Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Lesotho – Politics and government – 1966-'

Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.

Cross-border conflicts on the African continent have increased tremendously in the post-colonial years. The widespread border conflicts on the African continent have been attributed to the arbitrariness with which Africa’s national boundaries were drawn during the colonial period. The colonial boundaries have left the doors open for perpetual conflicts among African states. This thesis proposes to investigate the prospects of grassroots diplomacy as an option of dealing with border conflicts with specific reference to the case of Lesotho/South Africa border relations. This is done by critically evaluating the role the District Liaison Committees (DLCs) have played in border relations between Lesotho and South Africa. The Lesotho and South African governments have institutionalised the resolution of border conflicts at grassroots level through the establishment of the DLCs. The DLCs consists of representatives of border communities in Lesotho and South Africa. The paper introduces a not so familiar concept of involving people at grassroots levels in the conducting of diplomacy between the two neighbouring countries. The central issue implicit in this paper is that grassroots diplomacy is succeeding in the case of Lesotho and South Africa. The DLCs have managed to reduce tension between the two countries along the borders which had existed over a long period of time, thereby, relieving the central governments of some of their duties. The thesis contents that high level conventional diplomacy is not always the answer to cross-border conflicts. The example of Lesotho and South Africa could be followed by other African countries in similar situations.

Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.

The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.

This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians&rsquo
desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country&rsquo
s economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.

Thesis ( M. Tech. (Public Management )) - Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013
Traditional Leaders (Chiefs) historically served as “governors” of their communities with authority over all aspects of life, ranging from social welfare to judicial functions. The Basotho generally hold Chiefs in high esteem, continue to turn to them for assistance when conflict arises, depend on them for services, such as birth and death registration and regard them as integral and relevant role-players in local governance. Although many countries in Africa maintain a system of Traditional Leadership and many have incorporated Traditional Leaders into democratic forms of government, a concern exists in some quarters that Chieftainship in Lesotho may present a challenge to democratic governance and development. Similarly, local government structures created by the current decentralisation processes are perceived by many as deteriorating the authority of Chiefs. According to the Constitution of Lesotho, 1993 (Act 5 of 1993), the co- existence of the Chiefs and local Councils are legitimised. Under the legislation governing this process (the Local Government Act, 1997 (Act 6 of 1997), some of their powers and functions have been transferred to local government structures. The major sources of conflict between Chiefs and Councillors appear to be uncertainty and confusion around roles and functions of the various role-players created by the legislative and institutional framework and the loss of power and status that many Chiefs feel. Some of this confusion may be a deliberate form of resistance to the changes, but it is apparent that legislative clarity is required and that the roles and functions of all role- players need to be clearly defined and understood if development is to take place in a coordinated way. The inclusion of two Chiefs in each Community Council as well as two in District Municipalities would seem a genuine attempt to ensure that Chiefs are not marginalised in this modern system of local governance in Lesotho. The high proportion of Traditional Leaders (Principal Chiefs) in the Senate is a clear indication of the pre-eminence of the institution of Chieftaincy (Traditional Leadership) in Lesotho. On the other hand, the National Assembly is completely elected and consists of 120 members, elected through the so-called Mixed–Member-Proportional representation model. Although Chieftaincy is part of this organ of the state, it has limited powers in the legislative process and general decision-making processes outside Parliament. These powers are instead a jurisdiction of the elected representatives in the National Assembly. A similar set up exists at the local government level where Councillors enjoy decision-making powers with Chieftainship structures, such as the village, area and ward Chiefs role being ambiguously defined. It is very clear that the co-existence of the two institutions is a very crucial and challenging one. This co-existence has raised a number of political, developmental and conceptual problems and problems and challenges that have not been adequately addressed, let alone resolved. One of the problems is the anomalous situation in which people are simultaneously citizens of the state and subjects of the Chiefs. Other challenges include, amongst others, contradicting legislation, revenue constraints, a lack of human resource capacity, poor stakeholder management, the increasing rate of HIV/Aids in Lesotho, and so forth. Possible causes of these challenges had been investigated as well as how they can be managed or minimised in order to enable Chiefs to play an effective role in a modern democracy. With this research study an attempt was made to explore the role of Traditional Leaders in the current system of local government in Lesotho and how to improve Chieftainship as a strategy to complement governance at the grassroots level. The term “Chiefs” is used in this research study as synonymous to Traditional Leaders, because it is the term used in all legislation dealing with Traditional Leaders in Lesotho and it includes Principal Chiefs, Area Chiefs, Chiefs and Headmen, unless the context clearly indicates otherwise.

This study chronicles the economic history of Basotho business owners in post-colonial Lesotho, from 1966 to 2012. It focuses on their individual and collective entrepreneurial initiatives as they endeavoured to play a significant role in the country s economic development after independence. Using the political economy of Lesotho as a context, the study explored how indigenously-owned business survived in the local economy, notwithstanding a myriad of constraints and marginalisation it faced. Using archival documents, oral histories and ethnography at the Lesotho Chamber of Commerce and Industry, carried out in 2013, the study documents and utilises the history of Basotho in business to question the dominant post-Second World War development ideology. This ideology prescribed a technical blueprint, which Basotho, like other indigenous people in developing countries, were expected to follow in order to modernise their economies and nurture the perceived lack of entrepreneurial capacity and business acumen, typically found in the West. For the development of indigenously-owned business, technocratic development prioritised the prevalence of various psycho-social entrepreneurial subjectivities and economic rationality, which, according to the model, are indispensable to computational and enthusiastic maximisation of economic gains by and for individuals and national economic development. After independence, Lesotho embraced the post-Second World War dominant development ideology. Accordingly, it followed the economic models of the developmental state from 1966 to 1986 and neo-liberalism from 1987 to the present, in order to transform the backward and externally dependent country s economy. These models were prescribed by the Bretton Woods Institutions and were shepherded by development experts, mainly economists. In line with William Easterly s conception of development as the tyranny of the experts , the study argues that development discourse and practice concealed a narrative of indigenously-owned business, which contrary to popular misconceptions, demonstrates economic spontaneity, freedom of expression and economic solidarity. Apart from trivialising Basotho s entrepreneurial initiatives, it also perpetuated the classic imperialist thinking that African people lacked the capacity to develop independently and had no history to prove otherwise. Basotho business owners efforts would have realised better results had it not been for constant violent and strategic suppression by successive governments that used the altruistic-sounding predispositions of development intervention in order to mask their sinister motives of greed, corruption and encouragement of elitism at the expense of the majority of Basotho in business. Nonetheless, Basotho in business did not stand submissively in the margins of the economy. They organised themselves politically and economically through voluntary associations, credit schemes, movements and cooperatives to change their economic fortunes and challenge exclusion and post-colonial governments authoritarianism and lack of democratic benevolence. Basotho business owners economic pursuits exposed the exclusive character of the neo-liberal ethic and political patronage by demonstrating economic pluralism and economic solidary that can inform the creation of inclusive social, political and economic conditions and formations for the marginalised majority in the Global South.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
Historical and Heritage Studies
PhD
Unrestricted

The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.

The focus of this study is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy interventions in Lesotho in 1994, 1998 and 2007. The core aim of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of the SADC security mechanism (the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) in conflict prevention, management and resolution on the basis of the Lesotho experience. Data for this qualitative case study was collected through interviews and document analysis. The twenty four participants for the study were drawn from the SADC OPDS unit, Lesotho political parties, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Academics from the University of Botswana (UB) and the National University of Lesotho (NUL), retired Botswana Defence officers who participated in the Lesotho missions and office of the post-2007election dispute dialogue facilitator in Lesotho. Documents on the SADC Treaties, Protocols, Communiqués and interventions in other set ups were used to highlight its operational policies, mandate, structures, successes and challenges. Lesotho was chosen as a case study because SADC employed both non-coercive (SADC Troika and Eminent Person mediation, 1994 and 2007 respectively) and coercive measures (the 1998 military intervention). The findings of the study revealed that SADC as a regional body had its own successes and challenges. Different perceptions on the SADC interventions in Lesotho emerged mainly between the participants from the ruling party and the opposition parties. While the former commended SADC for successfully mitigating the calamitous effects of 1994, 1998 and 2007 post-electoral violence, the opposition parties viewed the regional organisations as engaged in illegal interference in the domestic affairs of the country to defend the incumbent governing party. It also emerged from the study that the SADC security mechanism has numerous structural and operational flaws. There were several unanswered questions revolving around the legality and mandate of some of the missions. For instance, no concrete evidence emerged as to whether the 1998 military intervention was authorised by the SADC. The study also revealed that SADC has learnt valuable lessons from the Lesotho missions. Some of the reforms which the SADC has introduced in the OPDS such as the establishment of the SADC Stand by Force, Early Warning structures, the Mediation Unit, and a panel of expert mediators emanated mainly from the Lesotho experiences. The study recommends that SADC needs to harmonise the efforts of its OPDS structures such as the Mediation Unit; the Troika; the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC); the Inter-State Politics and Diplomacy Committee (ISPDC) and the Summit of Heads of States and Governments for rapid, coherent and well coordinated interventions in future regional preventive missions. It is also recommended that SADC should focus on identifying and mitigating underlying causal factors such as underdevelopment; poverty; deprivation of freedoms, marginalisation and other forms of social stratifications and oppression in its preventive diplomacy missions if durable peace is to be achieved in Lesotho and any other future cases.

1966 was a particularly tumultuous year in the East African country of Uganda. After an era of relative peace and stability, the country was plagued by a range of tragedies that resulted in a constitutional crisis after the 24 May attack on the palace of the King of Buganda. This was the first time in Uganda's short history that the state had deliberately and systematically turned its guns on its own people. As a point of departure the study advances that existing historical analyses on the crisis lack detail. Consequently, the core of the study was to provide a more focused detailed and multi-faceted historical account of the 1966 crisis on the Buganda’s monarchy. The study yielded insights into the political and socio-economic impacts of the 1966 political turmoil on the people of Buganda. Using the historical method to inform the research design; the study employed an archival history methodology to examine how both the colonial legacy and the internal dynamics of the Ugandan society combined to lead to a serious and dramatic conflict between the kingdom of Buganda and State of Uganda. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that the political turmoil left an indelible scar on the Kingdom of Buganda. The study offers clarity on why and how the crisis occurred and contributes a better understanding of the ‘grey area’ of knowledge and insights into what the abolition of the Kingdom meant to the Baganda.

This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic royal power. Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power: dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to human agency. The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the necessary adaptation to different local conditions. This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic, non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration of its New Lands as an organisational template.

This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of five women???s organisations in Malang, Indonesia. The contemporary significance of local women???s organisations in the lives of kampung women in Indonesia is revealed through an investigation of the relationship between the Indonesian state, local communities and women. This study sets contemporary women???s organisations in the context of their changing historical role and relationship with the state. Women???s organisations have been a part of the Indonesian political and social landscape since the early twentieth century. They played an important role in mobilising women during the struggle for independence. Under Sukarno???s policy of Guided Democracy, restrictions were placed on the political mobilising role of all organisations, including those for women. These restrictions were taken much further under Suharto???s New Order government when many were proscribed. Only state-approved and controlled organisations were accepted. The New Order era essentially undermined the credibility of women???s organisations as vehicles for promoting women???s interests, instead they were generally regarded as ???tools of the state???. Indonesianists and feminists have been especially critical of state-run women???s organisations arguing they have offered Indonesian women ???no path to female power???. This perception of state-sponsored women???s organisations has continued in the post-Suharto era even though their links to the state have changed radically. They now exist alongside a range of NGOs, religious and social women???s organisations. The crucial question that this thesis addresses is why these state-sponsored organisations continue to exist and what motivates women???s participation in these organisations? Through membership in local women???s organisations women enter into a complex relationship with the state, local society and the socio-religious and political institutions within the wider society. The membership status women enjoy provides them with opportunities to engage in a social bargain. Through this bargaining process, local women make social, religious, personal and romantic gains for themselves. The results of the social bargaining process depend largely on the particular organisation to which women belong but they remain strongly oriented towards their local kampung worlds. The thesis provides an alternative way of thinking about the complex role that women???s organisations play in Indonesian society and what function they may continue to have within Indonesia???s post-Suharto future.

This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically.
In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.

This study is premised on the assumption that women’s right to political participation in Africa is vital, especially as women constitute half of the population in African states. Since the 1990s, much attention has been focussed on the role of women in African politics. Consequently, women’s inclusion, especially in legislatures and in the executive arm of government, has increased during this period. International and national law, combined with political will, have been relied upon to ensure that women are included in key decisionmaking positions in national government. However, women’s political participation in local government has received less attention, despite the fact that local government may be the level of government best suited to positively impact on women’s daily lives. Four of the leading African states in respect of women’s political participation in local government are Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda. The study focuses on these states with a view to establishing the extent to which they have domesticated international norms that advance women’s political participation in local government. Surveying relevant international instruments at the global and Africa regional level, the study establishes that generally, international law recognises women’s right to participate in politics. Local government was, in particular, not even mentioned and participation in local government could be inferred from the wider right to political participation. However, recent developments in international law are increasingly paying attention to local government. In addition, attention is increasingly being paid to ensuring that women enjoy the right to political participation on the basis of equality with men. Consequently, parity in representation is being promoted and states are expected to domesticate the international norms to which they are parties in order to realise the goal of equality in political participation. States have made efforts to domesticate international norms by including them in their constitutions or legislation. In addition, states have put in place temporary special measures focussing on the area of local government. These measures are to be utilised by states, to ensure that women participate more fully in local government. vi With respect to the four states under investigation, it is observed that there is a limited application of temporary special measures that can be used to promote women’s political participation in local government. In terms of the actual extent of women’s participation, the limited available data illustrates a relatively high percentage of women in local government, especially at the level of councillors where all the four states reviewed are performing reasonably well. None of the four states has attained gender parity among directly elected councillors even though the number of women councillors is fairly high in some of the states. Among other senior local government positions, the rate of including women is inconsistent. In some cases women are included in substantial numbers but there are also cases were the inclusion of women is disconcertingly low. States are also failing to provide detailed information on women’s political participation across all portfolios in local government. The implication of such shortcomings is that the actual levels of women’s inclusion remain largely unknown and therefore efforts to address women’s marginalisation are undermined. In order to ensure increased political participation of women at the local government level, a number of measures must be taken. First, efforts should be made at the international level to further elaborate the right to political participation with particular reference to local government, especially in so far as indirectly elected or appointed office is concerned. These are areas of local government where the current norms do not sufficiently advance women’s inclusion and as a result inclusion of women is inconsistent. Second, human rights treaty bodies should pay greater attention to questioning states on their performance in including women in local government. Questioning state performance will create greater awareness and increase the attention that states pay to women’s political participation in local government. Third, concerted efforts should be made to streamline legislation on local government in the four states under review with a view to making it simpler, clearer and consistent. The current proliferation of laws can create challenges in understanding the extent to which the law promotes women’s political participation in local government. Finally, the four states should display greater transparency with regard to providing data on women’s political participation in local government. Providing sufficient data would enable proper scrutiny and provide a diachronic picture of developments as far as women and men’s political participation in local government is concerned.
Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
Unrestricted

The dissertation examines three military interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa which took place in the mid and late 1990s in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho. These interventions took place despite high expectations of international and regional peace on the part of most analysts after the collapse of cold war in 1989. However, interstate and intrastate conflicts re-emerged with more intensity than ever before, and sub-Saharan Africa proved to be no exception.

The study sets out to analyse the motives and/or causes of military interventions in Rwanda in 1990, the DRC in 1996-7, and the DRC military rebellion and the Lesotho intervention in 1998. In analysing these interventions, the study borrows extensively from the work of dominant security theorists of international relations, predominantly realists who conceptualise international relations as a struggle for power and survival in the anarchic world. The purpose of this analysis is fourfold
firstly, to determine the reasons for military interventions and the extent to which these interventions were conducted on humanitarian grounds
secondly, to investigate the degree to which or not intervening countries were spurred by their national interests
thirdly, to assess the roles of international organisations like Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, in facilitating these interventions
as well as to evaluate the role of parliaments of intervening countries in authorising or not these military interventions in terms of holding their Executives accountable. In this context, the analysis argues that the intervening countries
Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Chad, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe appeared to have used intervention as a realist foreign policy tool in the absence of authorisation from the United Nations and its subordinate bodies such as the OAU and SADC.

On cover: Degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Management.
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder. Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels. Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie. Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.

There were no "Rebellions" in 1896-7. The concept of "risings" which is to be found in the European perspective of the escalated violence has distorted an understanding of the complex nature of the events. The events of 1896-7 must rather be explained through an examination of the details of the conflict. European pressure on the African people prior to 1896 was minimal and cannot be assumed to be the "cause" of the first "Chimurenga". There was no planned, organised or coordinated "rebellion" in Matabeleland in March 1896. Further, no distinction can be made between a "March" rebellion in Matabeleland and a June "rebellion" in Mashonaland. A European war of conquest in 1896-7 evoked the responce known now as the first "Chimurenga". It was the war of conquest of 1896-7 which saw the ascendancy of the European perspective over the African and thereby established the psychological foundations of the Rhodesian colonial state. The complex nature of the events of 1896-7 is to be understood through an appreciation of the different perspectives of those who became embroiled in the conflict.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: District Six originated in the eighteen fifties on neighbouring wine farms close to Cape Town's city centre. The first inhabitants were Europeans, but were later joined by free slaves. By 1849 the total number of inhabitants was 2943 and as a municipal area became known as the sixth district of Cape Town. Over the years District Six developed an own unique cosmopolitan character and despite a stigma as a backward residential area District Six developed as a multiracial community with its own vibrant spirit. By 1966 there were 3700 properties of which 56% were owned by Whites, 26% by Coloureds and 18% by Indians. In the same year the area had 21 schools and 17 places of worship. One of the main causes of physical deterioration was overpopulation. The occupancy figure by the 1850's was approximately 2,5 persons per habitable room. Overcrowding led to subletting of even the smallest rooms and resulted in gross exploitation of tenants, horrific crime and moral decay, all of which contributed to the slum status of the area. In 1962 the City of Cape Town devised a pilot plan for the rehabilitation of the area, but this plan was never implemented. Years of neglect of municipal services worsened the degredation of many historic buildings as well as decent living conditions for its residents. In 1962 the Group Areas Board recommended that District Six be declared a Coloured Group Area. The N.P. government rejected this recommendation and on 11 February 1966 through Proclamation 43, declared 94 hectares of the traditional District Six as an area for White occupation. Between 1965 and 1975 the government froze all property transactions in District Six to enable them to plan the redevelopment of the area. The state made financial offers to property owners, but only 10% accepted these. The majority declined these and blamed this on inflexible property valuations of the state. By 1980 the state had spent R25 million on the acquisition of properties in District Six. Government demolition of structures took place between 1968 and 1982 and resulted in the flattenning of most buildings except for a few churches. Expropriated Coloured and Indian residents were removed to the newly created residential areas on the Cape Flats. Although some previous residents of District Six were happy with their accommodation most objected to the high bond repayments on their new homes, higher transport cost to work and the breakdown of existing communities. The biggest opposition to the declaration of District Six as an area for White occupation came from local groups, namely: The Friends of District Six and the District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers Association (RRR). Opposition political parties and the press used the physical and mental suffering of the residents to challenge the government. The redevelopment of District Six was characterised by continous changes to proposed plans. In 1964 the government appointed the Niemand Committee to investigate the replanning and redevelopment of District Six. In 1970 a master plan for redevelopment was recommended . In 1974 the first properties were sold to white people by the government. In 1975 the neighbouring Walmer Estate was declared a Coloured Group Area and three years later District Six was renamed as Zonnebloem. In 1979 parts of the neighbouring Woodstock and Salt River were declared Coloured Group Areas. In 1982 the Presidents Council recommended that part of District Six be returned to the Coloured community, but the government rejected this and in October 1982 year the first whites settled in District Six. The following year a part of District Six was declared Coloured area.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Distrik Ses het in die vyftigerjare van die negentiende eeu op aanliggende wynplase van Kaapstad ontstaan. Aanvanklik het Blankes van verskillende nasionaliteite daar gevestig en later het vrygestelde slawe die inwonertal laat toeneem. Teen 1849 was die inwonertal ongeveer 2943 en in 1867 het die gebied bekend geword as die sesde distrik van Kaapstad . Distrik Ses het n eiesoortige en unieke kosmopolitiese karakter ontwikkel. Ten spyte van n stigma van agterlikheid het die gebied n borrelende en veelrassige gemeenskap gehad. In 1966 was daar ongeveer 3700 eiendomme in Distrik Ses waarvan 56% aan Blankes, 26% aan Kleurlinge en 18% aan Indiers behoort het. Teen 1966 was daar 21 skole en sewentien plekke van godsdienstige aanbidding in die gebied. Oorbevolking was een van die grootste oorsake van verval in die gebied. In die vyftigerjare was die besettingsyfer van geboue ongeveer 2,5 persone per bewoonbare vertrek. Die gevolg was onderverhuring, gruwelike uitbuiting van huurders, misdaad en sedelike verval wat aan die gebied n slumstatus besorg het. Jarelange verwaarlosing van munisipale dienste het tot vervaI van gebouestrukture en Iewenstoestande gelei. Die stadsraad se loodsplan vir opruiming in 1962 is nooit geimplementeer nie. Die Groepsgebiederaad het in 1962 aanbeveel dat die gebied as n Kleurling-groepsgebied verklaar moes word. Ten spyte van die aanbeveling is 94 hektaar van die tradisionele Distrik Ses op 11 Februarie 1966 volgens Proklamasie 43 van 1966 as n Blanke Groepsgebied verklaar. Die regering het vanaf 1965 tot 1975 aile eiendomstransaksies in Distrik Ses gevries om sodoende die herontwikkeling van die gebied te beplan. Ongeveer 10% van die eienaars het die staat se aanbod vir hul eiendom aanvaar. Die meeste het egter beswaar gemaak teen die staat se onbuigsame skattings. Teen 1980 het die staat R25 miljoen bestee aan die verkryging Slopingswerk in Distrik Ses het tussen 1968 en 1982 plaasgevind. Byna aIle geboue is gesloop en slegs enkele kerke is behou. Inwoners is na verskeie woonbuurte op die Kaapse Vlakte verskuif Alhoewel sommige vorige inwoners van Distrik Ses tevrede was met hulle nuwe woonplekke was die meeste ontevrede oor die hoe verbandkoste van nuwe wonings, hoer reiskoste en die verbrokkeling van gemeenskappe. Die grootste opposisie teen die Blankverklaring van Distrik Ses was The Friends of District Six en die District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers' Association (RRR). Opposisiepolitieke partye en die pers het die regering se rassebeleid aangeval deur te konsentreer op die ontberinge van die inwoners. Die herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses is gekenmerk deur voortdurende verandering. In 1964 is die Niemand-komitee aangestel om die herbeplanning en herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses te ondersoek. In 1970 is n meesterplan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses aanbeveel. In Julie 1974 het die regering die eerste eiendom in Distrik Ses aan Blankes verkoop. In 1975 is die aangrensende Walmer Estate tot Kleurlinggroepsgebied verklaar. Distrik Ses is in 1978 herdoop en R9 rniljoen is bewillig vir die rehabilitasieskema. In 1979 is dele van die aangrensende Woodstock en Soutrivier tot Kleurlinggroepsgebiede verklaar. In 1980 is ri gewysigde plan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses voorgele. In 1981 het die regering die Presidentsraad se aanbeveling dat n gedeelte van Distrik Ses aan die Kleurlinggemeenskap teruggegee moes word, verwerp. In Oktober 1982 het die eerste blankes in Distrik Ses gevestig. In 1983 is n gedeelte van Distrik Ses as Kleurlinggebied verklaar.

Thesis (MA )--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this thesis is to assess the impact of HIV and AIDS on democratic consolidation in two democracies in Southern Africa: Botswana and South Africa. Mattes (2003), Barnett and Whiteside (2006) and others warned that in states with high HIV infection levels, the negative impact of the pandemic - especially in terms of socio-economic conditions, budgetary pressures and a loss of human capital in the state and the economy - was potentially so great that it may affect democracy detrimentally. In contrast, some scholars, particularly Anthony Butler (2005a) and Alex de Waal (2006), contended that although the pandemic had negative effects, democracies might survive it and that in some specific ways, democratic consolidation might even benefit from the its consequences. For instance, they argued that in South Africa, the civil society response to the government’s controversial HIV and AIDS policy deepened the institutional framework of democracy. The methodology for the above comparative analysis is based on the application of a minimalist multivariate model which, following the thinking of Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) consists of both institutional and socio-economic factors. Factors are selected for their relevance to democratic consolidation, as argued by scholars such as Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi (1996), Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) and Leftwich (2000). The chosen factors are the system of government (the relationship between the branches of government); the electoral system; political rights and civil liberties; economic indicators (affluence, economic growth and the reduction of inequality); human development (as measured by the United Nations Development Program) and civil society. This is a descriptive, qualitative, desktop study, using secondary literature in books, as well as articles. There is no empirical component, such as fieldwork, surveys or questionnaires. As stated below, such methodology may be used for further elaboration and refining of the findings of this desktop-based comparative analysis. The main finding is that currently, despite the cost and human implications of the disease, there are no indications that it is directly threatening to destroy the democracies of Botswana or South Africa. This finding differs from the more negative expectations of the scholars mentioned above. It is suggested that the increasing provision and effectiveness of antiretroviral treatment (ART) enables these democracies and their economies to avoid some of the ravages of the disease that seemed inevitable a few years ago. Furthermore, it is suggested that the comparative affluence of the two states in question shields them from some negative effects of HIV and AIDS and that this may be different in poorer Southern African states. This is an issue for further research. Such research should go beyond desktop research to include fieldwork and questionnaires.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die impak van MIV en VIGS op demokratiese konsolidering in twee Suider-Afrikaanse demokrasieë, Botswana en Suid-Afrika, vas te stel. Mattes (2003), Barnett en Whiteside (2006) en ander het gewaarsku dat die negatiewe uitwerking van die pandemie - veral in terme van sosio-ekonomiese toestande, begrotingsdruk en ’n verlies aan menslike hulpbronne in die staat en ekonomie - potensieel so groot is dat dit demokrasie nadelig sou beïnvloed. In teenstelling hiermee het ander akademici, soos Anthony Butler (2005a) en Alex de Waal (2006), geredeneer dat demokrasieë die pandemie mag oorleef ten spyte van die negatiewe effekte wat dit wel het en dat demokrasieë selfs op sekere wyses by die gevolge daarvan mag baatvind. Byvoorbeeld, het hulle geargumenteer, in Suid-Afrika het die burgerlike samelewing se reaksie op die Mbeki-regering se kontroversiële MIV en VIGSbeleid die institusionele raamwerk van demokrasie verdiep. Die metodologie vir hierdie vergelykende analise is gebaseer op die toepassing van ’n minimalistiese multiveranderlike model. Soos gepostuleer deur Bratton en Van de Walle (1997), wat beide institusionele en sosio-ekonomiese faktore insluit. Faktore is gekies op grond van hulle relevansie tot demokratiese konsolidering (volgens vakkundiges soos Linz en Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub en Limongi (1996), Bratton en Van de Walle (1997) en Leftwich (2000), asook vir dié se moontlike relevansie tot demokrasieë wat spesifiek deur MIV en VIGS geaffekteer word. Die gekose faktore is die regeringstelsel (die verhouding tussen die uitvoerende, wetgewende en regsprekende gesag), die verkiesingstelsel, politieke regte en burgerlike vryhede, ekonomiese aanwysers (welvaart; ekonomiese groei en die vermindering van ongelykheid), menslike ontwikkeling (soos gemeet deur die Verenigde Nasies se Ontwikkelingsprogram) en die burgerlike samelewing. Hierdie tesis is ’n literatuurstudie van ’n beskrywende, kwalitatiewe aard. Daar is gebruik gemaak van sekondêre literatuur in boeke, asook van artikels. Daar is geen empiriese komponent soos veldwerk en meningspeilings nie. Soos hieronder beklemtoon word, kan empiriese metodes in toekomstige studies gebruik word om op die bevindinge wat hierdie navorsing opgelewer het, uit te brei en dit te verfyn. Die hoofbevinding is dat daar tans, ten spyte van die finansiële en menslike koste van MIV en VIGS, geen aanduiding is dat die siekte ‘n direkte bedreiging inhou vir die voortbestaan van demokrasie in Botswana en Suid-Afrika nie. Hierdie bevinding verskil van die meer negatiewe verwagtinge hierbo uitgespreek. Dit word voorgestel dat die toenemende voorsiening en effektiwiteit van antiretrovirale behandeling hierdie demokrasieë en hulle ekonomieë daartoe in staat stel om gedeeltelik die verwoesting van hierdie pandemie te vermy, iets wat enkele jare gelede nog as onvermydelik beskou is. Verder word die voorstel gemaak dat die impak van die pandemie op armer Suider-Afrikaanse state vergelyk behoort te word met die bevindinge wat hier aangebied word. Sulke toekomstige navorsing behoort nie net literatuurstudie in te sluit nie, maar ook veldwerk en meningsopnames.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 1979
The central focus of this thesis is on the machinery of planning in tae Lesotho Government and the tasks which it endeavoured ;o initiate and administer. One objective of the study has therefore been ti furnish a detailed internal history of those departments of" Government (in particular, the Central Planning and Development Office) principally concerned with planniig. The primary purpose, however, lias been to use this casu study to provide an insight into the nature of the bureaucracy and, mere specifically, into its attitude toward, and capability of Initiating, reform. The study thus relates to one of the major issues of concern to political and administrative analysts of underdeveloped and recently politicallyindeoendent states: namely the compatibility or otherwise of the ’bureaucracy* with 'reform' and 'development'. Planning wa. selected as an appropriate focal point for this analysis, since it had generated such great expectations in the early post-colonial period. It was common to the administrative experience of many new state that the establishment of a central planning office was considered to be one essential early step toward change and progress. The detailed case study covers the administration of planning in Lesotho for the ten years between 19^5 and 1975• It commences immediately before the establishment of the Planning Office, obt.vrvcs its establishment, the problematic early years of minimal advance and, later, its more rapid growth and relatively enhanced efficiency. A portrayal of this history as a subunit struggling to increase its influence in conflict and competition with other subunits of a large bureaucratic organization, presents a more accurate representation than one Which suggests the evolution of tic planning machinery as part oi a s'- Totic exercise in administrative reform. next section, which relates and discusses the visws and concerns of the participants themselves, is intended Co offer further insight into the •official mind' of the Lesotho bureaucracy, and thus to supplement the case study. A brief examination of the principal features of Lesotho's economy follows. This reveals clearly that the me L. trends are towards a deipening state of underdevelopment and a steadily growing dependence. The record of a deteriorating economic predicament is Jux+*posed with the strengthening of the planning machinery and so throws into question the role of the bureaucracy in a situation of this nature. At the cloaa, three approaches to public administration in underdeveloped countries are discussed as a means of interpreting wlia t , exactly, lias been observed. Ihe 1 irst conclusion is tliat the case a^udy reveals a strengthening of the planning machinery which would satisfy the very m dest requirements of reform as understood by the 'African Public Administration and Management' movement. Taking note of the manner in which the planning machinery has grown and also of certain practices and policies of the civil service as a whole, the second conclusion is that the changes observed fall far short of the demands of the 'development administration' movement; there was little serious interest in the type oi reform which that movement proposed. v- brief discussion of the 'bureaucracy' and the 'migrant worker , set against the background of economic deterioration and increasing dependence, leads to the final conclusion. This confirms the 'underdevelopment and dependence' movement's perception of the role of the bureaucracy in the post-colonial or,,. Lesotho's civil Service was gaining material advantage from, and serving to abet, the forces of underdevelopment. In the i trial analysis, therefore, the case observed is one of administration for underdevelopment; tliat is, underdevelopment administration.

A Theses submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in International Relations, October 2017
This study examines the effectiveness of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance in promoting free and fair elections, focusing on Electoral Management Bodies established and operational in Ethiopia and Lesotho. It assesses practical missions conducted by the EMBs within the three levels of electoral governance theoretical framework; that is rule making, rule application and rule adjudication. This study has significant effects for consolidation of democracy and governance because the democracy discourse recognizes important correlations between quality of elections administered by democratic institutions and governance. The study established that both Ethiopia and Lesotho partially implemented the ACDEG electoral rules due to varying political wills, and that the nations’ EMBs were incompetent and faced logistical challenges. However, Ethiopia’s reluctance to genuinely incorporate and enforce the ACDEG principles within its Electoral Law limited the capacity of the NEBE to manage the 2010 and 2015 elections. Whilst Lesotho’s IEC functioned in an inadequate manner due to recurring political unstable contexts it operated within. Both Ethiopia and Lesotho encountered various electoral challenges notably, evident vote inflation, intimidation, violent incidences, unfair media coverage for opposition parties, unreliable voter registers and unsecured ballot boxes which continue to discredit elections. This study posits that the ACDEG effective implementation in promoting free and fair elections can be fruitful with constant dedication by signatory state parties’ to entirely domesticate ACDEG electoral rules in national laws; maintain impartial EMBs and cooperate with election monitors under a regulated compliance mechanism by the African Union. This would address common electoral challenges tormenting African nations; and aid to prevent non-adherence by state parties who devalue the African Union’s election regulations they willingly acceded to.
XL2018

The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho weakened since 1993?" A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the interviewees are in appendix 5. This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the opposition parties have been noted. The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be major factors.
Political Sciences
M. A. (Politics)

Canadian foreign policy towards Indonesia during the governments of Louis St. Laurent (1948-57) and John Diefenbaker (1957-63) was conditioned by Canada's place in the North Atlantic alliance, seen as more central to national interests. The most direct Canada-Indonesia connections were forged by non-government "public diplomats." This thesis utilizes the theory of "mental maps" as a way of understanding how diplomats imagined the world. Policymakers1 mental maps gave prominence to Europe and the North Atlantic. Southeast Asia appeared only as a periphery needing to be held for larger "free world" goals. Ottawa viewed Indonesia through the prism of its alliances and multilateral associations. Canadian diplomacy towards Indonesia was often designed to preserve the unity of the North Atlantic alliance. During the Indonesian national revolution, Canadian representatives on the Security Council acted to help their Netherlands allies. They found a compromise solution that helped to prevent splits within the North Atlantic alliance and the Commonwealth. Policymakers were working out a diplomatic self-image: Canada as mediating middle power. This was a process of myth making in which actions taken for alliance reasons were remembered as part of a global peacemaking mission. However, Ottawa avoided involvement in the second Indonesian-Dutch decolonization dispute over West New Guinea (Papua). Development aid also became part of Canada's diplomatic self-perception. Canada sent aid through the Colombo plan, intended to restore global trade and fight the cold war with non-military weapons. Canadian aid to Indonesia was negligible, primarily wheat. While bilateral relations were limited, non-state actors operating within North America-wide networks forged more important connections. Canadian advisers to Indonesia's National Planning Bureau mapped out a development path based on Western models. McGill University's Institute of Islamic Studies promoted the "modernization" of Islam. Indonesia under Sukarno (1945-65) tried to avoid dependence on aid, but welcomed investment by oil companies such as Asamera and bought de Havilland aircraft from Canada. The seeds for the economic policies of Suharto's New Order (1965-98) were sown during this period by Indonesians based in the Planning Bureau and at McGill. Public diplomacy had a more enduring effect than government policy.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

The tragic events within the South African Development Community (SADC) countries e.g. Civil war and conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), evoked a rethinking on the pivotal role assigned to the United Nations (UN) and the international community in African conflict resolution. Subsequently, there emerged clarion calls for African solutions to African conflict,. with foreign intervention only playing a complementary role. This unfolding of events put a democratic South Africa in a good stead to take this initiative in the SADC region. In this study, the nature of South Africa's involvement in conflict resolution within SADC region. is outlined. The main objective is to outline reasons which have moulded South African intervention in Lesotho, and its impacts on her perceptions about prospects for future African initiatives in the twenty first century. South Africa adopted a remarkably ambivalent foreign policy towards the region and indeed the rest of the continent. It is however, in the light of that development that a democratic South Africa became a dominant member state within SADC to enable her the capabilities of bringing African solutions (SADC in particular) to African conflicts. It is on this note that South Africa has intervened successfully towards resolving the Lesotho conflicts. South African foreign policy objective of enhancing international peace and security by maintaining efforts towards a lasting resolution of conflicts, stability and security situation in Lesotho achieved, and the general elections were ultimately held. It is however, acknowledged that South African government has made a firm commitment to developing its role as a voice for the global South. In supporting this statement, South Africa should seriously develop a reputation, culture and capacity as a patron of peace promotion which means continuing with investing political will and resources in mediation and human resources, and also engage in a concerted campaign to improve the peace-keeping ability and security mechanisms of the SADC through a commitment of technical and human resources.
(M.Soc.Sc.) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005

The smallholder livestock farmer in South Africa is in a difficult position, not only grappling with a changing global environment, but at the local front, without access to domestic markets. This is due to very limited knowledge of buyer requirements emanating from lack of marketing information. This limits adequate access to livestock markets by smallholder farmers in South Africa and more specifically in the Moretele area of the North West Province, resulting in limited growth and less disposable income. Some of the problems facing the smallholder livestock farmer are a lack of understanding of buyer requirements regarding livestock product characteristics, industry price determination processes, alternative marketing channels and how to promote livestock. Empowerment and equitable access to markets by these farmers can only be realised when knowledge is disseminated and training and capacity building is enhanced. It is especially an understanding of what the market requires, how price determination occurs and how marketing channels and promotional tools are used in the livestock industry that is lacking.
Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management)

This study uses Frantz Fanon‟s thoughts on race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals as the theoretical framework and examines the positionality of Sipho Seepe, Xolela Mangcu and Andile Mngxitama as black public intellectuals in order to understand how they view the post-1994 political discourse. Seepe, Mangcu and Mngxitama‟s views are studied by analysing themes emerging from newspaper columns they have written. This study reveals that the three black public intellectuals examined have been radical and forthright, though they display different understandings of race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals. However, the study reveals that only Mngxitama‟s postionality has been consistently radical, whereas Seepe and Mangcu‟s views have been fluid and are now considered moderate. This study concludes by highlighting the relevance of Fanon‟s thoughts in enabling a new reading of post-1994 South Africa. Of central importance is the creation of the „new being‟, who is informed by the process of liberation, which is the antithesis of the black condition.
Political Sciences
M. A. (Politics)