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Journal articles on the topic 'Lesotho - Politics and government'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Nwafor, Anthony O. "The Lesotho Constitution and Doctrine of Separation of Powers: Reflections on the Judicial Attitude." African Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 1 (2013): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342020.

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Abstract Since the popularization of the doctrine of separation of powers in the 18th century by Baron De Montesquieu, emerging democratic nations have continued to strive towards evolving patterns of governance that suit their internal needs with regards to the political, social and cultural peculiarities of each nation. Lesotho is no exception to this evolutionary trend, as the country transitions from a traditional monarchical to parliamentary system of government, founded on popular democracy. The 1993 Constitution of Lesotho embodies provisions that ensure the distribution of governmental powers among the three arms of government, but with due reverence to the monarch whose powers cut across each branch of government. The judiciary plays a very important role in preserving the tenets of the constitution. The courts in Lesotho have been very assertive, sometimes excessively so, by intruding into the functions of the other arms of government. This paper captures the true importance of the doctrine of separation of powers, examines the Lesotho constitutional arrangement in preserving this doctrine and calls for caution on the part of the courts as guardians of the constitutional order.

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2

Conz, Christopher R. "Sheep, Scab Mites, and Society: The Process and Politics of Veterinary Knowledge in Lesotho, Southern Africa, c. 1900-1933." Environment and History 26, no. 3 (2020): 383–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734018x15440029363690.

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This paper reconstructs a sheep-dipping campaign in Lesotho, southern Africa to explore the historical dynamics between local social and political circumstances, ecological change and veterinary knowledge. African livestock owners and the British colonial government accelerated a biological transition from local breeds to non-native merino sheep in the early 1900s to produce wool. Wool-bearing sheep ushered in Psoroptes ovis, a parasitic mite that caused the skin condition called scab. Examining colonial Lesotho's anti-scab campaign from 1903 to 1933, its politics, ideas and procedures, improves our understanding of the past and present interplay between transnational science, farmers, governments and the non-human world. This case study of sheep-dipping and the wool industry that it bolstered shows, too, how people from across the social spectrum interacted within new regulatory communities under a colonial state. These communities, fraught with social cleavages of race and class, and geared towards capitalist production, coalesced during the anti-scab campaigns and formed the political, technical and ideological foundation on which subsequent development schemes were built. Chiefs, stockowners, herders, labourers and European veterinarians too participated in various ways in this process of producing and circulating knowledge, and transforming livestock practices and policies.

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3

Workman, Cassandra L. "Ebbs and Flows of Authority: Decentralization, Development and the Hydrosocial Cycle in Lesotho." Water 11, no. 2 (2019): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11020184.

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Dominant development discourse holds that water scarcity reflects geophysical limitations, lack of infrastructure or lack of government provision. However, this paper outlines the ways in which scarcity can only be fully explained in the context of development, specifically, neoliberal economic policies and related notions of good governance. Water is Lesotho’s primary natural resource, yet many of its inhabitants remain severely water insecure. Presently, decentralization and Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM) are embraced in Lesotho as a philosophy and method to engage varied stakeholders and to empower community members. Using a water committee in Qalo, Lesotho as a case study, this paper explores the micro-politics of water governance. As individuals contest who is responsible for managing water resources for the village—by aligning themselves with traditional chiefs, elected officials, or neither—they transform or reinforce specific hydro-social configurations. While decentralized resource management aims to increase equity and local ownership over resources, as well as moderate the authority of traditional chiefs, water access is instead impacted by conflicts over management responsibility for water resources. Drawing on theories of political ecology and governmentality to extend recent scholarship on IWRM, this paper re-centers the political in water governance by situating local tensions within national policies and development agendas and demonstrating how scarcity is hydro-social.

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4

Toeba, Thato. "Corruption in Public Procurement in Lesotho." Law and Development Review 11, no. 2 (2018): 397–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2018-0025.

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Abstract Public procurement refers to the acquisition of goods and services by government in order to facilitate the efficient operationalisation of the state machinery. Public procurement however extends beyond transactions to acquire commodities to “the relationship between the state and its suppliers, and between the state and the commodity transaction”. Global political hierarchies, with affluent democracies at the apex, play a dominant role in how states like Lesotho, with little political agency internationally buy and sell commodities and what terms and conditions attach to such transactions. This paper argues that the architecture of public procurement policy in Africa generally and Lesotho specifically is anchored in neoliberalism which emerged as the dominant economic theory globally after the end of World War II. Corruption which is critical in public procurement because of the huge quantities of commodities often being transacted and the volume of money involved in the procurement process. This creates substantial opportunities for public officials with the propensity to be corrupt because of the high profitability attached to these large procurements. According to the director of the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences (DCEO), public procurement in Lesotho is the most vulnerable area to corruption and public procurement cases form 99% of corruption cases handled by the DCEO in 2016. The paper argues that he most combative and dictatorial mechanism of the neoliberal approach to anti-corruption and public procurement policies in Lesotho is the lack of consideration for local contexts, particularly when such policies are adopted litereratim. The slow erosion of corruption, particularly in public procurement in Lesotho is testimony to the futility of neoliberal policies in the country. Officials often adopt neoliberal policies disingenuously and masquerade them as actual reform. Alternatively, policies are adopted to comply with foreign aid requisites or to guarantee Lesotho’s place in global trade. At close inspection, the public procurement legal regime reveals weaknesses which are antithetical to the enthusiastic anti-corruption narratives that the Lesotho government performs to appease donors. Political agents in Lesotho often condemn corruption and reiterate a commitment to corruption-free procurement processes, however, overt corruption that permeates all sectors in the country contradicts this narrative. This paper provides an appraisal of the Public Procurement Regulations of Lesotho as anchored in the neoliberal approach. It argues that the socio-political nuances in Lesotho are in fundamental conflict with the neoliberal theory, making legal enforcement of the regulations extremely difficult.

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5

Makafane, David, and Tankie Khalanyane. "The Micro-Politics of Schooling in Lesotho: Bullying." Journal of Education and Culture Studies 2, no. 3 (2018): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v2n3p191.

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<p><em>The paper is based on a study undertaken in 2015 to 2017 that explored the micro-politics of schooling in Lesotho, with specific focusing on bullying. A qualitative research design was adopted to probe for in-depth information about bullying in schools. The methodology employed was the case study approach in two high schools in Roma Valley. The population of the study was all teachers and students in the two high schools in Roma valley, while the sample comprised six teachers and eight students, who were purposively selected.</em></p><p><em>The study found out that bullying exists not only during school activities, but even during after school activities that learners are involved in. It was also found that bullying has negative consequences to all parties; perpetrators, victims and bystanders. Findings further revealed that the minority members of the society like visually impaired people, physically challenged and students with poor background are more prone to bullying because most of them do not have power to counteract bullies. The study further found that newly arrived students are the ones who are mostly targeted by bullies under the pretext of being taught the culture of the school. The study also found that teachers view bullying as an act of power imbalance where a powerful person takes advantage of a less powerful or vulnerable person. The study also found that cyber bullying is the latest form of bullying which is more harmful than any other form of bullying. The study also found that bullying contributes to depression and low self-esteem, which can lead to poor school performance and suicidal tendencies amongst the victims and bystanders. </em></p><p><em>The study therefore recommends that Lesotho government should come up with a policy to eliminate bullying in schools and establish programmes directed at teaching learners attitudes, knowledge and skills which they can use to circumvent bullying.</em></p>

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6

Kali, Moeketsi. "Causes and Solutions of Poverty in Lesotho." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no. 2 (2020): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i2.396.

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Sub-Saharan Africa is a home of the world’s poorest countries. After more than half a century since independence, Lesotho remains in the list of the poor countries in Sub-Saharan Africa despite the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals, Sustainable Development Goals, and Agenda 2063. The aim of this paper is to examine the causes of poverty in the country together with the solutions taken to combat it. The paper asks the following questions: What are the main causes of poverty in Lesotho? What solutions has the government put in place to reduce it? The paper anchors on content analysis to provide answers to these questions. It argues that poverty and its ills remain pervasive in Lesotho because of the government’s poor policies and failure to create job opportunities. The paper shows that the government of Lesotho has closed gender disparity in terms of educational attainment and health and survival. It has also developed a robust social protection system to reduce poverty among the elderly population, people living with disabilities, children, and women in the country. Despite this success, the government has reversed the gains made since 2006 in terms of political empowerment and economic participation and opportunities. Notwithstanding, the SDGs and Agenda 2063 provides a room for the government to reduce poverty in the country by making good on its promises entailed in the two international instruments.

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Rakhare, Mphonyane, and Tania Coetzee. "The Impact of Civil Society on Governance in Lesotho." Insight on Africa 12, no. 2 (2020): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820909333.

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The article acknowledges that Lesotho governance has been characterised by unstable democracy since its attainment of independence in 1966, which makes civil society and other democratic institutions unable to pursue their roles as expected. The proposed solution to overcome predicaments that Lesotho faces was to have active and vibrant democratic institutions such as civil societies, ombudsman, political parties, independent media, independent electoral commissions and the legislative, executive and judiciary. The article aims to bridge the gap by examining published literature and documentary review, which clearly elucidate how good governance can be achieved in a democratic country with the help of active democratic institutions. The article highlights the importance of active and vibrant civil society in governance and public policy. The article concludes by justifying that in deed the government of Lesotho should accept and allow participation of civil society so as to be able to realise its contribution and the important role played by it. Also, civil society in Lesotho must distance themselves from suspicions that they are political parties in disguise.

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8

Kapa, Motlamelle A. "THE CHIEFTAINSHIP IN LESOTHO: TO RETAIN OR TO ABOLISH?" Politeia 33, no. 2 (2016): 82–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1780.

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This article presents and analyses the perspectives of a number of politicians and academics in Lesotho concerning the relevance and role of chieftainship as an institution in the political system of the country. The study was conducted in response to attempts in 2005 by the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) government to devolve political power and the on-going debate in academic and policy circles on the value of the institution of chieftainship in democratising systems in Africa. Evidence from the field is presented relating to how chieftainship is perceived by politicians (usually but wrongly regarded as competing with the chiefs for political power) and academics in Lesotho, and also to how chieftainship can co-exist with elected councils to consolidate democracy. Chieftainship was found still to enjoy legitimacy among a large number of politicians and academics, and still to be relevant to the countryâ€™s political system, even subsequent to the establishment of the elected councils.

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9

Kali, Moeketsi. "Characteristics of Bureaucracy: Examining the Relations between Bureaucrats and Politicians in Lesotho." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no. 3 (2020): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i3.397.

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Bureaucracy represents an ideal form of public administration. Its robust structure facilitates the attainment of public goals. It introduces fairness, rationality, discipline and equity into the public administration. Regardless of its desirability, it is not conveying the expected outcomes in Lesotho. This paper is largely based on secondary data and content analysis to unearth the causes of the poor performance of bureaucracy in the country. It found out that the rent-seeking behaviour of elected public officials taints the merits of bureaucracy so that scholars are lured to believe that it is dysfunctional. The behaviour of the political office-holders in Lesotho demonstrates that they are determined to intimidate technocrats who hamper their interests. Such practices overshadow the desirability of bureaucracy. Top political office-bearers in the country prefer infiltrating the bureaucracy with unqualified civil servants for political gains. They have even coopted the judges so that they can manipulate the public administration with impunity. However, the government of Lesotho can correct these abnormalities by reinforcing the existing laws and strengthening the impartiality of the judiciary.

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10

Wallis, Malcolm, L. B. B. J. Machobane, and James Ferguson. "Government and Change in Lesotho, 1800-1966: A Study of Political Institutions." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219807.

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11

MURRAY, C. "Government and Change in Lesotho, 1800-1966: A study of political institutions." African Affairs 91, no. 362 (1992): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/91.362.141.

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12

Makoa, Franci. "Explaining Government/Police Relations in Post-military Lesotho: The February 1997 Police Mutiny." African Security Review 7, no. 1 (1998): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1998.9627833.

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13

Fandrych, Ingrid. "The importance of English communication skills in multilingual settings in Southern Africa." English Today 25, no. 3 (2009): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409990277.

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ABSTRACTAn account of the need for appropriate language skills in a developing multilingual context.Language issues in Southern Africa have always been marked by political struggle. In South Africa, these were sometimes violent, as with, for example, the 1976 Soweto uprisings, in which protests over the medium of education were prominent. One of the priorities of the first democratically elected government of 1994 was to democratise the situation by making eleven languages official, in contrast to the two prior to that, namely Afrikaans and English. In other Southern African countries, language issues have also been characterised by debates and struggles. A prime example is the decision by the Namibian government to make English the official language of the country, even though English had never even been a colonial language in Namibia. Another example is Lesotho, a former British protectorate, with two official languages, English and Sesotho. In the last two decades, there have been numerous debates about the status of English as a subject necessary for a pass in schools and as a prerequisite for admission to university. Kramsch's observation that ‘[l]inguistic wars are always also political and cultural wars’ captures the situation well. Language issues are still on many speakers' minds and influence their sense of self and identity. As Baugh observes, ‘[i]n societies like the United States and South Africa, where race and language development have strongly been influenced by racial strife, many students do not aspire to “talk like Whites”’.

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14

Jankielsohn, Roy, and Rami Zahrawi Haj-Younes. "Ideology based incapacity on hydropolitics in South Africa Sudáfrica: an ontological assessment." Relaciones Internacionales, no. 45 (October 31, 2020): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2020.45.013.

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The Covid-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of hydropolitics in South Africa. The country remains one of the driest countries in the world with a below average rainfall of 450 mm per annum. The country’s economic hub in the Gauteng province is largely dependent on water from the neighbouring Kingdom of Lesotho. On a geopolitical level the country also shares various water sources with neighbouring states. This is especially relevant due to the dependence on South Africa, as the regional hegemon, for access to markets and income. However, large areas of South Africa experience extreme water scarcity due to a combination of factors that include climate change related drought, urbanisation and government-related water management failures. In many local government municipalities across the country the lack of government capacity to supply water resources and manage waste water have reached crisis proportions. Many towns and communities across South Africa have been left with unreliable access to sustainable water resources. This is mainly due to a combination of corruption, poor management and the lack of institutional capacity at local government level. The institutional incapacity of government is a result of the governing party African National Congress’ ideological approach to government, combined with political factionalism, which has stripped the civil service of expertise and led to the exodus of skilled individuals from both government and the country. The government’s implementation of the communist ? based Leninist democratic centralism, commonly known as a cadre deployment strategy, has resulted in large scale state capture and corruption that has had a devastating impact on the delivery of basic services such as water. Hydropolitical civil unrest has increased to an extent that, in instances such as the Majakeng and Maluti-a-Phofung municipalities, unrest became extremely violent and disrupted businesses and well as state education and health facilities. This article is an ontological investigation into the hydropolitical impact of, and ideological reasons for, state incapacity to manage water resources and deliver safe and sustainable supply of water to the population. While reference will be made to the general situation in the country, the Majakeng and Maluti-a-Phofung municipalities will be used as a case studies for the impact of water insecurity on political stability. On the other hand, the City of Cape Town’s ability to manage water scarcity and avert a drought related “day zero” scenario is used as an example of what can be achieved through sound management. The article will combine ideological considerations with theoretical explanations of ideology and state failure within a hydropolitical context in order to explain the current water crisis at local government level in South Africa and the threat that this poses to the political order in the country. Being a regional hegemon, any political disruptions in South Africa also threaten the geopolitical stability of the entire Southern African region. There remains a great deal of scope for future geopolitical co-operation around water within the Southern African Development Community that can secure a sustainable sources of future water supplies for South Africa and generate further income for the country’s neighbours. The article evaluates the current water situation in the country, explains the water related geopolitical considerations that the country has to take into account, investigates the ideological basis for government policy and institutional strategy and the impact that this has on the capacity of the state to deliver sustainable and reliable water access to local communities, and then evaluates some case studies that include both failures and a success story. This assessment includes various sources of literature that supply a theoretical conceptual basis for terms such as hydropolitics and ideology. These academic concepts provide the basis for the practical considerations that are an integral part of the ideologically ? based hydropolitical ontological assessment. The article concludes with some broad recommendations on how the country could mitigate some of the hydropolitical challenges that it faces.

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Eldredge, Elizabeth A. "Government and Change in Lesotho, 1800–1966: a study of political institutions by L. B. B. J. Machobane Basingstoke and London, Macmillan, 1990. Pp. xix+374. £14.99 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 2 (1994): 349–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012830.

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16

Abegunrin, Layi. "Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC): Towards Regional Integration of Southern Africa for Liberation." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 17, no. 4 (1985): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558501700405.

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Southern Africa has become a battleground between two ideologically and fundamentally opposed constellation of states, Pretoria and Lusaka constellations. The conflict between the two basically concerns the domestic racial policies and the future of South Africa. The Pretoria constellation was launched on July 22, 1980, and is led by P. W. Botha, the South Africa's Prime Minister. The Botha's axis is a designed strategy which essentially aims at using South Africa's economic power and wealth to manipulate its neighboring nine black ruled states; and to exert subtle pressure to ensure that they cohere with the white minority regime of South Africa. This ambition of the Pretoria constellation is a vital part of the total strategy of survival of the Botha government. This particularly involves the use of the economy as an instrument of maintaining ultimate political power and control based on the maintenance of the basic structures of apartheid. This has in turn motivated South Africa's opposition to the policies of economic and political liberation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) states. The second, the Lusaka constellation and also known as the “Southern Nine” was launched on April 1, 1980. It consists of the nine Southern African States of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The declared aim of the Southern Nine is to form an alliance which would pursue an economic strategy that would reduce or eliminate their economic dependence on South Africa. To this end, the Southern Nine and the South African-occupied territory of Namibia unanimously adopted a Programme of Action aimed at stimulating inter-state trade with the ultimate objective of economic independence from South Africa.

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17

Muntingh, Lukas M. "Africa, Prisons and COVID-19." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 2 (2020): 284–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa031.

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Abstract Africa’s prisons are a long-standing concern for rights defenders given the prevalence of rights abuses, overcrowding, poor conditions of detention and the extent to which the criminal justice system is used to target the poor. The paper surveys 24 southern and east African countries within the context of COVID-19. Between 5 March and 15 April 2020 COVID-19 had spread to 23 southern and east African countries, except Lesotho. The overwhelming majority of these countries imposed general restrictions on their populations from March 2020 and nearly all restricted visits to prisons to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic and government responses demonstrated the importance of reliable and up to date data on the prison population, and any confined population, as it became evident that such information is sorely lacking. The World Health Organization recommended the release of prisoners to ease congestion, a step supported by the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture. However, the lack of data and the particular African context pose some questions about the desirability of such a move. The curtailment of prison visits by external persons also did away with independent oversight even in states parties to the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture (OPCAT). In the case of South Africa, prison monitors were not listed in the ensuing legislation as part of essential services and thus were excluded from access to prisons. In the case of Mozambique, it was funding being placed on hold by the donor community that prevented the Human Rights Commission from visiting prisons. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted long-standing systemic problems in Africa’s prisons. Yet African states have remained remarkably reluctant to engage in prison reform, despite the fact that poorly managed prisons pose a significant threat to general public health care.

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Mukurunge, Mukurunge, and Takura Bhila. "Gender Inequality in Politics Lesotho." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (2019): 429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd21401.

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Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Lesotho." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 25, no. 4 (2019): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2019.25.4.206.

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BARDILL, JOHN E. "Government and Development in Rural Lesotho." African Affairs 84, no. 337 (1985): 627–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097737.

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21

Thamae, Retselisitsoe I. "The Growth of Government Spending in Lesotho." Economic Analysis and Policy 43, no. 3 (2013): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0313-5926(13)50035-x.

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Matsieli, Molefi, and Radhamani Sooriyamoorthy. "Transforming the Public Sector through ICTs : Content Analysis of the E-Government Websites of the Ministries of the Government of Lesotho." African Journal of Development Studies (formerly AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society) 11, no. 1 (2021): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3649/2021/v11n1a3.

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E-government has been proposed as an ICT strategy and a tool to reinvent government and transform the public sector. However, most of the existing literature on transforming the public sector through ICTs in Lesotho assessed e-government at the national level through the National Government Web Portal. This paper evaluates the current status of the websites of the ministries of the Government of Lesotho concerning their maturity levels to deliver e-government services and allow government-citizens interaction. The evaluation is based on a content analysis of four ministerial websites. The results show that the websites of the ministries of the Government of Lesotho are at the infancy stages of e-government implementation, clearly delaying the realisation of the government objective to transform government and the public sector through the use of innovative technologies. It is recommended that the government addresses both technical and social obstacles impeding web-based e-government implementation.

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Simelane, Bongile, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. "The Dynamics of Savings Mobilisation in Lesotho." Studia Universitatis „Vasile Goldis” Arad – Economics Series 29, no. 3 (2019): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sues-2019-0014.

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Abstract This paper provides a conceptual analysis of the dynamics of savings in Lesotho for the period 1960 to 2017. The study is motivated by the low and sometimes negative savings rate and the declining level of economic growth prevailing in Lesotho during the period from 1960 to 2017. The study analyses the behaviour of savings in Lesotho, using the savings trends for the country ever since it obtained independence in 1966. The study further examines the policies that the government of Lesotho has implemented in order to promote savings in the country. The government adopted a policy on rural savings and credit schemes as a means of promoting savings in Lesotho. The purpose of the policy is to improve access to credit for the rural population. The study has identified some challenges that impede savings mobilization in Lesotho. The major savings challenge in Lesotho is the lack of banking facilities in rural areas.

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Mashinini, Vusi. "Electoral Geography and Community: Whither Coalition Governments in Lesotho?" Middle Eastern Journal of Research in Education and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (2020): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/mejress.v1i2.83.

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Purpose: The aim of this research study is to address the nature, prospects and challenges of coalition governments and their impacts on the community in Lesotho Approach/Methodology/Design: This paper uses desk top methodology and employs a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) analysis technique to address the nature, prospects and challenges of coalition governments and their impacts on the community in Lesotho. Research questions that guide this study are what prompt coalition governments in Lesotho? How do coalition governments operate in Lesotho? What are the prospects and challenges of coalition governments on the government, governance, lives and livelihoods of the communities in Lesotho? What might be a sustainable democratic coalition government option in Lesotho going forward? Findings: The hypothesis of the paper is that coalition governments promote instability of government and poor governance for the Basotho. The results show that prospects for coalition governments are inclusive democracy, while challenges are community exclusion, poor service delivery, extravagant public expenditure and government instability. Practical Implications: The article provides a detailed analysis of the impact of coalition governments on the community. Originality/value: The major findings and conclusion of the paper is that coalition governments have prompted cooperation among former rival parties to form one coalition government at different times; but they have had a negative impact on the Basotho community as a whole and benefited only a minority aligned to some of the major coalition parties under different coalition regimes.

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Setšabi, Setšabi, and Resetselemang Clement Leduka. "The Politics of Street Trading in Maseru, Lesotho." Urban Forum 19, no. 3 (2008): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12132-008-9033-x.

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Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony. "The Politics of Coalition Formation and Democracy in Lesotho." Politikon 35, no. 3 (2008): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340903017999.

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Gibbon, Peter. "AGOA, Lesotho' ‘Clothing Miracle’ & the Politics of Sweatshops." Review of African Political Economy 30, no. 96 (2003): 315–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2003.9693503.

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Ferguson, J., and L. Lohmann. "The Anti-Politics Machine: “Development” and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Sociology of power 28, no. 4 (2016): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2074-0492-2016-4-152-167.

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29

Eldredge, Elizabeth A. "Land, Politics, and Censorship: the Historiography of Nineteenth-Century Lesotho." History in Africa 15 (1988): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171859.

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Violent territorial competition is one of the dominant forces in the history of southern Africa, and all historiography with reference to land has significant political ramifications to this day. Nineteenth-century sources in the history of the BaSotho reflect these political considerations, which were as salient then as they are today.In this paper I investigate the principal nineteenth-century sources for the history of land rights and land conflict affecting the BaSotho. On the basis of archival materials, I identify and assess the sources which early historians relied on. I also examine the background and orientations of these observers, in order to evaluate their interpretations of BaSotho history. The works with which I deal with are well-known to students of Lesotho history, and because they are so often used by modern scholars it is important that their origins, authenticity, and value be assessed.

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Mirumachi, Naho. "The politics of water transfer between South Africa and Lesotho: Bilateral cooperation in the Lesotho Highlands water project." Water International 32, no. 4 (2007): 558–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2007.9709688.

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Mosito, Kananelo. "AN EVALUATION OF THE CONSOLIDATED NATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY BILL FOR LESOTHO: PART I." Journal of Law, Society and Development 3, no. 1 (2016): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/888.

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This article is about social security, which, in turn, is a subset of social policy. ‘Social policy’ is a term that is applied to many areas of policy, usually within a governmental or political setting (such as social services). This article critically evaluates the proposed Consolidated National Social Security Bill for Lesotho. It examines the general background to the proposed national social security scheme; the legislative framework for the proposed scheme; the governance and institutional framework of the scheme as well as the establishment of insurance funds and the financing sources of various funds. The evaluation is undertaken through the lens of social security perspectives and policy considerations.

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'Nyane, Hoolo. "Judicial Review of the Legislative Process in Lesotho: Lessons from South Africa." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (October 18, 2019): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a5713.

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The Constitution of Lesotho has a supremacy clause which ordinarily empowers the judiciary to review the actions of other branches of government. However, the judiciary in Lesotho seems to treat the legislative process with deference. This deference seems to be based on the old common law notion of the non-intervention of the judiciary in the legislative process. The notion has its roots in the British constitutional system. The Constitution of Lesotho, 1993 has even protected this doctrine through a constitutional ouster clause in section 80(5). The main question which this paper seeks to answer is whether indeed the common law notion of non-intervention in the legislative process is part of the constitutional law of Lesotho. In the end, the paper uses South African jurisprudence on the review of the legislative process to make a case that Lesotho can use the supremacy clause in the constitution and other constitutional doctrines such as the rule of law and legality to break with the common law notion of non-interventionism.

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F. Masenyetse, Rethabile, and Sephooko I. Motelle. "Government Revenue - Expenditure Nexus in Lesotho: the Decline in SACU Revenue." American Journal of Economics 2, no. 1 (2012): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5923/j.economics.20120201.02.

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Ntabeni, Mary N. "Lesotho Government Policies and History Education in the Twenty-First Century." History Education Research Journal 11, no. 1 (2012): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/herj.11.1.11.

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Shale, Victor. "The 2005 Lesotho Local Government Elections: Implications for Development and Governance." Journal of African elections 4, no. 1 (2005): 100–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2005/v4i1a6.

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Selinyane, Nthakeng Pheello. "The Media and Electoral Politics in Lesotho Between 1993 and 2007." Journal of African elections 7, no. 1 (2008): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2008/v7i1a11.

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Darbon, Dominique, and James Ferguson. "The Anti-Politics Machine: Development, Depoliticization and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 2 (1992): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485885.

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Gerhart, Gail M., and James Ferguson. "The Anti-Politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 5 (1991): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045099.

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Epprecht, Marc. "Women's ‘Conservatism’ and the Politics of Gender in Late Colonial Lesotho." Journal of African History 36, no. 1 (1995): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026967.

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The triumph of the ‘conservative’ BNP over the ‘radical’ BCP in Lesotho's pre-independence elections has long been a source of contention among analysts. While many factors are seen to have contributed to the BCP defeat, one which consistently appears in passing or in footnotes is the ‘conservative’ inclination of Basotho women who, in 1965 comprised two-thirds of the electorate. Women's ‘conservatism’ is commonly accepted as a given, stemming from their purportedly natural domesticity, religiosity or love of tradition. This article examines the actual history of Basotho women in politics in the late colonial era (1920s–1965) and finds no empirical grounds for these assumptions. On the contrary, even the most ostensibly ‘conservative’ women often adopted non-traditional, self-emancipatory behaviour. In the context of a ‘modern’ colonial state with retrograde, often punitive policies towards women, such ‘conservatism’ was in fact rather progressive. On the other hand, Lesotho's self-proclaimed ‘radicals’ exhibited strong elements of male chauvinism, ignorance and contempt for women's needs. The implication for African nationalist or other radical politicians and sympathic academics is that failure to take serious account of women and gender can undermine political integrity and effectiveness.

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Christopher, AJ. "Land law in Lesotho: The politics of the 1979 land act." Land Use Policy 14, no. 1 (1997): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0264-8377(97)84400-6.

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POULTER, SEBASTIAN. "The Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, depoliticization, and bureaucratic power in Lesotho." African Affairs 90, no. 358 (1991): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098391.

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BLORE, IAN. "The Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, depoliticization and bureaucratic power in Lesotho." African Affairs 94, no. 374 (1995): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098778.

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Mokotso, Rasebate I. "Integration of citizenship education with religious education in Lesotho secondary schools." In die Skriflig/In Luce Verbi 53, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ids.v53i1.2384.

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The current article fervently acknowledges the general agreement that Lesotho had never experienced a stable democracy ever since the ultimate attainment of political independence in 1966. Among other possible solutions proposed to the problem of Lesotho’s democratic instability, citizenship education dominates government documents and various works regarding the political discourse. Although there is this pervasive recognition of the needed political educational intervention, there is no explicit direction on how to properly introduce the envisaged citizenship education. The article valiantly attempts bridging this visible gap by carefully probing the published literature to propose the meaningful integration of citizenship education with religious education. The discussion was guided by the critical use of the post-secular theoretical framework. The article highlights that, coupled with post-Christianity, post-secular theory undoubtedly provided a workable framework for the meaningful integration of secular (political citizenship) and religious essences for the promotion of democratic stability in Lesotho. The article logically concludes by showing that the proposed integration of citizenship education in religious education is within acceptable philosophical modes of proper education.

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Kali, Moeketsi. "Women Empowerment in Lesotho: Reality And/or Myth?" International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 6, no. 03 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v6i3.sh06.

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This paper seeks to challenge the women empowerment policies in Lesotho. It posits that without the transformation of the socio-economic and political sphere, the mechanisms in place cannot lead to real women’s empowerment. It is on this premise that the author suggests that the government of Lesotho needs to resolve the loopholes in the legal system and reconsider its approach and place resources at the disposal of women, in particular, to achieve equality & equity. Unless the laws are amended, until a decisive initiative is taken to reconcile the dilemma and contradiction between the constitution and customary laws and unless the government reinvigorate its commitment, women empowerment, though a reality, will not transcend mediocrity.

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Rakolobe, Mamello. "Politicised Public Service and Corruption in Lesotho." Strategic Review for Southern Africa 41, no. 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v41i1.238.

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Countries across the world are faced with high levels of corruption. In an effort to combat the threat, governments have declared war on corruption and have consequently put in place some anti-corruption institutions. The causes of corruption are numerous and the consequences are devastating for the social, political and economic development of nations. The perpetrators of corruption are in most cases the public servants as they are charged with the day-to-day administration of the government. This means that the caliber of public servants; which is determined by their recruitment inter alia will influence their practices and conduct. Lesotho has adopted a Westminster model of public administration in which recruitment to the public service is supposed to be merit-based. However, the recruitment of top officers such as Principal Secretaries is politically motivated and this has consequently resulted into a highly politicised public service; literature points that there is a relationship between politicisation of the public service and corruption. In this paper, I scrutinize and explain the effect of a politicised public service on the high magnitude of corruption in Lesotho. This study is based on secondary data such as official government reports, newspapers and research reports. I argue that the highly politicised public service in Lesotho contributes to the corruptionscourge that is besieging the country. I therefore recommend administrative reforms in view of depoliticizing the public service by removing the authority to appoint, promote and dismiss high-ranking public officers from the Prime Minister to a special Parliamentary committee that is inclusive of members from the ruling and opposition parties.

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Thabane, Motlatsi. "Fragment of an Oral History of Opposition to the 1986 Paramilitary Overthrow of Chief Leabua Jonathan’s Government." Oral History Journal of South Africa 7, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/3979.

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In January 1986, the Lesotho Paramilitary Force (LPF) overthrew the Basotho National Party (BNP) government of Chief Leabua Jonathan. In the aftermath of the coup d’état, Major General Justin Metsing Lekhanya led a military government with a civilian cabinet made up of individuals, some of whom, like Major General Lekhanya himself, were members of the BNP. The coup followed years of (a) general fear in the country as a result of acts of political violence and brutality perpetrated by the BNP Youth League against individuals and groups considered as anti-BNP government; and (b) the BNP government’s vociferous support of the struggle against apartheid in regional and international forums. Against that background, the overthrow of Chief Jonathan’s government was welcomed on the one hand by the people of Lesotho—happy to be rid of the BNP Youth League terror—and on the other hand by the South African government—happy to be rid of a fierce critic, Chief Jonathan, whose small country greatly depended on the South African economy. Indeed, the South African government was known to have encouraged the overthrow of Chief Jonathan’s government. This article presents oral testimonies about the events around, and opposition to, the coup. In this way, it seeks to draw attention to the experiencesof those who could be said to have failed, as opposed to the stories of the victors, which tended to dominate writings on the 1986 coup

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Vhangani, T. J., and Richard R. Molapo. "The Role of the SADC in a Peacekeeping Mission: A Case Study of South Africa in the Lesotho Conflict." Commonwealth Youth and Development 15, no. 2 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/3301.

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This article investigates and assesses a peacekeeping mission of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as it relates to a case study of South Africa’s intervention in the Lesotho conflict in 1998. The article bases its argument on the international relations paradigm of realism so as to refute South Africa’s claim that the SADC sanctioned the 1998 military intervention and that this armed intervention was aimed at promoting democracy and stability. Realists interpret world politics as a struggle for power and survival in an anarchic world. The aims of this article are to: determine the reasons for the said military intervention and the extent to which it was conducted on humanitarian grounds; investigate and assess the degree to which the intervention by South Africa was encouraged by national interests; determine the nature of the involvement of the SADC, African Union (AU) and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in the 1998 intervention; and explore the 2014/2015 mediation process and the challenges encountered. The study used qualitative techniques for data collection and analysis. The primary and secondary data were obtained from government and other publications and reports. The article argues that South Africa appears to have used the 1998 intervention and the mediation process in 2014/2015 to pursue its strategic and economic interests in the Kingdom of Lesotho, because it was not mandated or authorised by the UN, AU, and SADC to carry out these actions. The intervention was not a humanitarian peacekeeping mission to rescue Lesotho from a coup as claimed by South African officials. The intervention appears to have been inconsistent with the UN charter and the SADC treaty.

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"LESOTHO: Challenge To Government." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 43, no. 10 (2006): 16822B—16822C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2006.00603.x.

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"Lesotho - Election Date After Government Falls." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 54, no. 3 (2017): 21358B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2017.07557.x.

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"Kingdom of Lesotho." IMF Staff Country Reports 20, no. 317 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781513564036.002.

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In response to a request from the authorities and as part of the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID) Enhanced Data Dissemination Initiative (EDDI) 2 project, a government finance statistics (GFS) mission visited Maseru, Lesotho, during January 20–31, 2020. The mission was the last, in a series of five consecutive technical assistance (TA) missions to Lesotho, as part of the EDDI 2 project. The objective of the five-year project, that started in 2015 was to foster compilation and dissemination of GFS and public sector debt statistics (PSDS) consistent with international methodological standards. The work program under the project identified the enhancement of classification of transactions in fiscal accounts and the expansion of the institutional coverage of data to include all significant general government units as key milestones to achieve by the end of the project.

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