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1
‘Nyane, Hoolo. "The transition and formation of government after Lesotho’s 2022 elections." Journal of African Elections 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i1a3.
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The process of transitioning from one government to another and forming a new government after elections in Lesotho is often fraught with controversy and uncertainty. These problems can be attributed, by and large, to the lack of adequate rules and consistent constitutional practice. The 2022 elections have once again shone the spotlight on these longstanding problems. Like all other elections since 2012, the 2022 elections were inconclusive: no political party received an outright majority to form a government. Since the country uses a parliamentary system, the government depends on the confidence of the National Assembly and the life of the government is pegged to the life of Parliament. The end of the parliamentary term effectively means the end of the government. In terms of the Constitution, once Parliament is dissolved, elections must be held within three months. Within one month after the elections, a new Parliament must sit. While the Constitution provides for the appointment of the prime minister – the king appoints as prime minister a member of the National Assembly who will have the confidence of the House – there are no rules stipulating how the confidence of the House is to be determined. Likewise, the government’s position between the dissolution of Parliament and the forming of a new government is often opaque and precarious. This article examines these inadequacies in the context of the 2022 elections. The article uses content analysis – the examination of primary and secondary documents – to analyse the activities that took place during the transition and formation of a new government in the 2022 elections. The article concludes that the 2022 elections serve to confirm a longstanding problem of inadequate rules and consistent practice relating to the transition and formation of government.
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Ж.ТӨРТОГТОХ. "A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE KOREAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY." Political Studies 19, no. 558 (February 26, 2023): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22353/ps.v19i558.2528.
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In this paper, the author considers the Republic of Korea’s legislative institution. In order to develop the parliamentary institution in the present social conditions of Mongolia, it is required to identify and describe the Parliament’s operation, functions, features, and its status in the state structure and conduct comparative study of the Parliament of Republic of Korea. In connection with the above, it is essential to emphasize theoretical and practical issues related to features of functions, electoral mechanisms, operation and status of the Republic of Korea’s parliament in the political system.
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Pehlivanov, Konstantin. "Governmental Acts of the National Assembly." De Jure 13, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54664/kfgp3021.
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Аccording to Art. 1, Para. 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, it is a republic with a parliamentary government. The article examines the way in which the National Assembly (the Bulgarian Parliament) manages the processes in public life through special ad hoc laws, laws in the formal sense, and management decisions in cases that are particularly important to public life. It provides examples of the most important and interesting decisions like the ones in question.
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Amakali, Justina Meluwa Latenda. "Persuasive speech acts in the Namibian National Assembly." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 7, no. 2 (November 8, 2016): 1205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v7i2.5156.
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This paper examined the speech acts used by Namibian Members of Parliament (MPs) during parliamentary proceedings. The main aim of this paper was to explain speech acts and show their intended persuasive effects in parliamentary discourse. Austin (1962) introduced three types of speech acts, locutionary, illocutionary and perlocutionary. The paper attempted to critically demonstrate how MPs use persuasion strategies in their debates. These speech acts were uttered through assertives, directives, commissives, expressives, and declaratives, as classified by Searle (1969). A qualitative approach was used in this paper whereby the Hansard were used to collect data. A purposeful sampling focusing on some MPs was used. This paper was guided by two theories, Austins Speech Act Theory and Aristotles Theory of Rhetoric. The need to apply rhetorical skills in debates is widely advocated for. Although not all members of parliament have a wide knowledge of rhetoric, acquiring and employing skills on rhetoric are prominent aspects of parliamentary debates. The findings of the paper revealed that members of parliament have the potential to use a variety of persuasive strategies in their speech acts by means of some rhetorical devices. It was concluded that most MPs deliberately make use of these speech acts as a persuasive mechanism in their discourse. Being the first study in parliamentary discourse in Namibia with regards to rhetoric, it is considered to be unique and adds value in the field of linguistics. It also serves as a pioneering research to researchers in political rhetoric.
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Pejić, Irena. "The composition of the National Assembly of Serbia: Challenges and obstacles." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 60, no. 90 (2021): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-31854.
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Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.
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Das, Hirak Jyoti. "National Assembly Elections in Kuwait, 2016." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917694758.
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Among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Kuwait not only has the oldest constitution but also has a vibrant parliament. Kuwait has sent elected representatives to the National Assembly since 1963 that shares the legislative responsibilities with the Amir. In the last decade Kuwait National Assembly has confronted the government on various issues, especially on corruption charges and incompetence of individual ministers. It has led to frequent disruptions and dissolution of the assembly five times since 2003. The 2016 elections has returned a large number of deputies with inclination to traditional opposition and though it bodes well for democratization in the oil-rich Gulf state, it raises questions about going back to the era of disruptions and dissolutions seen during 2008–2012.
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Nyane, Hoolo, and Mamello Rakolobe. "Women’s representation in Lesotho’s legislative bodies. A Politico-Legal Analysis of the Effectiveness of Electoral Gender Quotas." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a5.
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Women are under-represented in legislative bodies in the majority of countries, and Lesotho is no exception to this worldwide trend. In an attempt to address this problem, the country has adopted, through electoral laws, electoral gender quota systems for both local and national legislative structures. The country has introduced a 30% gender quota requirement for election to the local councils at the local level. At the national level, it introduced a ‘zebra list’ – the condition that when political parties submit lists for the purposes of 40 proportional representation (PR) seats in the National Assembly, the names must alternate between those of men and women. The idea was to attain 50% representation of women in the National Assembly, at least for the 40 PR seats. The effectiveness of these two quota systems in enhancing women’s representation has been the subject of intense disagreement. The animating question is whether, since the adoption of gender quotas, the representation of women in legislative bodies has improved. The article investigates this question using the qualitative content analysis method. The central hypothesis is that electoral gender quotas in Lesotho, particularly at the national level, have not significantly improved the representation of women. The paper critiques the models used and makes some recommendations for reform.
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Nyane, Hoolo, and Mamello Rakolobe. "Women’s representation in Lesotho’s legislative bodies. A Politico-Legal Analysis of the Effectiveness of Electoral Gender Quotas." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a5.
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Women are under-represented in legislative bodies in the majority of countries, and Lesotho is no exception to this worldwide trend. In an attempt to address this problem, the country has adopted, through electoral laws, electoral gender quota systems for both local and national legislative structures. The country has introduced a 30% gender quota requirement for election to the local councils at the local level. At the national level, it introduced a ‘zebra list’ – the condition that when political parties submit lists for the purposes of 40 proportional representation (PR) seats in the National Assembly, the names must alternate between those of men and women. The idea was to attain 50% representation of women in the National Assembly, at least for the 40 PR seats. The effectiveness of these two quota systems in enhancing women’s representation has been the subject of intense disagreement. The animating question is whether, since the adoption of gender quotas, the representation of women in legislative bodies has improved. The article investigates this question using the qualitative content analysis method. The central hypothesis is that electoral gender quotas in Lesotho, particularly at the national level, have not significantly improved the representation of women. The paper critiques the models used and makes some recommendations for reform.
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Nyane, Hoolo, and Mamello Rakolobe. "Women’s representation in Lesotho’s legislative bodies. A Politico-Legal Analysis of the Effectiveness of Electoral Gender Quotas." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a5.
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Women are under-represented in legislative bodies in the majority of countries, and Lesotho is no exception to this worldwide trend. In an attempt to address this problem, the country has adopted, through electoral laws, electoral gender quota systems for both local and national legislative structures. The country has introduced a 30% gender quota requirement for election to the local councils at the local level. At the national level, it introduced a ‘zebra list’ – the condition that when political parties submit lists for the purposes of 40 proportional representation (PR) seats in the National Assembly, the names must alternate between those of men and women. The idea was to attain 50% representation of women in the National Assembly, at least for the 40 PR seats. The effectiveness of these two quota systems in enhancing women’s representation has been the subject of intense disagreement. The animating question is whether, since the adoption of gender quotas, the representation of women in legislative bodies has improved. The article investigates this question using the qualitative content analysis method. The central hypothesis is that electoral gender quotas in Lesotho, particularly at the national level, have not significantly improved the representation of women. The paper critiques the models used and makes some recommendations for reform.
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Racz, Barnabas. "The Hungarian Parliament in Transition." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 705 (January 1, 1989): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1989.36.
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Most socialist states have shown some transformation of their political institutions in the eighties, but the Hungarian experimentation with reforms is significantly different from that of other socialist states. The 1985 national and local elections were held on the basis of a hitherto unique electoral law; citizens were able to nominate candidates of their own choosing. The Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) Central Committee clearly approved of the expanded responsibilities forthe new National Assembly (also called in Hungarian the Parliament or Orszag gyules) and held that it should play a more active role in the legislative and political systems. This, of course, would be impossible without major organizational and/or functional changes on the plenary, committee and procedural levels.
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Ulu, Cafer. "Armenians in Turkish politics and parliament (1923-1946)." Journal of Global Economics and Business 3, no. 9 (January 4, 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgeb.v3i9.116.
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There is a long and complicated history between Turks and Armenians. Armenians have consistently found a place for themselves in business, the economy, society, and government. Before the Constitutional Monarchy, Armenians began to participate actively in the governmental structure throughout the Ottoman Empire and attained a variety of high posts, including ministerial positions. After the Constitutional Monarchy, they were represented in the parliament by a sizable number of lawmakers as well as by employees and ministers. After the Turkish Republic was established, the same condition persisted. Armenian representatives have served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly from the beginning of the Turkish parliament. Atatürk also allocated quotas for the minorities for their deputies and allowed them to enter the parliament. In this article, you will find the activities of the deputy and parliamentary Armenian citizens who served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1923-1946.
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Akram, Sidra, and Dr Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Legislations in Parliament of Canada and Pakistan: A Comparative Study of House of Commons and National Assembly." Journal of Law & Social Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.02.02.5865.
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Parliament is an exclusive and unique representative institution and performs key functions such as law-making, representation of constituents, amending laws, highlighting and aspirations their issues and through resolutions prescribe solutions to such key challenges faced by the polity. Parliament established on the behalf of people to represent their voice and provide them opportunities for more participatory and open governance. This research focused upon the performance of both lower Houses of Canada and Pakistan in 21st Century. The performance of the parliamentarian will also examine in this study. This comparative study will extend the boundaries of comparative politics and system analysis theory. This research discussed the role of parliament and basically the legislation process in parliament. Legislation in parliaments of new democracies and comparative study is useful research topic in Political Science and will provide a guideline to parliamentarians to work better.
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WEHLIYE, ADAN. "THE Foreign policy, National Assembly and the Hangovers of Colonialism; 1900 - 1978." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 1 (February 7, 2020): 595–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.71.7327.
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Globally, parliament’s role in influencing policies is immense. In Kenya, the role of the national assembly in determining the direction and results of foreign policies, although, blurred cannot be underestimated. Kenya became a British protectorate in 1895 with a limited representation of Africans in the legislative Council (LegCo). The role of this minority group in influencing foreign policy, though, rarely documented need not be underestimated. The group threw Kenya into the world map and between 1900-1963, major foreign policy debates in the Council revolved around when and how Kenya was to become a self-governing entity. After gaining independence, new members of parliament had a herculean task of dealing with immediate local needs and debating and most importantly influencing important foreign policies including policies on health, education, debt burden, settler issues and representation of minority groups including whites in the House. With a change of guard from a white-dominated to an almost all African-black faces, the national assembly played an important role in ensuring that policies on health, education, security, trade as well as crafting the path on which foreign policy would take. This paper begins by tracing the evolution of parliament in the colonial administration and reviews the role that Kenyan Parliament played in influencing foreign policy from 1900 to 1978. The paper identifies the actors, their roles and the political context within which these actors and structures operated.
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Orlovic, Slobodan. "National Assembly of Serbia and European Parliament: A constitutional-law comparison." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 45, no. 3 (2011): 497–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns1103497o.
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Kubas, Sebastian. "Kryzys węgierskiego parlamentaryzmu po 2010 roku w warunkach rozwoju demokracji nieliberalnej." Studia Politologiczne, no. 3/2023(69) (July 10, 2023): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2023.69.2.
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Deterioration of Hungarian democracy has weakened the rule of law since 2010. The changes that favour the executive power at the expense of the legislative one are implemented by National Assembly. The paper analyses the formal and practical outcome of the functioning of the Hungarian parliament (2010–2022), which meets the criteria of novelty by referring to only one of the parts of the political system, while many other researchers focus on global regime changes. The research aims to analyze how the Hungarian parliament introduces illiberal legalism. The main question refers to the role and position of the National Assembly in the process of deterioration of Hungarian democracy. The research methods are the legal analysis, neo-institutional approach and comparative method.
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Staśkiewicz, Łukasz. "Parlament Białorusi – kompetencje w obszarze polityki zagranicznej." Przegląd europejski 2 (November 19, 2019): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5828.
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The National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus as legislative authority representation mainly plays a legislative role. However, both Chambers of the Belarusian Parliament are also involved in the process of implementing the country foreign policy. They perform it through the activities within the framework of multilateral cooperation or bilateral cooperation. They consider legislative issues related to international agreements or the approval of foreign policy orientations. The presentation of the above issue required an analysis of the Belarusian Parliament constitutional status in the context of international relations, as well as normative acts that regulate the political and legal aspects of activities in the discussed area. Therefore, an institutional and legal analysis, as well as a comparative method were mainly used. The analysis of legal bases of the Belarusian Parliament activities within the framework of foreign policy allowed to present the aspects related to the organisation of these activities, as well as to characterise competence, and to assess the Parliament role within this area. The results of the carried-out studies showed that the position of the National Assembly in foreign policy, despite its entitled competence, is small or not fully exploited.
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Anumo, Felogene Gor, and Florence Okemwa Pacificah. "The Influence of Gender Quotas on Women’s Participation in Legislative Processes in the National Assembly of the 11th Parliament of Kenya (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Current Aspects 3, no. II (May 31, 2019): 260–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35942/ijcab.v3iii.22.
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This study sought to explore whether indeed the increase in number of women occasioned by Affirmative Action principles in the 2010 Constitution of Kenya has enhanced women’s political participation in the National Assembly. The specific objectives were: to analyze the levels of women parliamentarians’ participation on agenda setting and policy output in the National Assembly; to assess the effectiveness of gender quotas as a political tool for ensuring pursuance of the gender agenda in the National Assembly and to discuss constraints faced by women parliamentarians as they seek to influence policy output and enact laws. The March 4, 2013 General Elections which ushered in the 11th Parliament were considered landmark owing to the fact this it was the first General Election to incorporate affirmative action seats. As the term of the 11th Parliament came to a close, it was highly important to find out how effective gender quotas have been in achieving meaningful change for women representatives. The study was guided by Hanna Pitkin’s (1967) framework that she employed in her work “Conception of Women’s Political Representation”. The study was additionally informed by Dahlerup (1988) “Critical Mass theory”. The study made use of cross-sectional descriptive study design. The study was done with members of KEWOPA from the National Assembly of the Parliament of Kenya. The membership of the association consists of all the women Members of Parliament from all the political parties both elected and nominated. The target population of the study were the 68 KEWOPA members from the National Assembly with a sample size of 40 respondents calculated using the Yamane model. Questionnaires were used as the main data collection tool alongside key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. Validity and reliability of the instruments were measured to ensure accuracy and consistency. The study data was analysed thematically. A descriptive approach was involved where direct quotes and selected comments from informants have been used to explain the trends. Triangulation of data was done by looking into complementary and divergent opinions across the key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. The findings of the study suggest that there is still need to create and expand opportunities for women parliamentarians to enable them become more active and effective participants in the legislative processes of the National Assembly. The findings raises the question on what current efforts are being put in place by political parties and the Registrar of Political parties to ensure that the Affirmative Action. The findings are useful to assess the gains of women political representation and inform the lessons; experiences and can be harnessed to strengthen effective women’s political participation in legislature and policy making. They will contribute to informed public debate and critique on the effectiveness of women’s affirmative action for increased participation and visibility on political platforms. Finally, legislators in parliament and policy makers in government will benefit from insights into what it takes to effectively support women’s participation in legislative processes and how to leverage their numbers in parliament to the country’s advantage. Women aspirants need to be made aware of the challenges they expect to face at the National Assembly. It is also critical to raise awareness among women aspiring politicians and other members of the community to create awareness and address the stereotypes that have continued to ensure only a handful of women succeed in the legislative space. As women and women’s organisations continue to agitate for an increase in number of women legislators, they should equally work to transform the ideology of patriarchy and retrogressive institutional culture in Parliament.
This is an open-access article published and distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License of United States unless otherwise stated. Access, citation and distribution of this article is allowed with full recognition of the authors and the source.
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Moriue, Shota. "Support for Private Members’ Bills in the United Kingdom and Japan." Statute Law Review 41, no. 3 (January 23, 2019): 304–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/slr/hmy037.
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Abstract It is a common arrangement in different legislatures that individual members who are not ministers can bring forward bills (private members’ bills), but the drafting of a bill may involve certain technicalities that are usually outside their knowledge. How, then, do legislators prepare the text of private members’ bills? This article presents the way in which support is provided to those members who seek to introduce their bills in the UK Parliament, the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales, the Northern Ireland Assembly, and the National Diet of Japan. It then discusses two common challenges for such support: how to avoid the risk that demand will outstrip supply and how to make sure that the drafting of private members’ bills meets the quality standards (if any).
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Zajc, Drago. "A New Parliament in the Economic Crisis: Slovenia’s National Assembly, 2008–2016." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518002251.
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Gjuričová, Adéla. "Coming to (a Short) Life: The Czechoslovak Parliament 1989-1992." Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (December 14, 2015): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.3.01.
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The Czechoslovak federal parliament was designed in 1968 to replace the National Assembly of a unitary state and thus formally express equality between Czechs and Slovaks in the newly established federation. After the crash of the Prague Spring reforms, the socialist parliament lost most of its sovereignty, while preserving its federal character and formal procedures, thus providing a sort of “backup” legislature. The Velvet Revolution of 1989, with its proclaimed respect to peace and legality, logically found the ancient régime’s parliament in the centre of new politics. In the revolutionary parliament of 1989-1990, the concept of socialist parliamentarianism began to clash with new motives, such as the national unity, a break with the Communist past, liberal democracy, or subsidiarity. Various blends of socialist, revolutionary and liberal democratic views of the parliament consequently came to life, while each of these concepts as well as every practical policy was perceived and accepted in conflicting manners by the Czech and Slovak publics as well as political representations. Some of these differences turned out to be irreconcilable and the federal parliament eventually played a key role in administering the break-up of Czechoslovak federation in 1992.
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Mudau, Paul, and Hoolo ‘Nyane. "Reasons for the low voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 elections." Journal of African Elections 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i1a7.
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Voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 National Assembly elections was at an all-time low of 37%. Since the country returned to multi-party electoral democracy in 1993, voter turnout has steadily decreased. Studies have been undertaken in Lesotho and globally to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon. While the turnout in the 2022 elections is a continuation of the pattern of declining voter turnout in Lesotho and globally, factors specific to each election may provide further insight into this intractable problem. The purpose of this article is to critically analyse the main reasons for the low turnout in the 2022 elections. The study uses qualitative methodology: it relies on primary and secondary data sources such as reports, targeted interviews, newspapers and literature, and legislation. The paper uses Stockemerian clustering of turnout variables to contend that election-specific factors can help to explain the steep decrease in voter turnout in the 2022 elections in Lesotho. Those factors are poor civic and voter education, political fragmentation, and some institutionalist variables.
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Rumiartha, I. Nyoman Prabu Buana, Anak Agung Sagung Ngurah Indradewi, and Alarico Gomes. "Comparative Law on the Authority of the House of Representatives (Indonesia) with the National Parliament (Timor Leste)." SASI 29, no. 1 (March 11, 2023): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v29i1.1075.
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Introduction: Based on the history of the formation of the state constitutions of Timor Leste and the state of Indonesia, it is interesting to conduct special research on a comparison of the legal powers contained in the constitution of the DPR (Indonesia) and the National Parliament (Timor Leste).Purposes of the Research: The purpose of this study is to explain the legal comparison of the powers granted by the Constitution, in this case the legal comparison of the powers of the House of Representatives (Indonesia) and the National Parliament (Timor Leste).Methods of the Research: This research uses normative research methods and comparative law research methods.Results of the Research: The similarity between the people's representative assembly (Indonesia) and the national parliament (Timor Leste) is that they both have the authority to formulate laws, as well as the similarity of legislative functions, budgetary functions, and oversight functions. The difference lies in the right to elect a general high councilor. In the Indonesian constitution, there is no general ministry high council election. The People's Representative Council does not have the authority to elect and appoint ministers, this is the President's authority as a perrogative right. Meanwhile in Timor Leste, the National Parliament elects the high council of general ministries.
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Noobanjong, Koompong. "National Assembly: An Empty Promise to Democracy." Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 4, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v4i2.169237.
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Throughout history, architecture and urban design have been manipulated to serve politics. Capitals and capitols have become grand symbolic tools for the state, which should be understood in terms of their political and cultural contexts that helped bring them into being.
Accordingly, by presenting a multi-dimension critical inquiry of the National Assembly in Bangkok, Thailand, this paper argues via semiology, or a study of signs that the design of the Assembly fails to signify its original purpose: democratic ideology and practice. Ironically, however, such symbolic deficiency precisely captures the reality of democracy in Thailand. Here, democracy does not function merely as an ideology, but as a political discourse full of incongruity, paradox, manipulation, and deception.
In addition, through a critical urban study, this article reveals that the obscurity of the Assembly both in Thai architectural literature and in the urban fabric of Bangkok exemplifies the true state of the legislative branch of the government. A lack of integration between the Assembly and the physical condition of Bangkok notably the Rajadamnoen Avenue, ‘ the corridor of power,’ further demonstrates that the parliament is a rather weak and neglected institution. Significant political policies and decisions are formed and madeelsewhere. The parliamentary system acts merely as a tool for self-legitimization and authority-preservation in a game of power politics in Thailand.
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Kim, Jung-Kil. "A Study on the Parliament Inspection System in Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 4 (December 31, 1989): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps04008.
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The Korean system of parliamentary inspection of the administration was adopted in 1948 and used for 24 years until the 1972 revitalized constitution (Yushin Hunbup), and it was revived 16 years later in the present constitution. It is guaranteed as a unique privilege of the assembly by the Constitution and the National Assembly Law. But it cannot be denied that the former parliamentary inspection system was criticized due to many problems in its performance and operation(Park and Kim, 1989). The present system also has many problems in its operation, so there is a demand for its improvement. The purpose of this paper is to present the results of a survey conducted to discover ways of improving the inspection system.
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Zemlyanskij, V. L. "Provisional National assembly of the Far East: Milestones of the First Far Eastern Parliament." ОЙКУМЕНА. РЕГИОНОВЕДЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ 3 (2020): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/1998-6785/2020-3/85-95.
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Civil war in the Russian Far East 1918–1922 had its own unique features, one of them was the presence of the highest representative bodies of power. Unlike other regions of Russia (in particular, Siberia and the Kuban), the parliaments of Primorye existed with insignificant interruptions from 1920 to 1922. The first parliament in Vladivostok was the Provisional National Assembly of the Far East. The purpose of the article is to study the activities of deputies of the National Assembly. Seaside parliamentarians clearly presented their main tasks (uniting the regions of the Far East, preserving the region for Russia, ending the intervention peacefully, improving the economic situation) and, to the extent possible, sought to achieve them.
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Mihaylova, Ekaterina. "The Parliamentary Rules of Procedure of the Sixth Grand National Assembly." Yearbook of the Law Department 10, no. 11 (December 30, 2021): 112–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/yldnbu.21.10.4.
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Under consideration in the article are the debates and the adopted provisions in the Rules of Procedure of the VIth Grand National Assembly. A special emphasis is placed on the typical and characteristic features of the Rules of Procedure as well as on the particularities that it reveals, as being adopted for a parliament that is bound to adopt entirely new Constitution. There are some provisions in the Rules of Procedure that are relevant both to the constituent power and to the constituted power. Under analysis are the adopted provisions that are contrary to the provisions in force at the time of the 1879 Tarnovo Constitution, as well as the rule of law principles.
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Suimabayeva, Е., and L. Zauniyeva. "MULTILEVEL NATURE OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF YOUTH PARLIAMENTARISM." Qogam jane Dauir 81, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2024-1.03.
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This study explores various elements of the worldwide, regional, and national formation of youth parliamentarism. The operational experience of the Junior Chamber International, the European Youth Parliament, The Youth Interparliamentary Assembly of Member Nations of the Commonwealth of Independent States (hereinafter: YIPA CIS) has been analyzed. The most compelling definitions of young parliamentarism have been disclosed, and they are represented in this study. The development of parliamentarism at the national level has been observed on the case of Kazakhstan. In this regard, the case of creating youth maslikhats, consultative and advisory boards under the Senate of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan is observed. In the Republic of Kazakhstan, the establishment of youth parliamentarism is related with the representation of young people in the Parliament and maslikhats, as well as a growth in their political engagement. The article is written on the basis of electronic documents, publications, and resources using a variety of ways.
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Lüthi, Ruth. "Die Schweizerische Bundesversammlung: Ein Parlament in einer Konsensdemokratie." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, no. 4 (2023): 835–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-4-835.
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The political system of Switzerland is a decentralized, federalist, multiparty-system in which power-sharing plays an important role . The separation of powers is strong, so that Parlia- ment (Federal Assembly) assumes its functions independently from the executive . The Fed- eral Assembly, consisting of the National Council and the Council of States, plays an important role especially in the law-making process . The Parliament can debate and change every single article of a bill . Different alliances between the different parties supporting the proposals of the government or not can occur even during one single law-making process . The election of the members of the executive by the Parliament also enforces the position of the latter . In the second part of the last century different reforms improved the parliamen- tary instruments and procedures . Therefore, the Federal Assembly is now able to profit from its strong position in the political system and to influence the political decision pro- cesses in a considerable way . In the complex processes of the bicameral system, the mem- bers of Parliament have many opportunities to build alliances to influence the decisions . However, it is necessary that they are willing and able to make deals with members of other parties .
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Choi, Yongjeon, and Bong-Ki Shin. "Public law permissible limits of parliamentary privileges- Including the discussion of dropping privileges -." Korea Anti-Corruption Law Association 5, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36433/kacla.2022.5.2.3.
Full textAbstract:
Our Constitution stipulates the president's criminal privilege (Article 84), the non-arrest privilege of the National Assembly member (Article 44), and immunity Privilege (Article 45), which are privileges for direct constitutional institutions' governing functions. The immunity and non-arrest privileges constitutionally granted by the Constitution are being criticized as indulgences for the politics of revelation or the bulletproof National Assembly that protects criminals. There is pressure to be However, since these powers and privileges are premised on the function of the National Assembly, depending on the case, individual members cannot renounce these privileges on their own, and their existence itself is so important that it cannot be restricted even by a resolution of the parliament.
In the 16th presidential election around 2003, the attendance of lawmakers involved in the presidential slush fund case of candidates from both the opposition parties was postponed due to the convening of an extraordinary session of the National Assembly before the prosecution. Due to this incident, the privilege of non-arrest left a stigma as a tool to the 'Bulletproof National Assembly'. At the Constituent Assembly of the 1st Republic, a member of the National Assembly, who also served as the Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, was recommended to resign on the grounds that he had a different view on the president's grain purchase policy, and the arrest agreement was subject to him. There was also a positive case in which Congress protected a member of the parliament from government oppression by rejecting the arrest motion.
The immunity privilege does not conform to equity with the general public by sculpting responsibility for criminal acts such as insults or defamation, but it can also be a powerful device to protect lawmakers from illegal government oppression, such as the case of Yoo Seong-hwan. .
By the time of the 21st National Assembly's legislative period, all three motions for the arrest of a member of the National Assembly submitted for general crimes unrelated to their legislative activities were approved. This shows a fairly positive progress in that the lawmakers do not wrap themselves around and think about objective legitimacy. However, in general, the legislative activities of the National Assembly members are still being criticized for not reaching the level of the public, and they are being forced to lay down the contents of the various powers that have been given to them.
In this situation, in order to systematically review the privileges and privileges of the members of the National Assembly and find ways to improve them, the powers and privileges of the members of the National Assembly will be reviewed, various methods for releasing the privileges will be introduced, and the discussion on the release of the privileges of members of the National Assembly will be briefly discussed. and (II), the most representative privileges of non-arrest and immunity, which are the most representative privileges of the National Assembly, are analyzed (III), and finally, measures to improve the privileges of the National Assembly are presented by dividing them into dropping privileges, non-arrest privileges, and immunity (IV).
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Saybulaeva, Saida A. "The Parliament of the Russian Federation: Evolution of the Establishment and Functioning." Constitutional and municipal law 12 (December 24, 2020): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3767-2020-12-65-68.
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The article deals with the establishment, formation and activity of the Supreme representative (legislative) body of the Russian Federation. It is shown that the bicameral Parliament of the Russian state was formed under the influence of international, national political, legal and social development. It is noted that the essence of the bicameral Parliament is a legal reflection of the specifics of the development and state structure of Russia. The influence of reception and succession on the formation of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation is considered. The article analyzes the consequences of modern constitutional changes in the sphere of political and legal status of the Russian Parliament and their subsequent impact on the state mechanism of the Russian Federation.
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Hornsby, Charles. "The Social Structure of the National Assembly in Kenya, 1963–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000483.
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The study of elections and parliamentary behaviour in Africa has become a neglected topic. Whilst the emergence of political élites during and after the colonial period has been examined carefully, little attention has been paid to the structure and functioning of the modern one-party state. Emphasis has tended to shift towards the analysis of political economy and of the nature of class relations, partly as a consequence of the close linkages between economic and political relations within developing states. However, studies of post-1969 politics in Kenya are now scarce, and basic knowledge of the operation of the political system is often absent. In order to help redress the balance, this article presents and analyses data about the socio-economic background of the Members of Parliament.
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Batsaikhan, Battsengel, and Gyung-Chul Park. "Problems and Improvements of Mongolia’s Governmental Structure- Focusing on the Checks and Balances between the Parliament, the President and the Cabinet." Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2022.28.2.95.
Full textAbstract:
2022 is the 30th anniversary of the implementation of the 1992 Constitution, which first adopted the principles of free democracy and the rule of law in Mongolia's constitutional history. Mongolia is in the process of realizing a liberal democracy and a rule of law based on the 1992 Constitution.
However, Mongolian semi-presidential government system, which the current Mongolian constitution adopted, has various political or legal problems in the relationship between the president and the national parliament, and between the president and the prime minister and the cabinet, and between the national parliament and the prime minister and the cabinet, To solve this problem, the national parliament amended the Constitution twice, in 2000 and 2019.
The purpose of this study is to review the constitutional problems of the distribution of powers between the national parliament, the President, the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, and the problems of checks and balances system in the power structure of the 2019 amended Mongolian Constitution, and is to suggest improvement measures that can realize mutual checks and balances among powers.
In order to consider these issues, the process and contents of the constitutional amendments in 2000 and 2019 were first reviewed (II). In chapter III, we reviewed how the national parliament, the President, and the Cabinet are formed and state power is distributed in the current Mongolian constitution. In chapter IV, we reviewed checks and balances system in the 2019 amended Mongolian Constitution was examined. In chapter V, we reviewed the problems in how to form the National Assembly, the President, and the Cabinet and how to distribute powers among them in accordance with the principle of separation of powers and suggested several improvement measures.
Finally, in chapter VI, the implications of Mongolia's attempts to solve them for Korea are examined.
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Lașan, Nicoleta. "Testing the Second-Order Elections Model on the 2019 European Elections in Romania." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 65, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 359–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2020.2.16.
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"The Treaty of Rome adopted in 1957 included provisions on the elections of the then European Parliamentary Assembly elections, but it took more than two decades for the members of the European Parliament to be directly elected. Immediately after the first direct elections of the European Parliament in 1979, the second-order elections model was conceived in order to understand the new type of supranational but less important elections. The model includes several hypotheses deriving from the idea that in the European elections there is less at stake, so instead of having genuine EU elections, in reality there are now 27 simultaneous national elections. The paper tests the second order elections to see whether its hypotheses are valid in the case of 2019 EU elections in Romania. Keywords: European Union, European Parliament, elections, Romania, 2019."
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Szente, Zoltán. "The Twilight of Parliament – Parliamentary Law and Practice in Hungary in Populist Times." International Journal of Parliamentary Studies 1, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26668912-bja10001.
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Abstract This study is based on the assumption that if there really has been a transition to authoritarian rule in Hungary since 2010, this should also have had a significant impact on Parliament. The article reviews changes in parliamentary law and practice, examining whether they have indeed aimed at concentrating power and instrumentalizing the legislature. In doing so, it analyses the key organizational and operational reforms of the National Assembly. The final conclusion of the study is that 2010 was an important milestone in the very recent history of Parliament, and it evaluates some of the subsequent changes as unconstitutional, while it also argues that some new trends in parliamentary law and practice have destroyed the quality of the activities of the Parliament. As a consequence, the Parliament only formally performs its constitutional functions, and plays a marginal role in the constitutional system, having a number of institutional and operational features that are incompatible with the standards of modern constitutional democracies.
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Choi, Yong Jeon, and Do Hyub Kim. "A Comparative Study of the Korean-German Legislative Support System." National Public Law Review 18, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.46751/nplak.2022.18.3.189.
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Although there are differences according to the characteristics of each country or the constitution of each country, the principle of parliamentary legislation is the most important element in most constitutionalist countries' constitutions. And legislative power is an essential and inherent power of Parliament. Nevertheless, the diversification, specialization, and diversity of legislative forms in modern society are weakening the position of the National Assembly as a legislative body. In other words, the legislative expertise of the current National Assembly has reached its limit. In the case of local councils, such a realistic problem can be said to be more serious.
In this reality, we analyze and compare the legislative support systems of Korea and Germany to obtain implications. Analyzing the legislative support system of the German Bundestag and the House of Representatives and the Hessischer Landtag in comparison with the Korean National Assembly and the Gyeonggi Provincial Assembly, and comparatively examining the results, I think that it will make an academic contribution to enhancing the value of constitutionalism.…
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Enyiazu, Chukwuemeka, Ukandu Suleiman, Ukata Eze Stanley, and Chima Ndubuisi Kalu. "Nigeria’s Bloated Recurrent Expenditure: Interrogating the National Assembly’s Proposed Additional Constituencies for Women." Journal of Business and Economics 13, no. 02 (February 2023): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/02.13.2022/003.
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Women representative in Nigeria executive and parliament has since 1999 continuously beaten a spiral downward trend from 35/7% in 2014 to 19/6% in 2021. This has generated debates on the need for mechanisms to engender gender inclusiveness in Nigeria. Therefore, the stride of the National Assembly to proffer a modus Vivendi to this political malaise is a welcome development. However, there are already two contending debates which the National Assembly’s additional constituencies will compound in Nigeria: over bloated recurrent expenditure and National Assembly budget. This paper examines the problems and prospects of the National Assembly’s proposed additional constituencies for women in an era of bloated recurrent expenditure in Nigeria. Using the post-colonial state and women’s empowerment framework of analysis and qualitative method of research, the paper argues that rather that filling the gap of women participation in Nigeria politics, additional constituencies for women shall aggravate two already existing problems in Nigeria: bloated recurrent expenditure, National Assembly budget and two other new ones. This paper concludes that Nigeria’s First Past the Post Electoral System has never engendered inclusive participation anywhere in the world and recommend that the National Assembly should rather change the electoral system to the Proportional Representative System.
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Palangurski, Milko, and Hristina Hristova. "The Second National Assembly: Elections, Establishment, and Composition]." Istoriya-History 32, no. 1 (January 20, 2024): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2024-1-1-sec.
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The Bulgarian parliamentary system came into being with the formation of the First National Assembly in the fall of 1879. Political inexperience, constitutional opposition, as well as disagreements between the monarch, parliament and executive led to the first political crisis in the country, which had several possible outcomes. Ultimately, the idea was embraced that it was necessary to seek the vote of the people once again, in order to strike a balance between the three disputing authorities. The young state administration managed to develop what was achieved and to provide conditions for Bulgarian citizens to successfully and democratically declare their intention. The Second National Assembly was established after one general election and two additional elections were held for a period of one calendar year. The territorial scope of the electoral colleges was improved, and access to the polls and integrity of the electoral process were ensured. The vote took place in accordance with the Provisional Rules for the Election of Representatives to the First Ordinary National Assembly, adopted in April 1879. However, the election results unequivocally showed that the large voter turnout sought through them could not be achieved, and that the high electoral threshold on the first day of the vote was unrealistic and therefore necessary to be removed. Violations in the electoral process remained almost the same as those established during the vote for the previous Assembly, but quite frequently overexposed or neglected for political purposes. The electoral process related to the Second National Assembly triggered a rapid and definitive formation of the Liberals and Conservatives’ party structures at both the national and regional levels.
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Cottrell, Robert. "Russia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (April 1996): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00602.x.
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In December 1995 General Elections Took Place in Russia for the lower house of parliament, the Duma. In constitutional terms the Duma is a relatively weak body, comparable with the French National Assembly. It initiates and enacts legislation, but must find a two-thirds majority if it is to override a presidential veto. The December elections were, however, of a disproportionate significance. The fact that they were taking place was important in itself. The Duma elected in December 1995 was only the second Duma to be elected in post-Soviet Russia, and the first to be elected in relatively normal circumstances. (The preceding Duma had been elected in 1993 only after President Boris Yeltsin had used tanks against the old Supreme Soviet, created a new parliament almost literally out of its ashes, and legitimized his actions by means of a new constitution approved by a national referendum.)
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Miruka, Simon, Grace Ngare, and Pacificah Okemwa. "ELUSIVE QUEST BY WOMEN FOR LEGISLATIVE NUMBERS IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (May 19, 2021): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.1279.
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Purpose: Application of gender quotas in the 2013 general elections in Kenya led to 68 women legislators joining the National Assembly. This was the largest number of women elected to the legislature since independence in 1963. Studies show that such surges embolden women to pursue legislative agenda on gender equality and social welfare issues. This article examines women legislators’ quests for further increased numbers in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013 -2017 and the results.
Methodology: This was a descriptive study of Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013 -2017). A total of 11 women and four key informants were identified through stratified and purposive sampling respectively. Data was collected using semi-structured interview schedules. Responses were recorded in writing and audio-tape. The study also did a content analysis of the Hansard. Data was transcribed, manually processed, analysed and discussed under each study objective. Quantitative data was captured in tables with descriptions while qualitative data was narrated with inferences.
Findings: The study established that efforts to increase women’s numbers in the legislature were unsuccessful because of resistance from male colleagues. However, women achieved an increase in committee membership and leadership. The article concludes that resistance to the proposed affirmative law to increase women’s legislative numbers was rooted in patriarchy and male entitlement to power.
Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The article demonstrates how the quest to embed affirmative action in law was frustrated by patriarchy. It states that for women to succeed on such pursuits, they need to be assertive and strategic. It further demonstrates that women’s occupation of parliamentary leadership positions enabled them to showcase their abilities and debunk the notion that they are inferior. This coheres with liberal feminism, that marginalising women denies the society the benefit of their talents. The article proposes that women should seek influential parliamentary committees instead of seeking a general spread in all of them. A constitutional amendment to have an unequivocal provision on elections that automates the desired proportions of women to men in the National Assembly is also recommended.
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Miruka, Simon Okumba, Grace Wamue Ngare, and Pacificah Okemwa. "METHODS USED BY WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS TO INFLUENCE LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.1215.
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Purpose: The study examined the legislative influence of women in the context of gender quotas in Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013-207). This article focuses on the methods women parliamentarians used to assert legislative influence.
Methodology: This was a descriptive case study which focused on all 68 women in the National Assembly. Respondents were identified through stratified sampling based on: pathway to parliament; membership and leadership of parliamentary structures; contribution to debate; and sponsorship of Bills enacted. A total of 11 women were interviewed, derived from four of the seven parliamentary political parties, specifically the two largest political coalitions which contributed 94% of the legislature. The study also interviewed four purposively sampled key informants (KIs) - three male and one female. The data was processed manually, analysed and presented under each study objective. Sources of primary data were coded as follows: WL (Woman Legislator), ML (Male Legislator) and KI (Key Informant). All respondents were allocated specific numbers for identification and acknowledgement.
Findings: The study established that women legislators used the following methods to influence legislation: mobilisation of male colleagues; solidarity across political parties; activism; leveraging committee positions; reliance on the National Assembly leadership; and compromise and conciliation. It notes that the methods were effective in some circumstances but failed in others.
Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study outlines how various methods were applied by women legislators in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013-2017, the first time quotas were applied in Kenyan elections. It fills the gap in earlier studies that did not document these methods. The study notes that the methods were not intrinsically weak but their effectiveness was limited by circumstances, especially the attitude of male legislators. It illustrates the importance of diversifying approaches to influence legislation. The study recommends that women legislators should: work with supportive male legislators and other pressure groups in the legislature; introduce Bills early in the legislative calendar to improve chances of success; receive training on parliamentary work; and occupy influential parliamentary leadership positions.
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Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.
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The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
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MALESKY, EDMUND, and PAUL SCHULER. "Nodding or Needling: Analyzing Delegate Responsiveness in an Authoritarian Parliament." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000250.
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Recent scholarship argues that one solution to ensure longevity and economic growth in an authoritarian regime is to co-opt potential opposition by offering them limited policy influence in a national legislature. Although cooptation theory generates a number of predictions for delegate behavior within an authoritarian parliament, the opacity of such regimes has made empirical confirmation difficult. We resolve this problem by exploiting the transcripts of query sessions in the Vietnamese National Assembly, where delegates question the prime minister and Cabinet members on important issues of the day. Using a content analysis of queries, we offer the first empirical test of delegate behavior in nondemocratic parliaments. We find that some delegates exhibit behavior consistent with cooptation theory by actively participating in sessions, demonstrating criticism of authorities, and responding to the needs of local constituents. Such responsiveness, however, is parameterized by regime rules for nominating, electing, and assigning parliamentary responsibilities to individual delegates.
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Lee, Jeongjin. "A Study on the Introduction of Virtual Parliament in National Assembly of the South korea." Journal of Parliamentary Research 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2020.2.1.
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Corrin Care, Jennifer. "Democratic Fundamentals in the Solomon Islands: Guadalcanal Provincial Assembly v The Speaker of National Parliament." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 27, no. 3 (November 3, 1997): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v27i3.6108.
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This article is a case note of Guadalcanal Provincial Assembly v The Speaker of National Parliament and the Minister for Provincial Government unreported, High Court, Solomon Islands, cc 309/96, 26 February 1997. The decision is a constitutional law case from the Solomon Islands filed by the applicant in response to the passing of the Provincial Government Act 1996. The author first introduces the political framework of the Solomon Islands, and then discusses the decision itself. The author then comments on the decision: first on the interpretation of the Constitution of the Solomon Islands, secondly on the role of Chiefs and Elders, and finally on the changes in the bench.
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Gronsky, A. "Parliamentary and Municipal Elections in Belarus." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2024): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-1-67-77.
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The article describes the preparations for the elections to the upper house of the Belarusian Parliament – the House of Representatives of the National Assembly and local councils of all levels in February 2024. After the last presidential election in 2020 and the mass protests that followed, the constitution and the electoral code were changed in Belarus. The 2024 elections were the first to be held under the new legislation. Belarus invited observers to the elections only from friendly countries and international organizations. EU observers loyal to the Belarusian regime were also invited. The Belarusian opposition failed to create serious obstacles to the holding of elections. A number of media personalities have joined the House of Representatives, which should increase the information activity of the new parliament.
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Jakubiak, Łukasz. "Przesłanki rozwiązania parlamentu w praktyce ustrojowej V Republiki Francuskiej." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (June 19, 2018): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.2.5.
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The paper discusses the grounds required for the dissolution of the parliament in the political practice of the French Fifth Republic. The Constitution of October 4, 1958 adopted a model of strengthened political power of the head of state, granting them instruments of executive influence on the functioning of other state organs. Paragraph 12 of the Constitution gives the President practically unlimited power to dissolve the National Assembly – the lower chamber of French parliament. The conditions for applying this paragraph are not stipulated in the legal regulations. It is not necessary for the President to respond to a motion of another body, or even to obtain a countersignature. These constitutional factors have led to various political practices. The author of the paper puts forward the thesis that giving freedom to the head of state as regards the application of paragraph 12 on the one hand provides the necessary foundations to exercise a power model with a considerable degree of decisiveness, but on the other may lead to a situation where the dissolution of the National Assembly no longer has a power function in its conventional sense, but serves the purpose of providing the head of state with an instrument for considerably strengthening his own political position. Since the present Constitution of the Fifth Republic has been in force, the National Assembly has been dissolved five times. The author identifies three basic grounds for applying paragraph 12: to defuse a political or social conflict (1962 and 1968), to restore a politically homogenous executive power (1981 and 1988), and to maintain a given political configuration (1997). Since the 1980s the dissolution of parliament has become a tool for the president to avoid cohabitation and, by this token, to provide a political system where the role of the leader of the executive is in the hands of the head of state. On account of the defeat of the formation supporting the president in 1997 this strategy failed to produce the expected outcome. The dissolution of the National Assembly has not taken place since. In 2000, the length of the mandate of the head of state was shortened to five years, which makes it more likely for parliamentary elections to occur directly after presidential elections. This may for a long time to come eliminate the main grounds for the dissolution of the lower chamber, which in the 1980s and 1990s stemmed from the desire to ensure a political system favorable for the head of state. This reason alone may mean that the significance of paragraph 12 in the political practice of the Fifth Republic will continue to be limited.
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Parsons, Alex, and Rebecca Rumbul. "Did They Write Back? A Mandate Divide in Response to Constituent Casework in Devolved Bodies." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 3 (May 17, 2018): 522–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy020.
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Abstract Three devolved bodies in the UK (the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and the London Assembly) use Multi Member Proportional Representation electoral systems. These bodies have two groups of representatives, regional and constituency, elected through different methods. Using a survey of members of the public who contacted their representative, constituency representatives are shown to have a higher response rate across all three bodies, and this effect is isolatable from the role of being a government party. In Scotland, this effect is demonstrable when comparing the behaviour of the same people holding different roles, suggesting that individuals adapt their behaviour to the expectations of the role.
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Švoger, Vlasta. "Parliamentary Debates and Freedom of Speech of MPs as Defined in the Rules of Procedure of the 19th Century Croatian Parliament and Other Parliaments." Review of Croatian history 19, no. 1 (December 20, 2023): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/rch.v19i1.28474.
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This paper presents different aspects of regulating parliamentary debate in the second half of the 19th century in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor) and other parliaments in a comparative discourse. This includes parliament's constituent session, preparation and course of parliamentary debate, MPs’ motions and interpellations, MPs’ freedom of speech, voting and adoption of conclusions. The analysis will be based on a comparison of the rules of procedure of the Croatian Parliament (1861-1918), the 1848 Frankfurt National Assembly (Frankfurter Nationalversammlung), the 1848 Imperial Diet in Vienna (Reichstag), the Imperial Council (Reichsrat), the Hungarian Parliament and parliaments of some German lands in the second half of the 19th century as well as a collection of precedents serving as a basis for the operation of the British Parliament (the so-called Westminster procedure) and the rules of the United States Congress. Moreover, acceptance and modification of individual aspects of the Westminster procedure or provisions in the procedural rules of other countries will be presented as examples suggesting that the transfer of ideas and practices in parliamentarianism in Croatia and other European countries in the 19th century should be viewed through the prism of multidirectional influence and creative receptions.
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Scotti, Valentina Rita. "The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.
Full textAbstract:
After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.
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DAKA, HARRISON. "Exploring the Role of Political Parties in the Enhancement of Women Representation in Parliament, Zambia: A phenomenological perspective." European Journal of Development Studies 3, no. 6 (November 20, 2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2023.3.6.310.
Full textAbstract:
This study aimed at exploring the role of political parties in the enhancement of women representation in Parliament of Zambia. The continued underrepresentation of women in the Zambian National Assembly prompted undertaking this study. The Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) and the 2016 general elections were the main focus of the study.
This study was qualitative and a case study research design based on two major political parties, studied in depth using twenty six party officials, at different levels of party hierarchies who were purposefully selected. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, narratives and unstructured questionnaires from the two political parties and the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents.
The study used an interpretive phenomenological theoretical framework based on discussions and reflections of direct sense perception and experiences of the role of political parties in enhancing women representation in the national assembly of Zambia. The starting point for using an interpretive phenomenology for this study was our ability to approach this study oblivious of a priori assumptions. Phenomenological theoretical framing was used as a broad and loose name for various types of analysis, which lay emphasis on experiences, interpretations, semiotics, narrative and discourse based on the phenomenological orientation of the Philosophy of social sciences.
Data was analysed and presented by the thematic approach as well as through frequency tables. The study found that both political parties had put in place strategies and mechanisms to enhance the representation of women in parliament and these included; having at least 30 percent women in decision-making positions, the adoption of the women’s wing concept, training and sensitisation, adoption of women in political party strongholds and relaxing of adoption requirements for women. Following the 2016 General elections, the PF made a pronouncement that the party would adopt 40 per cent women as parliamentary candidates. Nevertheless, the study found that the two political parties failed to meet their own regional and international targets on the number of women adopted to contest parliamentary seats. Thus, the study concluded that the lack of affirmative action, Nolle prosequi, Corruption and ignoring women voices taking place in political parties perpetuates women under representation in parliament in Zambia. This shows that political parties have a role to play to strengthen women representation in parliament through affirmative action in all party structures. The study urges political parties to seriously consider employing practical deliberate strategies and mechanism to increase the number of women in parliament since Zambia does not have a legislated quota.
Keywords: Phenomenology, Affirmative action, gender mainstreaming, Corruption, Nolle prosequi.