Academic literature on the topic 'Lepanto, Battle of, 1517'

Resumo: Este estudo propõe uma análise centrada na pintura Felipe II, después de la victoria de Lepanto, ofrece al cielo al príncipe don Fernando (Madri, Museu do Prado), de Ticiano Vecellio. Produzida em resposta à encomenda do rei espanhol Felipe II, teve por intenção celebrar dois momentos marcantes de seu reinado no ano de 1571: a vitória sobre a frota turca na batalha de Lepanto e o nascimento de seu herdeiro, o infante Dom Fernando. Com o objetivo de compreender os sentidos e funções do objeto imagético nesse contexto, a linguagem simbólica da pintura é interpretada em conexão com os acontecimentos contemporâneos à sua produção. Apesar de ser reconhecida como a “alegoria da batalha de Lepanto”, de facto, esta é representada em último plano, eclipsada por uma série de elementos carregados de simbolismo dinástico e religioso. Palavras-chave: Felipe II de Espanha; Ticiano Vecellio; Batalha de Lepanto; Iconografia; História e Imagem. Abstract: This study proposes an analysis focused on the painting Felipe II , después de la victoria de Lepanto, ofrece al cielo al prince don Fernando (Madrid, Museum of Prado), by Titian Vecellio. It was produced in response to the request of the Spanish King Philip II, with the intention to celebrate two key moments of his reign in the year 1571: the victory over the turkish fleet at the Battle of Lepanto and the birth of his heir, the infante Don Fernando. In order to understand the meanings and functions of imagery object in this context, the symbolic language of painting is interpreted in connection with contemporary events to its production. Despite being recognized as the "Allegory of the Battle of Lepanto", in fact, this is represented in the last level, eclipsed by a series of loaded elements of dynastic and religious symbolism. Keywords: Philip II ofSpain; Titian Vecellio;Battle of Lepanto; Iconography; History and Image.

A painting of the Battle of Lepanto was published in JHS 1 (1930) 1–3 by R. M. Dawkins; an inscription on the back names the painter as the monk Laurentios. This inscription is shown to be a copy, and the painting itself to be a late nineteenth-century work by D. Pelekassis.

The Article deals with the circumstances of ordering in 1632 the painting “The Battle of Lepanto” with the painter Tomasso Dolabella. This work has so far received numerous references in the literature, but the proposals for its interpretation have aroused discussion among researchers. The painting was originally exposed in the rosary chapel next to the former Dominican church in Poznań, where it was part of an ideological program, referring to the cult of Our Lady of the Snows and Saint Jack. The Foundation of the Rosary Brotherhood was part of the tradition of commemorating the Battle of Lepanto, which was considered a victory thanks to the intercession of the Mother of God.

The Article deals with the circumstances of ordering in 1632 the painting “The Battle of Lepanto” with the painter Tomasso Dolabella. This work has so far received numerous references in the literature, but the proposals for its interpretation have aroused discussion among researchers. The painting was originally exposed in the rosary chapel next to the former Dominican church in Poznań, where it was part of an ideological program, referring to the cult of Our Lady of the Snows and Saint Jack. The Foundation of the Rosary Brotherhood was part of the tradition of commemorating the Battle of Lepanto, which was considered a victory thanks to the intercession of the Mother of God.

La batalla de Lepanto representa uno de los mayores éxitos artístico-literarios de la recreación de un evento militar, ya que su eco viajó muy de prisa, alcanzando muy rápidamente el Nuevo Mundo. Su imagen en la España de los siglos XVI-XVII se dio en relaciones de sucesos, crónicas, poemas, obras de teatro y cuadros. Nuestro artículo se centra en los diferentes tipos de información, en un intento de ilustrar la complejidad del fenómeno de la batalla de Lepanto. La información que hemos proporcionado solo hace hincapié en aquellos elementos de novedad, sin insistir en lo que la historiografía anterior ya se ha encargado de detallar, remitiendo por lo tanto a dichas fuentes. Nuestro corpus incluye obras de Tiziano, Fernando de Herrera, Luis Vélez de Guevara, Lope de Vega, González de Eslava, etc.

Aquesta tesi doctoral analitza dos aspectes fonamentals de la vida de Lluís de Requesens, d’una banda, la seva activitat com a militar al servei de Felip II i, de l’altra, la seva funció dins l’estructuració de la noblesa catalana i de les seves relacions amb la Cort, analitzat fonamentalment la guerra com a mecanisme d’ascens social a través de la seva clientela. Lluís de Requesens fou un dels nobles més importants al servei de Felip II, culminant la trajectòria de servei del seu llinatge amb alguns dels càrrecs de major rellevància en època moderna. Tot i que la bibliografia li ha atribuït sempre una funció més propera a la diplomàcia que a la guerra, va tenir actuacions notables com a militar. En aquest estudi es farà una anàlisi del pas d’aquest noble català pels diversos escenaris bèl·lics on tingué una participació destacada: la guerra contra els moriscos a las Alpujarras, la batalla de Lepant i el seu dificultós govern a Flandes. A més, la recerca s’endinsa en la construcció de la seva clientela de nobles catalans i com, a través del servei personal a Requesens i a Felip II per la via de les armes, procuraven engruixir el seu currículum per buscar una bona col·locació dins la Monarquia.
Esta tesis doctoral analiza dos aspectos fundamentales de la vida de Luis de Requesens, por un lado, su actividad como militar al servicio de Felipe II y, del otro, su función dentro de la estructuración de la nobleza catalana y de sus relaciones con la Corte, analizando fundamentalmente la guerra como mecanismo de ascenso social a través de su clientela. Luis de Requesens fue uno de los nobles más importantes al servicio de Felipe II, culminando la trayectoria de servicio de su linaje con algunos de los cargos de mayor relevancia en época moderna. Aunque la bibliografía le ha atribuido siempre una función más próxima a la diplomacia que a la guerra, tuvo actuaciones notables como militar. En este estudio se hará un análisis del paso de este noble catalán por los diversos escenarios bélicos donde tuvo una participación destacada: la guerra contra los moriscos en las Alpujarras, la batalla de Lepanto y su tortuoso gobierno en Flandes. Además, la investigación se adentra en la construcción de su clientela de nobles catalanes y cómo, a través del servicio personal a Requesens y a Felipe II por la vía de las armas, procuraban ampliar su currículum para buscar una buena colocación dentro de la Monarquía.
This doctoral thesis analyses two fundamental aspects of the life of Lluís de Requesens, on the one hand, his activity as a soldier in the service of Philip II and, on the other hand, his role in the structure of the Catalan nobility and his relations with the Court, analyzing war as a mechanism for social promotion through his clientele. Lluís de Requesens was one of the most important nobles in the service of Philip II, culminating the service of his lineage with some of the most important posts in modern times. Although the bibliography has always attributed to him a role closer to diplomacy than to war, he had notable performances as a military man. This study will analyze the passage of this Catalan nobleman through the different war scenarios in which he played an outstanding role: the war against the Moors in the Alpujarras, the battle of Lepanto, and his difficult government in Flanders. In addition, the research delves into the construction of his clientele of Catalan nobles and how, through personal service to Requesens and Philip II by way of arms, they sought to swell their curriculum in order to find a good position within the Monarchy.

Cette étude se propose d’étudier la réception de la nouvelle de la victoire de Lépante dans le grand-duché de Toscane sous le règne de Côme Ier et la transformation de l’événement d’actualité en objet historique, inscrit dans l’historiographie officielle médicéenne. La participation de la flotte toscane à la Sainte Ligue de Lépante en 1571 s’inscrit dans un contexte particulier de crise diplomatique avec le roi d’Espagne Philippe II de Habsbourg, dont la Toscane est un État vassal et dont l’autorité est de plus en plus contestée par les Médicis. Côme Ier de Médicis a vu aboutir les projets de son ambitieuse politique navale en 1560 avec la création de l’Ordre militaire marin de Santo Stefano, de sa politique dynastique en 1569 avec l’obtention, par le pape Pie V, du titre héréditaire grand-ducal, accompagné d’un contrat de collaboration militaire pour l’Ordre. La présence de la Toscane, sous la bannière pontificale, dans une coalition aussi prestigieuse que la Sainte Ligue, qui réunit Venise, l’Espagne et le pape, devrait constituer une occasion privilégiée de renforcer le discours de légitimation du principat médicéen. En effet, la victoire de Lépante constitue un événement au sens traditionnel du terme, c’est-à-dire un fait politico-militaire inattendu, éclatant, dont les représentations d’actualité cristallisent les enjeux diplomatiques du moment et dont les célébrations permettent de mettre en scène le pouvoir : plus que l’antagonisme, c’est la qualité de l’alliance qu’on lui oppose qui fait sens dans les récits et les images de Lépante. Pourtant, en Toscane, on n’assiste pas à une production aussi riche, féconde, variée et durable qu’ailleurs en Italie, notamment à Venise ou à Rome. Fidèle à sa tendance de fond qui préfère aux revendications ouvertes la discrétion et la prudence, le discours médicéen raconte une victoire de Lépante ambigüe, nuancée, comme une voix discordante au cœur du concert de célébrations qui suivent l’événement, dépassant le simple clivage des catégories de victoire et de défaite. Les représentations toscanes puisent leur matière même dans les correspondances militaires et diplomatiques des acteurs de la bataille : ils écrivent juste après l’avènement des faits, observent avec lucidité les graves disfonctionnements au sein de la Sainte Ligue, rendent compte de leur expérience concrète de la guerre et des lourdes pertes subies par l’Ordre au cours des combats. La nouvelle et les détails de la victoire se diffusent très largement grâce à une nouvelle forme éditoriale, les avvisi a stampa, des publications occasionnelles qui racontent et célèbrent la victoire. Celles qui sont publiées en Toscane révèlent des choix éditoriaux particuliers : l’imprimerie officielle grand-ducale semble vouloir ménager les susceptibilités en diffusant des versions canoniques pontificales ou espagnoles du déroulement des événements, qui ignorent la participation toscane, tandis que des récits plus favorables aux Toscans sont publiés par des typographes d’importance secondaire. Dans un troisième temps, l’événement s’inscrit dans l’historiographie officielle du régime grand-ducal ; la bataille de Lépante est traitée comme une « semi-victoire » dans un chapitre de l’Istoria de’ suoi tempi de Giovambattista Adriani, l’histoire officielle du règne de Côme ; en revanche, elle fait l’objet d’une célébration triomphale dans un cycle de fresques de Giorgio Vasari réalisé dans la Sala Regia du palais apostolique du Vatican. En effet, Côme renonce à faire représenter la victoire de Lépante à Florence, au Palazzo Vecchio, comme nombre de ses hauts faits militaires, pour envoyer l’artiste officiel de l’État opérer au service du pape, comme ambassadeur du prestige culturel de Florence : pour servir l’État , les arts seraient, en somme, bien plus efficaces que les armes
This dissertation focuses on how the news of the victory of the battle of Lepanto was received and dealt with under the rule of Cosimo I de’ Medici in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. This approach will then highlight that, from piece of news to historical information, this event was in fact transformed and discussed by the official Medicean historiography. The Tuscan fleet joined the Holy League in 1571. This coincides with a diplomatic crisis which crystallized the Medici’s contesting the authority of King Philip II of Spain over the vassal state of Tuscany. Cosimo I de’ Medici’s ambitious naval policy led to the creation, in 1560, of the Sacred Military Order of St Stephen and when, in 1569, Pope Pius V granted him the title of Grand Duke on the grounds of hereditary right, along with a military agreement to support the Order, his dynastic policy was finally asserted. The papal banner acknowledged a prestigious alliance between the Republic of Venice, Spain and the Pope. Being part of this Holy League offered Tuscany an opportunity to legitimate the Medicean princedom. The Battle of Lepanto may be considered as an event, that is to say, an unexpected military and political fact. The representations of this brilliant victory epitomize the diplomatic stakes of the time and the way the event was celebrated highlights its power issues. In fact, in the narratives and images of the Battle, what prevails is the strength of the alliance and not what it stood up against. Yet, works dedicated to the Battle in Tuscany were not as diverse and lasting as in other parts of Italy such as Rome and Venice. Medicean historians and artists gave a nuanced version of the Battle, mirroring a general trend of discretion. Their voices thus disrupted the harmonious celebrations which came after the event and challenged the dichotomy of victory versus defeat. Tuscan representations of the event drew their inspiration from an archival material made of diplomatic and military letters. Just off the battlefield, the protagonists of the combat put their experience down into words. They exposed that the Holy League was seriously dysfunctional and gave a first-hand testimony of the war and of how heavy the losses were for the Order. The news of the victory, but also its details, quickly and widely spread thanks to avvisi a stampa, a new editorial practice consisting in occasional publications extolling the grandeur of the victory. This thesis contends that the publications in Tuscany were ruled by a particular editorialist choice. In fact, it appears that the grand-ducal official press remained neutral and published mainly canonical versions of the Battle, praising both the papal and Spanish roles, but which overlooked the Tuscan participation, whereas narratives extolling the Tuscan input in the battle were handled by minor typographers. Furthermore the event made its way into the official historiography of the grand dukedom. In a chapter from Giovambattista Adriani’s Istoria de’ suoi tempi, which relates the official history of Cosimo’s rule, the Battle of Lepanto is described as a "semi-victory". On the other hand, it was treated as a grand victory by Giorgio Vasari in the series of frescos he painted for the Sala Regia in the Vatican palace. As a matter of fact, Cosimo, instead of having the Battle, and many other of his military feats, commemorated in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, decided to send the official artist of the State to the Vatican as a cultural ambassador. Arts seemed a better way to serve the State than weapons

Η παρούσα μελέτη έγινε για την εύρεση στόχων των ναυαγίων κατά την ναυμαχία του Lepanto στην περιοχή της Ναυπάκτου με χρήση ηχοβολιστή πλευρικής σάρωσης, τομογράφου υποδομής πυθμένα και ανάλυση των αποτελεσμάτων με χρήση GIS. H επιλογή αυτών των συστημάτων βασίστηκε σε παρόμοιες έρευνες που πραγματοποιήθηκαν σε περιοχές άλλων ναυαγίων. Στην συνέχεια θα παρατεθεί η κάθε μελέτη ξεχωριστά.
--

The period between the battle of Lepanto and the middle of the seventeenth century has a certain unity. Barbary pirates did not go away – indeed, they became more piratical, in the sense that the Ottomans allowed them a freer hand, for the Sublime Porte no longer expected to extend its direct authority deep into the western Mediterranean. The western Mediterranean was also exposed to vicious raids by Christian corsairs – to the Knights of Malta could now be added the Knights of Santo Stefano, Tuscan pirates and holy warriors whose order was founded in 1562 by the Medici duke of Tuscany. Like the Venetians, they brought some of the Ottoman banners back in victory from Lepanto; they still hang incongruously in their church in Pisa, daily proclaiming the faith of Islam amid the incense of Catholic ritual. It would be otiose to repeat the endless saga of attacks and reprisals as Christian Knights of Malta or Santo Stefano scored points against Barbary corsairs; the most unfortunate victims were always those who were carried away into slavery from the decks of captured merchant ships, or from the shores of Italy, Spain and Africa (the French were relatively immune to Muslim raiders as a result of their ties to the Ottoman court). Galleys out of Sicily continued to patrol the seas in the hope of defending the Spanish king’s Italian possessions from sea-raiders, but large-scale galley warfare had come to an end, not just because new ship-types were seen as more efficient but because the cost of building and maintaining galleys was prohibitive. Even so, the Ottomans reconstructed their war fleet in the immediate aftermath of Lepanto. There were alarums in the West: it was confidently assumed that the Ottomans would launch a second great assault on a Christian target. Yet the Sublime Porte had lost its taste for naval warfare, and was content to leave the Spaniards alone, while pursuing its traditional rivalry with the Shi’ite emperors of Persia. This was extremely convenient, since Spanish preoccupations also now turned away from the Mediterranean; Philip II’s great ambition was to defeat the new type of Infidel who was crawling all over northern Europe: the Protestants.

This chapter examines Morisco apocalyptic texts and inquisitorial sources alongside parallel Venetian, Greek, and Ottoman prophecies in the aftermath of the Battle of Lepanto to trace the Mediterranean-wide idea of the Ottoman sultan as a just ruler. It discusses cases that demonstrate the possibility of the Ottomans and the Spanish meddling in each other's internal politics. This chapter also looks into conspiracies that were considered manifestations of a much larger political reality underpinned by the ongoing imperial competition in the Mediterranean. It suggests that the large imperial blocs chose to engage with each other directly instead of fighting through proxies. They did this not in a simple micro conflict but rather at the Battle of Lepanto, where the mighty Ottoman navy faced the Holy League, a coalition of Christian powers from around the Mediterranean, and suffered great defeat.