de juventude em Camarões e incluindo suas experiências como estudante e professor na França, nos Estados Unidos e na África do Sul. Além disso, o autor explicita a influência que tiveram sobre seu pensamento as obras de intelectuais africanos que o precederam, como Frantz Fanon e Leopold Sedar Senghor. Essa miríade de experiências e leituras é harmonizada por Mbembe em uma visão dinâmica da África como local onde diversos povos e culturas transitam, afastando-se, assim, de postulados universalistas e da rigidez das concepções raciais.Palavras-chave: Achille Mbembe. Afropolitanismo. África contemporânea.This review presents to the Brazilian reader Sortir de la grande nuit, a work by the Cameroonian political scientist Achille Mbembe. Belonging to the new generation of African thinkers, Achille Mbembe advocates for a worldview which he calls afropolitanism, offering an alternative to negritude and panafricanism. Mbembe provides an analysis of current social and cultural situation in Africa that takes into account both political ideas and theories and his own autobiographical narratives, from his youth in Cameroon to his experiences as a student and Professor in France, the United States of America, and South Africa. In addition, the author discusses the influence of different African intellectuals, such as Frantz Fanon and Leopold Sedar Senghor, on his own work. These myriad experiences and readings are harmonized into a dynamic view of Africa as a place of transit of diverse peoples and cultures, thus avoiding universalist postulates and rigid racial conceptions.Keywords: Achille Mbembe. Afropolitanism. Contemporary Africa.

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"The negritude movement: W.E.B. Du Bois, Leon Damas, Aime Cesaire, Leopold Senghor, Frantz Fanon, and the evolution of an insurgent idea." Choice Reviews Online 53, no. 04 (November 18, 2015): 53–1839. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.193618.

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"The Negritude Movement: W. E. B. Du Bois, Leon Damas, Aimé Césaire, Leopold Senghor, Franz Fanon, and the Evolution of an Insurgent Idea by Reiland Rabaka." Palimpsest: A Journal on Women, Gender, and the Black International 5, no. 2 (2016): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pal.2016.0022.

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30

Eichelsheim, John. "Regional Particularism and the State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and their Relationship with Dakar." Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (September 13, 1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v7i3.6118.

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In the French daily newspaper "Libération" of 8/9september 19901 read : "Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed". A morbid déjà vu. At the end of1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn't the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modern state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 1960 the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot ofpower in the region. But it should be clear that these "representatives" were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North.For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of June 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!KEYWORDS: Diola, politics, Senegal, social organisation, state formation, urban development

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Journal articles on the topic 'Leopold Senghor'

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