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Journal articles on the topic 'Ler Liberta'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Galston, William A. "Value Pluralism and Liberal Political Theory." American Political Science Review 93, no. 4 (December 1999): 769–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586111.

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Building on suggestions by Isaiah Berlin, a number of thinkers have elaborated a moral theory of value pluralism. Berlin himself believed that value pluralism was consistent with liberalism, which he understood as a political theory giving great weight to the value of negative liberty. Theorists led by John Gray have argued, however, that Berlin's pluralist stance toward values is not consistent with his commitment to liberalism. Gray's critique has triggered a wide-ranging theoretical debate, and the purpose of this article is to assess that debate. I sketch the essentials of value pluralism and explore its implications for liberal political theory. I conclude that Gray's argument modifies our understanding of liberal democracy but does not drive a wedge between value pluralism and liberal democratic theory. Nevertheless, it underscores the importance of prudence and attention to specific circumstances when using liberal democratic norms to guide the reform of illiberal institutions.

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2

In-son, Choi. "The Meaning of Liberty in Turgenev’s A Sportsman’s Sketches." Literature and Religion 23, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14376/lar.2018.23.3.175.

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3

Wolff, Francis. "¿Liberar los animales? Un eslogan inmoral y absurdo." Ciencias Sociales y Educación 5, no. 10 (December 2016): 267–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22395/csye.v5n10a15.

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4

Proietti, Pamela Werrbach. "The Future of Family Values." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 12, no. 1 (2000): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2000121/22.

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John Paul II's encyclical, Fides et Ratio, describes a profound and causal connection between the teaching of modem Western philosophy and contemporary spiritual dilemmas. The Pope argues persuasively that modem philosophy has led modern man to a loss of faith in the nobility of human reason and the possible existence of meaningful human truths. Modem political philosophers wanted to bring the divine law of revealed Scripture into service of modem philosophic principles of the autonomy of human reason and freedom. John Locke sought to reorganize family life in accordance with such modem principles. Locke clearly modified Biblical teaching to allow for more liberty for the autonomous individual in his imagined liberal democratic society of the future. John Paul II is among those who urge Christians in the West to examine our present social disintegration in light of the foundational ideas that have formed modem liberal societies. We must understand how these ideas have contributed to our present social problems, and determine how to chart the best course for liberal democracy in the new Millennium.

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Carmit Yefet, Karin. "Synagogue and State in the Israeli Military: A Story of “Inappropriate Integration”." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 10, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 223–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2016-0008.

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Abstract The encounter between synagogue and state in Israel’s military context raises a variety of complex questions that defy conventional paradigms. While religious liberty continues to occupy a special place in most liberal democratic thought, the legal and philosophical literature pondering its various dimensions has largely lost analytic sight of the fascinating intersection of military and religion. This article embarks on analyzing the appropriate integration between loyalty to God and to country, and between religious male and secular female soldiers. Evaluating examples of synagogue-state tensions and accommodationist policies, this article explores the manner and extent to which the Israeli military (IDF) responds to the observant soldier’s multiple identities as a religious minority member and a faithful citizen of the larger secular polity. Against this backdrop, the article analyzes the vexed challenges posed to multicultural theory by the equivocal status of the Orthodox community as a numerical minority but “power majority” within the military, and by the IDF’s unique exercise of multiculturalist protection, termed herein “external restrictions,” imposed on majority group members. It concludes that the ongoing “religionization” of the IDF through the 2002 “Appropriate Integration” regulation has served as a powerful counterforce to gender equality, fostering a growing practice of female exclusion through which women are disenfranchised from core, non-negotiable protections of citizenship. The article identifies as the prime casualty of this aggressive multicultural accommodation not only secular women’s hard-won equality of opportunity, but also the very rights and status of minority women within their own religious community.

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Wasserman, Fabio. "The Freedom of the Press in Buenos Aires during the 1850s." Quinto Sol 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v22i3.2641.

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Giella, Miguel Ángel. "XXVII Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Cádiz 2012: espacio de libertad, progreso e integración." Latin American Theatre Review 46, no. 2 (2013): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ltr.2013.0022.

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8

Adelman, Jeremy. "Between Order and Liberty: Juan Bautista Alberdi and the Intellectual Origins of Argentine Constitutionalism." Latin American Research Review 42, no. 2 (2007): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2007.0015.

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9

Yong-sung, Kim, and Keum-youn Han. "Literature and Religion as Liberal Arts in a Christian University." Literature and Religion 23, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14376/lar.2018.23.4.1.

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10

Myers, David J. "Liberal Democracy, Populism, and Beyond: Elite Circulation in Bolivarian Venezuela." Latin American Research Review 49, no. 3 (2014): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2014.0043.

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11

Rosenberg, Roni. "Two Concepts of Freedom in Criminal Jurisprudence." British Journal of American Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2017-0014.

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Abstract The goal of this essay is to identify and discuss two aspects of liberty by examining the distinction between act and omission in criminal jurisprudence. Criminal law makes a significant distinction between harmful actions and harmful omissions and, consequently, between killing and letting die. Any act that causes death is grounds for a homicide conviction -- subject, of course, to the existence of the other elements necessary for establishing criminal liability, such as causation and mens rea. However, liability for death by omission is subject to the additional identification of a duty to act. In other words, the defendant will be liable only if we can identify such a duty and show that the breach of this duty resulted in the victim’s death. This distinction between act and omission is rooted in an ethical perspective, in which we instinctively see a difference between actively behaving in a manner that causes harm and passively failing to prevent such harm. Nevertheless, since the beginning of the 1960s, there has been a significant movement to attack and criticize this moral distinction. This critique impacts upon the legal sphere as well, since if the moral distinction between act and omission is not obvious, the legal distinction cannot be clear-cut either. This lack of clarity has led to many attempts to lay a logical foundation for the intuitive understanding that there is indeed a legal distinction between act and omission. This essay focuses on two principles that reflect different aspects of human liberty which are reflected in criminal jurisprudence. The first is liberal liberty, and the second which I propose, is personal autonomy. While both relate to liberty of the individual, they approach it from different angles, and this difference in perspective results in different definitions of act and omission in criminal jurisprudence.

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12

Monsma, K., and V. D. Fernandes. "Fragile Liberty: The Enslavement of Free People in the Borderlands of Brazil and Uruguay, 1846-1866." Luso-Brazilian Review 50, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lbr.2013.0003.

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13

Kalsoom, Nazia, and Sadia Kalsoom. "Semiotic Representation of Gender in Google Emojis: A Liberal Feminist Perspective." Linguistics and Literature Review 05, no. 02 (October 2019): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/llr.52.04.

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14

Prieto, Vicente. "Legal Recognition of Religious Institutions under Colombian Law: A Critical Analysis of the Statutory Law on Religious Freedom." Díkaion 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/dika.2012.21.1.9.

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15

Rodiño Caramés, Claudio. "A Lex gótica e o Liber Iudicum no Reino de León." Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos 44, no. 109 (December 30, 1997): 9–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ceg.1997.v44.i109.216.

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16

Ruotsila, Markku. "‘The Great Charter for the Liberty of the Workingman’: Labour, Liberals and the Creation of the Ilo." Labour History Review 67, no. 1 (April 2002): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.67.1.29.

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17

Mautner, Menachem. "Meaning, Religion, and the State: On the Future of Liberal Human Rights." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 10, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2016-0004.

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Abstract The proliferation of neoliberalism has unavoidably bred an impoverishment of meaning in the lives of people. The more neoliberal a state is the more religious its populace is likely to turn. If this is accompanied by the decline of the meaning provided by the narratives and practices of the nation-state, religion remains the only real source of big meaning for the citizens of the post-nationalist neoliberal state. The combination of neoliberalism and post-nationalism is therefore a potential threat to the future prospects of secular liberal-democracy. The liberal state cannot provide its citizens with a system of big meaning, or at least not with a thick and comprehensive such system. But if it abides by what I call “the liberalism of flourishing”, the liberal state will take it upon itself to provide its citizens with rich contents of deep meaning, i.e., with an abundance of materials embedded in art. Rich contents of deep meaning can serve as building blocks for individuals to develop their own personal conceptions of the big meaning of life. This is the main way in which a liberal state can compete with the contents of big meaning provided by religion.

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18

Parmar, Inderjeet. "The US-led liberal order: imperialism by another name?" International Affairs 94, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix240.

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19

Vekasi, Kristin. "The Private Sector in Japan’s State-Led Liberal Strategy." Asia Policy 27, no. 4 (2020): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2020.0058.

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20

Benjamin Arditi. "Arguments about the Left Turns in Latin America: A Post-Liberal Politics?" Latin American Research Review 43, no. 3 (2008): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.0.0061.

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21

Simpson, Matthew. "The Politics of Liberty in England and Revolutionary America by Lee Ward." Scriblerian and the Kit-Cats 40, no. 1-2 (2007): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scb.2007.0065.

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22

Green, Jeffrey Edward. "Has Inequality Led to a Crisis for Liberalism?" Current History 116, no. 793 (November 1, 2017): 320–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.793.320.

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23

Lee, Joo-Young. "Justiciability of Social Rights - Beyond the Dichotomy Between Liberal Rights and Social Rights -." LABOR LAW REVIEW 46 (March 31, 2019): 223–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32716/llr.2019.03.46.223.

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24

Liao, Chuan, Suhyun Jung, Daniel G. Brown, and Arun Agrawal. "Spatial patterns of large‐scale land transactions and their potential socio‐environmental outcomes in Cambodia, Ethiopia, Liberia, and Peru." Land Degradation & Development 31, no. 10 (February 4, 2020): 1241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ldr.3544.

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25

Sánchez-Eppler, Karen. "Cradle of Liberty: Race, the Child, and National Belonging from Thomas Jefferson to W. E. B. Du Bois (review)." Legacy 24, no. 2 (2007): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/leg.2007.0023.

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26

Cho, Moongi. "The Significance of Baseball Games Between South Korean Teams and US Army Teams Shortly After World War II." Sport History Review 49, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 176–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2017-0006.

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Baseball was introduced to Korea in 1905 by Philip Gillette, a YMCA-affiliated American missionary. The sport spread to schools through games played against the YMCA team. However, baseball games were banned until the end of World War II due to the Baseball Control Proposal, enacted in 1932, and the war mobilization effort due to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. Immediately following the end of World War II, baseball was restored in Korea along with the desire of the Korean people to establish an independent country. The US Military Government tried to propagate the idea that their governing system was based on “liberty,” unlike the empire of Japan, by hosting cultural projects such as the “Jomi Baseball Game”. From this perspective, cultural forms, such as a baseball, were inseparably linked to the political strategy of the US Military Government during the outset of the Cold War, which led to the establishment of a liberal democratic independent country.

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27

BEHRENT, MICHAEL C. "LIBERAL DISPOSITIONS: RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON FRENCH LIBERALISM." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (February 20, 2015): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000845.

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The story of French liberalism is, we are often told, one of exceptions, eccentricities, and enigmas. Compared to their British counterparts, French liberals seem more reluctant to embrace individualism. Whereas liberals in the English-speaking world typically espouse what Isaiah Berlin called “negative liberty”—a sphere of private autonomy from which the state is legally excluded—French liberals have often proved highly accommodating towards “positive liberty”—that is, liberty insofar as it is tethered to collectively defined ends. Most crucially, rather than seeking to shield individuals and civil society from an intrusive state, French liberals—consistent with a broader trend in French political culture—are inclined to see the state as an essential and even emancipatory political tool. In this vein, Jean-Fabien Spitz writes in a recent collection entitledFrench Liberalism from Montesquieu to the Present Day,Contemporary historians, political scientists, and philosophers all seem to share a simple idea: French political culture, marked as it is by legalism and statism, constitutes an exception to the main trend in modern political thought, which has been to discover and assert the principles of modern liberty.In addition to departing from some of Anglo-American liberalism's main tenets, French liberalism exhibits other oddities: as Larry Siedentop argued in an important essay, its idiom has tended to be historical (rather than theoretical), institutional (as opposed to ethical) and sociological (not legal or political).2This somewhat idiosyncratic variation on “normal” liberalism has led some scholars to characterize liberalism's French iteration as a “chaotic mixture.”3Others have questioned the extent to which liberalism is really a significant French political tradition at all. France's Revolutionary culture has been described as ultimately “illiberal,” leading some historians to speak of a FrenchSonderweg,4in which France's “special path” consists in the fact that it entered the modern age without having developed genuinely liberal institutions.

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28

Marques, Ana Maria. "Ler, escrever e libertar: experiências que promovem a diminuição de pena para mulheres privadas de liberdade em Mato Grosso." Revista Tempo e Argumento 12, no. 29 (April 30, 2020): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180312292020e0104.

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Este artigo se desenvolve a partir da pauta feminista do acesso das mulheres ao letramento. As mulheres em foco são as que, por algum delito ou contravenção penal, foram para cadeias e penitenciárias de Mato Grosso. A pena, na cultura machista, se dá também por serem mulheres. O campo de investigação enfoca projetos desenvolvidos no sistema prisional feminino desse estado nos últimos anos. Destaca-se o projeto de remição pela leitura como instrumento de libertação de mulheres privadas de liberdade.Palavras-chave: Sistema Prisional. Mulheres Privadas de Liberdade. Letramento. Remição

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29

Dworkin, Ronald. "Comunidade liberal." Revista Brasileira de Direitos Fundamentais & Justiça 4, no. 10 (March 30, 2010): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30899/dfj.v4i10.458.

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Este artigo discute a decisão da Suprema Corte Norte-Americana em manter a lei penal de sodomia do estado da Geórgia, no caso Bowers versus Hardwick (1986) e o papel que o conceito de comunidade pode vir a desempenhar nos argumentos sobre o cumprimento da ética. Emprega a ideia de integração para explicar que a vida dos cidadãos e a vida da comunidade estão entrelaçadas e que o sucesso ou o fracasso da vida de seus membros depende do sucesso ou fracasso da própria comunidade. O artigo explora ainda a ligação da vida comunitária com a vida de uma comunidade política e defende que as decisões políticas formais expressem a vida sexual e comunitária de uma nação.

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30

Kang, Seonjou. "The American-Led Liberal International Order: Past, Present and Future." Korean Journal of International Relations 60, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 301–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2020.06.60.2.301.

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Bacal Roij, Azril. "EL LEGADO PEDAGÓGICO DE DOROTHY LEE Y PAULO FREIRE." Revista RedCA 3, no. 8 (October 20, 2020): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.36677/redca.v3i8.15208.

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El propósito del presente artículo es la incorporación de las valiosas contribuciones de Dorothy Lee, Paulo Freire y otros autores al debate actual sobre el aprendizaje activo. Al respecto, prestamos algunas ideas a partir de la tradición humanista en la antropología cultural de Dorothy Lee: sobre la valorización del yo, el aprendizaje de otras culturas, la comunidad como anclaje de nuestra identidad y la importancia de valores culturales tales como libertad y autonomía para el proceso de enseñanza /aprendizaje. También se extraen algunas contribuciones clave de Paulo Freire en cuanto a la educación transformadora y su relación con los movimientos sociales, la intervención espacio-temporal, la “concientización”, el pensamiento crítico, la esperanza, la educación ciudadana, así como el empoderamiento que resulta de la acción cultural y la transformación social. Estos valores fueron incorporados en un primer acercamiento al aprendizaje activo. El autor argumenta que las ideas de Dorothy Lee y de Paulo Freire desafían el paso del tiempo y siguen iluminando el quehacer en los campos del aprendizaje activo, antropología humanista, educación ciudadana, diálogo intercultural y la investigación-acción participativa. El legado de Dorothy Lee y de Paulo Freire es considerado como una contribución valiosa a los recursos pedagógicos y de investigación para contrarrestar las amenazas que nublan el horizonte de la democracia del siglo XXI. Palabras clave: guerra cultural, libertad, yo, autonomía, aprendizaje activo, democracia, educación ciudadana, diálogo intercultural.

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Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.

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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.

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Aragaki-Nakahodo, Alejandro A., Julian Guitron-Roig, William Eschenbacher, Sadia Benzaquen, and Corey Cudzilo. "Endobronchial Ultrasound-guided Needle Aspiration of a Bronchogenic Cyst to Liberate From Mechanical Ventilation." Journal of Bronchology & Interventional Pulmonology 20, no. 2 (April 2013): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/lbr.0b013e31828c9bc1.

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HARDIN, RUSSELL. "Liberal distrust." European Review 10, no. 1 (February 2002): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000078.

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The beginning of political and economic liberalism is distrust. This claim is clearer for economic liberalism than for political liberalism because it is overtly foundational in economic liberalism, which was directed against the intrusions of the state in economic affairs. Those intrusions typically had the obvious purpose of securing economic advantages for some by restricting opportunities for others, although some of them may have been merely capricious or ignorantly intended. The hostility to such economic intrusions led to the form of the American constitution, with its principal purpose to restrict government and its actions in the economy or, in the lexicon of the time, in commerce. James Madison saw the creation of an open economy or untrammelled commerce as the main achievement of the new constitution.

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Ortiz Ballesteros, Antonia Mª. "El derecho de los jóvenes a “no leer” El Quijote." Ocnos: Revista de estudios sobre lectura, no. 1 (November 15, 2005): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/ocnos_2005.01.05.

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El trabajo aborda el reto que supone ofrecer El Quijote a los jóvenes de una manera atractiva a la vez que respetuosa con el texto clásico y propone vías de acercamiento a partir del reconocimiento en el joven lector de su derecho a no leer, pero también la posibilidad de llegar a la obra cervantina por cauces no convencionales, fijando como línea directriz la libertad del lector como condición inexcusable para la adecuada animación a la lectura.

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Guidotti-Hernández, Nicole M. "Partido Liberal Mexicano." Southern California Quarterly 101, no. 2 (2019): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2019.101.2.127.

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Brothers Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón led the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), the anarchist movement that fomented the Mexican revolution of 1910 from within the U.S. This article studies Enrique’s relationship with his little-known first wife, Paula Carmona, to uncover his and the movement’s conflicted positions on gender roles; a power struggle for control of the PLM’s news organ, Regeneración; and the movement’s resort to denunciation and revisionist strategies.

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Ertman, Martha M. "Unexpected Links between Baby Markets and Intergenerational Justice." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2014): 271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2014-0007.

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Abstract Intergenerational justice does not require increased government regulation of reproductive technologies in the United States. Arguments tarring reproductive technologies as unnatural or immoral fail to withstand close scrutiny, and moreover ignore competing moral concerns like the liberty and equality of people to form families in different ways, as well as the interests of children born via assisted reproduction in having their families recognized just as coitally conceived children’s families are recognized. Embryo markets, in contrast, might present different challenges, requiring a separate analysis of their potential impact on intergenerational justice.

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Muñoz, Vincent Phillip. "George Washington on Religious Liberty." Review of Politics 65, no. 1 (2003): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036512.

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Despite the Supreme Court's repeated invocations of America's Founding Fathers for First Amendment religion jurisprudence, George Washington's political thought regarding religious freedom has received almost no scholarly attention. This is unfortunate, for Washington's words and actions speak to contemporary Establishment Clause and Free Exercise issues. Washington, moreover, offers an alternative to Jefferson's and Madison's approach to church-state matters. The scholarly exclusion of Washington thus has led to a narrow view of the Founders' thought on religious liberty. This article sets forth Washington's understanding of the right to religious liberty. It pays particular attention to Washington's disagreement with Madison on the propriety of government support of religion. It also draws attention to the limits Washington placed on an individual's right to religious free exercise by focusing on how Washington dealt with Quaker claims for religious exemptions from military service.Individuals entering into society, must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circumstance, as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved. —G. Washington, Letter submitting the proposed constitution to the President of Congress 17 September 1787

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Börzel, Tanja A., and Michael Zürn. "Contestations of the Liberal International Order: From Liberal Multilateralism to Postnational Liberalism." International Organization 75, no. 2 (2021): 282–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000570.

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AbstractThe 1990s saw a systemic shift from the liberal post–World War II international order of liberal multilateralism (LIO I) to a post–Cold War international order of postnational liberalism (LIO II). LIO II has not been only rule-based but has openly pursued a liberal social purpose with a significant amount of authority beyond the nation-state. While postnational liberal institutions helped increase overall well-being globally, they were criticized for using double standards and institutionalizing state inequality. We argue that these institutional features of the postnational LIO II led to legitimation problems, which explain both the current wave of contestations and the strategies chosen by different contestants. We develop our argument first by mapping the growing liberal intrusiveness of international institutions. Second, we demonstrate the increased level and variety of contestations in international security and international refugee law. We show that increased liberal intrusiveness has led to a variety of contestation strategies, the choice of which is affected by the preference of a contestant regarding postnational liberalism and its power within the contested institution.

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40

Johnston, Richard. "Liberal Leaders and Liberal Success: The Impact of Alternation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (May 9, 2019): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918001038.

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AbstractA leader from Quebec boosts the fortunes of the Liberal party in that province. This, in turn, has helped make Quebec the veto player in twentieth-century Canadian elections and the Liberals the “natural” governing party. Although Quebec is no longer as critical as before, a leader from the province still makes a big difference. Full impact from the pattern requires more than one election to unfold. Patterns outside Quebec are similar, if fainter: the Liberal party is not punished for choosing a Quebecker and may even be helped. The early success of the pattern moved the Liberals to alternate between Quebec and non-Quebec leaders, such that the party is now led by a Quebecker more often than not. Maintaining alternation has never been easy and is only getting harder.

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41

Chang, Seok-Heung. "The national revolutionary movement and liberal ideas of Lee Hoe-yeong." A Laboratory of Korean Studies 49 (February 2, 2018): 353–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25232/ku.2018.49.353.

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GAUNT, RICHARD A. "George Canning and Liberal Toryism, 1801-1827 - By Stephen M. Lee." History 94, no. 316 (October 2009): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.00468_34.x.

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BEW, JOHN. "George Canning and Liberal Toryism, 1801-1827 - By Stephen M. Lee." Parliamentary History 28, no. 2 (June 2009): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2009.00111_14.x.

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Koval, A. "LIBERTY AND SLAVERY AS “CIVILIZATIONAL VALUES”." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.5.

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Basic principles of the US Declaration of Independence (as the example of the classical liberalism implementation) and main arguments of Southern advocates of slavery of antebellum period are considered in the article. The views of John Calhoun and George Fitzhugh were analyzed. Their attempts to harmonize the institution of slavery with the very important for the American society principles of equality and liberty were examined by the author. Both of them considered slavery as the institution with civilizing properties that should prevail over the absence of liberty for African Americans. Such views were based on racism – advocates of slavery were refusing to concede the physical and intellectual equality of the enslaved African Americans and the descendants of European colonists. Fitzhugh’s main arguments for the preservation of slavery were the examples of the classical societies and states, specifically Ancient Athens and Rome, which had been reached the high level of the civilization development due to slavery. Calhoun’s and Fitzhugh’s attempts to defend the traditional social and economical mode of Southern States led them to the denial of main principles of Declaration of Independence.

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Arias, Melody, and Eva Luna López Ferreira. "Habilidad lectora en adolescentes privados de libertad." Ciencia y Educación 2, no. 2 (August 10, 2018): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22206/cyed.2018.v2i2.pp53-62.

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Diversos estudios han evaluado a los adolescentes en conflicto con la ley (Mencía-Ripley, Garrido & Fernández, 2014; Hein & Mertz, 2004). Sin embargo, poco se ha encontrado acerca de la relación entre habilidad lectora y apego a roles de género en esta población. Consecuentemente, esta investigación explora la correlación que puede existir entre estas variables en la República Dominicana. Para esto, se encuestaron 32 participantes en un centro penitenciario de menores en Villa Consuelo, Santo Domingo. Se utilizaron la Escala de Ideología de Género (Moya, Expósito & Padilla, 2006) y la Batería Leer (Mencía-Ripley, Sánchez-Vincitore, Garrido & Aguasvivas, 2016). Las variables relacionadas a habilidad lectora demostraron ser congruentes con los resultados de estudios anteriores en la República Dominicana. Algunos resultados no fueron estadísticamente significativos, sin embargo, van en la dirección esperada.

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Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.

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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.

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Oliveira, Eliakim Ferreira. "A reflection on the history of philosophy from historiography of medieval philosophy: between the historical and philosophical reconstitution and the theoretical reconstruction." Primeiros Escritos, no. 8 (August 15, 2017): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2594-5920.primeirosestudos.2017.136795.

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O presente artigo tem por objetivo expor possíveis abordagens da história da filosofia medieval a partir do debate entre Alain de Libera e Claude Panaccio. Embora a discussão seja em específico sobre a historiografia da filosofia medieval, o plano de fundo é uma discussão a respeito de como lidar com a história da filosofia em geral ou, em última instância, como ler um texto filosófico

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McLellan, Myles Frederick. "Wrongful Convictions and the State Risk Harm Paradigm." International Journal of Law and Public Administration 2, no. 1 (April 6, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v2i1.4117.

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What has been seen in the last thirty-five years is a significant shift in the psyche of contemporary society. Beck’s theory of “risk society” has captured the concerns of governments and its institutions to focus fears on risks and insecurity. Within the criminal justice context, this has led to the pervasive consciousness that crime has become part of the everyday experience to be controlled by risk management techniques framed within Foucault’s concept of “governmentality.” Crime has become a ubiquitous risk that must be routinely assessed and managed. This shift in criminological thought has also been seen in the move away from the liberal ideals of due process to the favoring of public protection over the rights of individuals found within the normative model of crime control. The problem in this devaluation of due process is the consequent imbalance of power between the individual and the State. Due process rights are enshrined in the Charter to protect against this imbalance and are never more important than when loss of liberty is at stake, most particularly when the errors due to the constriction of these rights contribute to the acknowledged systemic factors that lead to wrongful convictions.

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Ramond, Charles. "Spinoza dans la modernité." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 66, no. 1 (June 9, 2021): e39826. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2021.1.39826.

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Spinoza na modernidade: do reino da quantidade à refundação imanente da democracia Neste artigo, faz-se um panorama da recepção francesa de Spinoza, de modo a desvelar a dimensão conservadora da filosofia política do autor, na medida em que o determinismo, que geralmente reina sobre o sistema metafísico spinozano, se presta a um compatibilismo com ideias de obediência e liberdade. Nesse sentido, a obediência cética às leis democráticas, ou seja, a obediência à lei da contagem (quantidade) nos liberta e nos emancipa, na medida em que nos liberta de toda transcendência. Parece, portanto, que as democracias contemporâneas, tão atraídas pelos valores republicanos e a dimensão transcendente, ainda têm um longo caminho a percorrer antes de chegar à democracia imanente e formal, que Spinoza chamou de regime absoluto (imperium absolutum).

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Brown, Nicholas R. "Interpreting from the Interstices: The Role of Justice in a Liberal Democracy—Lessons from Michael Walzer and Emmanuel Levinas." Levinas Studies 10, no. 1 (2016): 155–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lev.2016.0007.

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