Academic literature on the topic 'Lesotho – Social conditions – 1966-'

Abstract Over the past half century, Chile has fluctuated wildly in terms of economic prosperity and democratic health. Using 78 surveys archived at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, we document the evolution of Chileans’ perceptions of their personal, family, and national economic conditions during major political and economic changes. The data show that prior to the Pinochet dictatorship, despite a growing economic crisis, Chileans’ perceptions of their family’s economic situation—particularly among the lower socio-economic class—improved, suggesting that Allende’s social and economic policies may have had their intended effect. In contrast, through the democratic transition and the contemporary period, economic evaluations typically tracked objective economic conditions. We conclude by discussing how these patterns can inform public opinion research in Latin America and beyond.

This essay argues that Tocqueville's explanation of the French Revolution, the disjuncture between social and political institutions and social realities, lacks an intervening variable providing the connection between disjuncture and revolution. Drawing on Bendix's (1978) argument that ideas have an impact on social and political action and on Weber's exploration of how these ides are linked to the expression of interests, I propose the spread and impact of ideas as this intervening variable. Critiquing Moore's (1966), Anderson's (1974), and Skocpol's (1979) explanations of the French Revolution—all grounded in material conditions— I argue that interests and ideas must both be present before revolution or other political action occurs. If correct, the argument suggests the importance of ideas in the study of revolution and, more broadly, all social and political movement and change.

San Carlos de Bariloche es la principal localidad turística de la Patagonia argentina. Representa, por su dimensión, a la ciudad más poblada de la provincia de Río Negro y es la tercera en tamaño en la Patagonia. Su crecimiento demográfico ha estado nutrido por diferentes migraciones nacionales y extranjeras. De estas últimas las principales provienen de países latinoamericanos. El artículo apunta a indagar en la desvalorización de su migración más importante, la chilena, durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Esta exclusión se fortaleció entre 1966 y 1983, por las iniciativas estatales que exacerbaron la xenofobia, las persecuciones políticas, la precarización de las condiciones laborales y los cambios en la organización espacial durante los gobiernos dictatoriales del período, esto es, los que se desarrollaron de 1966 a 1973 y de 1976 a 1983. El presente artículo analiza cómo algunos espacios de Bariloche se constituyeron en marcas urbanas que representaron intereses de los sectores más visibles en nombre de la “nación”, al tiempo que revisa dispositivos de resistencia de sectores excluidos de migrantes chilenos, que tuvieron, paralelamente, componentes de construcción espacial. Para este último punto se aborda la construcción de la Capilla Nuestra Señora del Carmen en 1966, construida en el área conocida como “barrio de los chilenos”, que se levantó como una marca alternativa, tanto material como simbólica, para disputar pertenencia, reconocimiento y visibilidad.Palabras clave: urbanización simbólica, xenofobia, turismo, religión, San Carlos de Bariloche.Urban Marks and Social Senses at Issue. San Carlos de Bariloche, 1966-1983AbstractSan Carlos de Bariloche is the main tourist town in the Argentinean Patagonia. It is also the biggest city in the Province of Río Negro, and the third largest in Patagonia. Its demographic growth has been nurtured by national and international migrations, the most important influence of the foreign population is from Latin-American. This article studies the underestimate that covered the central migration of the city, the Chilean, during the second half of Twentieth Century. This exclusion growth between 1966 and 1983, because of State initiatives that increased local xenophobia, adding political persecutions, fragility in labor conditions, and changes in spatial organization, in the context of the coup d´etat during 1966 to 1973 and 1976 to 1983. This article analyzed the urban marks in Bariloche, that were built taking into account the interests of the hegemonic sectors in the name of "Nation". At the same time, this construction was crossed by forms of resistance designed by different social sectors. Inside them, the activity of Chilean migrants involved the construct of a chapel in 1966, in a place known as “the Chilean neighborhood”, in devotion of the Patron of Chile, the Virgin of Carmen. The chapel and the devotion were erected in order to discuss the logics of pertinence, the ways of recognition and the social visibility. Keywords: symbolic urbanization, xenophobia, tourism, religion, San Carlos de Bariloche.

Background: Adolescents’ quality of life is reported to be significantly associated with physical and social wellbeing. Although adolescents are 30% of the Southern African population, no previous studies have focused on this group in relation to oral health and quality of life. Methods: A 40-item survey and clinical oral examinations were conducted in public schools in Maseru from 10 to 25 August 2016. Simple, bivariate, and multivariate regressions were used to evaluate the associations of oral health and psychosocial factors with self-reported general health status and quality of life. Results: A total of 526 participants, aged 12–19 years old, responded to the survey and participated in the clinical examinations. The majority reported a good (good/very good/excellent) quality of life (84%) and general health (81%). Bivariate results showed that self-reported general health in this population was significantly influenced by age. The presence of toothache and sensitivity in the adolescents were significantly associated with poor (fair/poor) self-reported general health and were found to be the best predictors for self-general health and quality of life. Conclusions: The absence of dental conditions such as toothache and tooth sensitivity can lead to a better perception of general health and Quality of Life in adolescents.

Abstract Purpose The lifespan of people with severe mental illness (SMI) is shorter compared to the general population. There might be common familial pathway leading to a high co-occurrence of somatic disorders and SMI. To study this we explored the long-term mortality for natural causes in the offspring of people with SMI. Methods Participants were members of the Northern Finland Birth Cohort 1966 (NFBC1966; N = 11,325). The data on cause of deaths of the members were obtained from the Population Register Center until year 2015. The data on hospital-treated psychiatric disorders of parents were obtained from nationwide Care Register for Health Care. Cumulative incidences by age were calculated in the NFBC1966 members having a parent with SMI and those who did not have. We were able to take into account multiple confounders. Results Of the total sample of 11,325 offspring, 853 (7.4%) died during the follow-up period, 74 (8.7%) from the study cohort and 779 (91.3%) from the comparison group. These numbers included 160 stillborn children. There were 557 cases of deaths from diseases and medical conditions and 296 deaths from external causes. The adjusted risk ratio for offspring of mothers with SMI was 1.08 (0.72–1.64), and for offspring of fathers with SMI 0.58 (0.36–0.93). Conclusions This was the first long-term follow-up study (up to age 49) of all-cause mortality in offspring of parents with SMI. Our findings were contrary to expectations. Offspring of parents with SMI had no increased risk for dying. In fact, the risk for dying in the group of offspring of fathers with SMI was lower than in the comparison group. This study does not support the assumption of common familial pathway leading to a high co-occurrence of somatic disorders and SMI.

For more than three decades, social scientists have struggled with the statistical consequences of aggregation. Ever since Robinson (1950) first shocked a whole generation of social scientists with his demonstration of the “ecological fallacy,” much has been written about alleged fallacies, biases, pitfalls, and hazards of one kind or another lurking behind aggregate data and about strategies for circumventing them (Goodman, 1953, 1959; Blalock 1964; Scheuch 1966; Alker 1969; Shively 1969, 1974; Hannan 1971; Hammond 1973; Meckstroth 1974; Hanushek, Jackson, and Kain 1974; Hannan and Burstein 1974; Irwin and Lichtman 1976; Smith 1977; Langbein and Lichtman 1978). Intrigued—or alarmed—by the recurrent observation that correlations and regressions based on aggregate data (group means) often differ dramatically from those based on individual data, researchers have sought to answer the traditional question of ecological analysis: under what conditions can inferences to individual-level (micro) relationships be made from group-level (macro) data?

The National Federation of Canadian University Students (NFCUS) and the Canadian Union of Students (CUS) had historicity; that is, they helped transform the field of historical action by convincing business, government, university administrators and public opinion on the need for mass student-aid programs and low tuition fees. From the 1950s to the mid-1960s, NFCUS and CUS campaigned for government-funded mass student-aid; in fact, it was their number one "national affairs" concern. Governments responded to the NFCUS and CUS accessibility lobby with the Canada Student Loan Program (CSLP) in 1964, the Ontario Student Assistance Plan (OSAP) in 1966 and "frozen" tuition fees by 1967. The achievement of the CSLP divided Quebec and English- Canadian students and began a process of removing traditional student movement catalysts. NFCUS's and CUS's lobby for non-repayable student bursaries was co-opted. However, the level of accessibility to post- secondary education was unprecedented and, in part, provided the social conditions for the emergence of new social movements.

Este texto se centra en la relación entre la performance, la performatividad y la precariedad en el arte contemporáneo, a través del análisis de algunas piezas de artista como las realizadas por Mierle Laderman Ukeles (Denver, Colorado, 1939), Andrea Fraser (Billings, Montana, 1965) y Santiago Sierra (Madrid, 1966). Para ello se consideran las aportaciones teóricas realizadas desde los estudios de la performance y desde la teoría social, en concreto las aportaciones de Victor Turner, Judith Butler e Isabell Lorey. Los objetivos que se persiguen son dos: la primera, establecer la conexión entre las nociones de precariedad y performatividad y, la segunda, aplicar un análisis a las performances seleccionadas. La hipótesis del texto parte de entender que desde el análisis de estas piezas pueden extrapolarse algunas conclusiones generales sobre la precariedad a las condiciones de trabajo del arte contemporáneo. This text focuses on the relationship between performance art, performativity and job insecurity in contemporary art, through the analysis of works of some artist that are considered to be relevant: Mierle Laderman Ukeles (Denver, Colorado, 1939), Andrea Fraser (Billings, Montana, 1965) and Santiago Sierra (Madrid, 1966). To this aim, contributions around these concepts from performance studies and social theory are considered, specifically the writings of Victor Turner, Judith Butler and Isabell Lorey. The objectives are two: the first, to establish the connection between the notions of precariousness and performativity and, the second, to apply an analysis to the selected works.We have started from the hypothesis that the analysis of theseperformances, can be used to extrapolated some general conclusions about the precariousness to working conditions ofcontemporary art.

Abstract: Broadly speaking, this paper is about the relationship of the human rights tradition to substantive issues of social justice, including class exploitation and environmental destruction. These themes I take to be of global concern, but I will examine them today as they arise from conflicts and struggles situated in Brazil. The key to the argument is to show that the human rights tradition recognizes necessary features of self-determination, and that claims for socio-environmental rights in Brazil and elsewhere derive their legitimacy from the same kind of argument that justifies individual rights, such as the 1948 United Nations Declaration, and collective rights, such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 and the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007. That is, I will try to show that individual, collective and socio-environmental rights are each necessary conditions but, on their own, insufficient conditions for the possibility of self-determination. The need for such rights emerges in the history of the struggle for justice. This this paper will also defend the claim that the universality of rights necessarily emerges from the historicity of social life and solves what Marx calls the “riddle of history.” Keywords : Socio-enviromental rights; riddle of history. Resumo: De um modo geral, este artigo trata da relação da tradição dos direitos humanos com questões substantivas de justiça social, incluindo a exploração de classes e a destruição ambiental. Esses temas são de interesse global, mas vou examiná-los hoje, pois eles surgem de conflitos e lutas no Brasil. A chave do argumento é mostrar que a tradição dos direitos humanos reconhece as características necessárias à autodeterminação, e que as reivindicações por direitos socioambientais no Brasil e em outros lugares derivam sua legitimidade do mesmo tipo de argumento que justifica os direitos individuais, como o Declaração das Nações Unidas de 1948, e direitos coletivos, como o Pacto Internacional sobre Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais de 1966 e a Declaração dos Direitos dos Povos Indígenas das Nações Unidas de 2007. Ou seja, tentarei mostrar que os direitos individuais, coletivos e Direitos socioambientais são, cada um, condições necessárias, mas, por si só, condições insuficientes para a possibilidade de autodeterminação. A necessidade de tais direitos surge na história da luta pela justiça. Este artigo também defenderá a afirmação de que a universalidade dos direitos surge necessariamente da historicidade da vida social e resolve o que Marx chama de "enigma da história".

In recent years, American diplomatic and military historians have begun to reexamine Cold War-era nation-building efforts in Vietnam and elsewhere. This essay explores the contested and contingent meanings of some US-sponsored nation-building programs established in the Republic of Vietnam during the 1960s. By focusing on nation-building activities in the Mekong Delta province of An Giang during the peak years of the Vietnam War, this essay suggests how historians may begin to assess these indirect effects of the war within a more nuanced, local Vietnamese historical framework. Such a history necessarily focuses on particular places and on the specific social and environmental conditions that shaped the course and outcome of nation-building projects undertaken there. Despite the universalist aspirations inherent in nation building, its effects varied widely from one place to another. In assessing the course and fate of these nation-building initiatives, this essay draws from the varied archival documents produced and collected by American provincial advisors during their stays in An Giang. A close reading of these reports reveals why the history of American nation-building programs in the Republic of Vietnam cannot be explained solely by reference to ideologies of modernization and counterinsurgency.

Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Technology: Business Administration in Entrepreneurship in the Faculty of Business at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology 2013
Tourism is a fast growing industry and has the potential for poverty alleviation for rural persons. Butha-Buthe, being in a rural area of Lesotho, has magnificent scenery of mountains, attractions to be visited, and adventure activities to be done. However, tourism in Butha-Buthe is under-developed, and it is very important to identify tourism’s potential in this area and explore how SMMEs could contribute in the development of tourism. Therefore the objective of this study is to examine the economic role of small, medium and micro enterprises in the development of tourism in Butha-Buthe. Challenges faced by the SMMEs include lack of resources such as poor infrastructure poor roads, transportation, and a lack of network-communication. Other challenges would be poor business skills in regards to employment and management which leads to business failure. To accomplish the study objective, questionnaires were distributed to local entrepreneurs in Butha-Buthe, local communities, local government and other stake-holders in the district. In addition, a mixed method of research was carefully and logically planned and then implemented. A survey questionnaire was used to obtain the views of the different stakeholders. The questionnaires were collected and data analysed which allowed the researcher to draw conclusions and propose a range of recommendations based on the findings, to assist in the development of tourism in Butha-Buthe. The findings revealed that there is huge potential of tourism development in Butha-Buthe through the SMME sector, but that there are still challenges faced by SMMEs in this district, despite the economic contribution they make. However, through the support of the government and private sectors these challenges should be dealt with.

The thesis is a study of social assistance policies and practices towards separated wives and divorced and never-married women with children between 1948 and 1966 in Britain. It uses historical analysis of archival documents to address questions regarding gender and welfare state change. In doing so, the thesis builds on and critically examines existing social policy discourse concerned with the historical shift away from assumptions that women would be wives and/or mothers towards an assumption that all adults are, or should be, workers that has been linked to restructuring, the rise of neo-liberalism and social-economic change. The research focuses on policies towards this group of women because they have long been identified as a kind of ‘litmus test’ of women’s more general position within the welfare state. Policy towards this group of women offers a window into the relationship between ideas about gender, class, race, political economy and the state. The research makes three distinct contributions to different areas of scholarly debate. First, it further develops the conceptual analysis of gender and welfare state change. In contrast to much of the existing literature that has emphasized the significance of recent changes in the structural context and principles that shape policies, this research draws attention to important continuities in the interaction between social-economic shifts, political ideas and the position of women in relation to the state. Second, the research brings to light a great deal of previously unexplored archival material that provide new perspectives on the 1950s. While they support and build on recent revisionist histories of the decade, they challenge the conventional wisdom about the postwar welfare state and the idea of postwar ‘consensus’ that social policy scholarship tends to rely on. Finally, the research provides an empirical study of the role of institutions and bureaucratic agents in policy development, and demonstrates the important insights gained from multilayered historical analysis in understanding the complex interactions between actors, ideas and structures that underpin the policy process.

The HIV and AIDS pandemic has resulted in 14 million children being orphaned worldwide. In Lesotho alone, where this study was carried out, there are about 180 000 of these children (UNAIDS, 2007). Teachers, especially in Lesotho‘s primary schools need to be equipped to better deal with the challenges that result from having these children in their classrooms. At the Lesotho College of Education, where I have worked for 12 years as a teacher educator, pre-service and in-service student teachers are not trained to offer care and support to orphans and vulnerable children. They experience problems in the classroom emanating from the needs of these children. This study followed an action research design to find ways to support teachers to better deal with the issues they face as a result of having orphans and vulnerable children in their classes. Using a qualitative approach, educators perceptions, feelings, attitudes and experiences in dealing with orphans and vulnerable children in their schools were identified, and it became apparent that educators were negatively affected on a personal and professional level. It was concluded that the development of resilience in educators would help them to better cope with orphans and vulnerable children in their classes. The chosen intervention Resilient Educators Programme (REds) was implemented and evaluated and findings revealed that it was beneficial in increasing educator resilience. Recommendations, based on the findings of the study, were made for future teacher education in this area.

Bibliography: pages 368-396.
This thesis examines how Lesotho came to depend on the export of its men to South African mines; what the experiences of these men were; and how all this impacted on Basotho society during the years between c.1890 and 1940. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the context and dynamics of labour migration and recruitment in Lesotho during the late 1880s to the late 1930s. This Part lays the basis for subsequent sections by showing which sections of Basotho opted for labour migrancy; and why it was men and not women who, initially at least, became migrants. In discussing the decline of the Basotho economy in the 1920s and 1930s, this section also shows how this was characterised not only by dependence on migrants' earnings, but also by the orientation to and concentration of Basotho labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines. Part II discusses various themes relating to life and conditions on the mines and in the compounds during the period up to c.1940. While specific note is taken of the African miners' death and accident rate, most attention is devoted to the various ways which Basotho miners developed for dealing with the sickness, death and destitution befalling their compatriots in the compounds and on the mines. Conversion to Christianity was an important part of some miners experience, as church forums and the bible could be used for recreational purposes, while literacy classes imparted many with essential skills which could lead to promotion on the mine. But competition for promotion and favours, as well as conflicting survival strategies, often resulted in violent conflict among African miners. Although some scholars have mistakenly attributed such conflict to ethnic factors alone, this thesis argues for an approach which is simultaneously historically and materially grounded. Part III, by using the case of infectious and occupational diseases, and prostitution and commercial beer-brewing, traces and analyses the impact of the migrant labour system on Lesotho. The thesis shows how the spread to Lesotho of such diseases as syphilis and tuberculosis was directly linked to contact with South African towns and mining centres through wage labour. Beer canteens and brothels emerged and flourished in colonial Lesotho not only because of the decline of the country's economy and the breakdown of Basotho social structures, but also because these establishments serviced the migrant labour traffic itself. The significance of this study lies in two areas. Historiographically, this study seeks to contribute to migrant labour studies in Lesotho in particular and Southern Africa in general. Its approach stands between economism which attributes the causes of labour migrancy solely to economic factors, and those paradigms which privilege ideas and culture over material factors. There is a dialectical interplay between material factors and ideas, although the former ultimately determines the latter. Secondly, the significance of this study lies in the fact that many of the issues raised, especially those in Part III, continue to pose serious problems for Basotho people and their government to this day. Knowing something about the origins and history of these problems may contribute to finding lasting solutions. This study, therefore, is about Lesotho, Basotho, and the mines.

Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
Chronic food insecurity continues to be a major problem for rural poor households in Lesotho. This condition is caused by a number of factors including poverty, landlessness, and extreme land degradation, reduced remittances due to retrenchments from South African mines, closures of some of textile industries, the effects of HIV/AIDS and a significant decline in farming practices due to erratic weather patterns and conditions. All these factors have led to an increase in vulnerability levels. This is magnified by the rapid erosion of traditional coping mechanisms, a situation that has consequently left communities unable to respond to any form of disaster. The primary aim of this research was to investigate the community vulnerability to food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands and review the World Food Programme (WFP) food aid programme in the same area. The research addressed the questions such as the causes of food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands; and social protection initiatives that are being implemented by WFP to address food insecurity. The research revealed that WFP has been distributing food aid to the vulnerable households in the Southern Lowlands since 2002. These households belong to categories such as households hosting orphans and vulnerable children, chronically ill persons and physically disabled persons; female-headed households; elderly-headed households; child-headed households; and expectant and nursing mothers. In addition to these categories, WFP implemented food for work activities in which vulnerable households with able-bodied persons worked in to receive food aid. The research found evidence of chronic livelihood failure in the Southern Lowlands. This failure renders it increasingly difficult for households vulnerable to food insecurity to develop and maintain sustainable livelihoods. In particular, the research revealed that, a large proportion of households (53%) are at risk of food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands; the majority of vulnerable households did not hold any cereal stocks remaining from the immediate post harvest period; chronic illness, unemployment and erratic weather patterns are causes of food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands. As means of coping strategies, most households adopt various strategies such as switching expenditure patterns; reducing number of meals per day; kingship support; selling of livestock; and searching for casual labour opportunities. Food aid has improved the livelihoods and quality of life of the beneficiaries especially the chronically ill people. While some food for work activities such as building of toilets and water taps have been very helpful, others such as tree planting were not embraced by some of the beneficiaries and finally food aid promotes dependency among its beneficiaries and nursing mothers intentionally starve their children in order to stay in the programme. The two significant challenges in the distribution of food aid were found to be food pipeline break and the beneficiary selection criteria. The findings therefore generate the conclusion that although there seems to be an improvement in food access by households benefiting from the food aid programme, there is no evidence that those households will continue to access food in the absence of food aid. In essence, the absence of social food security foundation, executed in tandem with food aid interventionist measures, does not realistically augur well for the future. This conclusion comes from the finding that food for work activities which are more likely to generate income for the vulnerable households are not sustainable because the discussions further revealed that these activities have been imposed on the beneficiaries, without the coownership corollary that partners the communities with food aid agencies such as WFP. It is therefore recommended that development agents should not determine the developmental projects/programmes within the communities. The process should be interactive and should not be done in isolation but in mutual social learning and capacity building process as both parties (development agents and the beneficiaries) learn from each other and manage to develop a reciprocal relationship and partnership that will eventually reap sustainable outcome. It is therefore concluded that, the food aid programmes failed to offer sustainable social safety nets to the beneficiaries. The research hypothesis that there is no clear exit strategy in the implementation of the food security interventions and that there are no sustainability and continuity measures that were put into place by WFP remains valid.

This study focusses on the relationship between social assistance and personal social services on the one hand and various forms of social insurance on the other hand. During the period the expressed objective was in both nations to replace the Poor Law with insurance, leaving only a small last resort assistance scheme. While Norway continued the pre-war practice of breaking down the Poor Law "from without" through the gradual extension of insurance, Britain attempted a more immediate transition through the creation of a universal National Insurance and a National Assistance freed from the cash-care multifunctional nature of the Poor Law. The comparison of the ensuing development rests on two postulates. First, Norwegian social insurance will be seen to have experienced a more favourable development in terms of coverage and levels of benefits. Second, in the case of assistance the Norwegian scheme covered a decreasing proportion of the population with a service bearing strong resemblance to those of the Poor Law. Britain, by contrast, experienced a growth in the number covered by assistance, in terms of numbers as well as need categories. The services obtained bear, however, less resemblance to the Poor Law compared to their Norwegian counterpart. For both nations it will be hypothesised that the scope and nature of assistance can be largely explained by the development of social insurance. The findings will be discussed in relation to Titmuss' models of welfare. The hypothesis is that while Norway on the whole has reached an income maintenance closer to the institutional model compared to Britain, a paradox emerges when we see that Norway also features a more residual assistance in comparison to services offered to equivalent groups in the UK. These findings are also discussed in relation to theories about the social division of welfare as well as different interpretations of determinants of welfare. The study is in two parts: Institutional and residual welfare. In the first we analyse first the emergence of the models of insurance in the two countries and, second, the 1946-1966 development of old age and disability pensions. The second part focusses on assistance and the changing nature of social work in the local authority personal social services.

Exploration of the familial power women possess is growing as sociologists and anthropologists recognize the legitimacy of power internal to the family. The focus of this research was to uncover the forms of power German-Russian women held as they operated in the private sphere of the family. Attention also focused on the transference of women's power, and the family power dynamics unique to farm families. Members of three generations of one German-Russian farm family were interviewed. The results indicated German-Russian women operated from bases of power derived from their roles as farm wives who contributed to family sustenance, and as caretakers and kinkeepers, maintaining family cohesion. While male power is largely public and formal, women's reliance on the bonds of familial relationships across generations lend them greater power in that realm.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 1979
The central focus of this thesis is on the machinery of planning in tae Lesotho Government and the tasks which it endeavoured ;o initiate and administer. One objective of the study has therefore been ti furnish a detailed internal history of those departments of" Government (in particular, the Central Planning and Development Office) principally concerned with planniig. The primary purpose, however, lias been to use this casu study to provide an insight into the nature of the bureaucracy and, mere specifically, into its attitude toward, and capability of Initiating, reform. The study thus relates to one of the major issues of concern to political and administrative analysts of underdeveloped and recently politicallyindeoendent states: namely the compatibility or otherwise of the ’bureaucracy* with 'reform' and 'development'. Planning wa. selected as an appropriate focal point for this analysis, since it had generated such great expectations in the early post-colonial period. It was common to the administrative experience of many new state that the establishment of a central planning office was considered to be one essential early step toward change and progress. The detailed case study covers the administration of planning in Lesotho for the ten years between 19^5 and 1975• It commences immediately before the establishment of the Planning Office, obt.vrvcs its establishment, the problematic early years of minimal advance and, later, its more rapid growth and relatively enhanced efficiency. A portrayal of this history as a subunit struggling to increase its influence in conflict and competition with other subunits of a large bureaucratic organization, presents a more accurate representation than one Which suggests the evolution of tic planning machinery as part oi a s'- Totic exercise in administrative reform. next section, which relates and discusses the visws and concerns of the participants themselves, is intended Co offer further insight into the •official mind' of the Lesotho bureaucracy, and thus to supplement the case study. A brief examination of the principal features of Lesotho's economy follows. This reveals clearly that the me L. trends are towards a deipening state of underdevelopment and a steadily growing dependence. The record of a deteriorating economic predicament is Jux+*posed with the strengthening of the planning machinery and so throws into question the role of the bureaucracy in a situation of this nature. At the cloaa, three approaches to public administration in underdeveloped countries are discussed as a means of interpreting wlia t , exactly, lias been observed. Ihe 1 irst conclusion is tliat the case a^udy reveals a strengthening of the planning machinery which would satisfy the very m dest requirements of reform as understood by the 'African Public Administration and Management' movement. Taking note of the manner in which the planning machinery has grown and also of certain practices and policies of the civil service as a whole, the second conclusion is that the changes observed fall far short of the demands of the 'development administration' movement; there was little serious interest in the type oi reform which that movement proposed. v- brief discussion of the 'bureaucracy' and the 'migrant worker , set against the background of economic deterioration and increasing dependence, leads to the final conclusion. This confirms the 'underdevelopment and dependence' movement's perception of the role of the bureaucracy in the post-colonial or,,. Lesotho's civil Service was gaining material advantage from, and serving to abet, the forces of underdevelopment. In the i trial analysis, therefore, the case observed is one of administration for underdevelopment; tliat is, underdevelopment administration.

Abstract A narrative approach is taken in this chapter to document and analyze the gendered social and socio-environmental consequences of globalized river basin development using water as the lens to understand the depth and breadth of these changes in people's lives. The chapter is based on primary multi-site ethnographic field research conducted in all three active dam areas of Lesotho in 1997 and 2000-2002, as well as ongoing documentary research. Water remains central within Lesotho's national development plans and to the stability of the region even amid changing climate conditions. More locally, as water becomes more precarious within the lives of highlands residents living near the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP), this chapter reveals the multi-layered, complex, embodied experiences of infrastructure policy and its consequences, for the everyday lives and livelihoods of people directly affected by these projects.

AbstractDeparting from the case study of Egyptian intellectuals, focusing particularly on Sayyid Qutb, this chapter explores the relationship between narratives of generational change and cultural renewal. It argues that the observation of intellectual sociability is a productive angle from which to understand the conditions under which generational claims result in the effective reshuffling of the intellectual leadership, aesthetic norms, and principles of intellectual authority. The biography of Qutb (1906–1966), a poet and literary critic who abandoned his literary activity in the mid-1950s to pursue a career in Islamic activism—allows us to observe how the generational narrative articulates with his shifting intellectual networks. As a public intellectual, Qutb was at the forefront of two literary confrontations in early- to mid-twentieth century Egypt in which he made generational claims in order to place himself in the literary tradition that emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century, and later to cut himself off from that tradition by announcing the emergence of a new generation dedicated to political Islam. At the core of these competing uses of generational rhetoric, this chapter argues, is Qutb’s shifting relationship with the senior literary generation, some of whom he had considered his mentors. Departing from the case study, the chapter then argues that collectives defined as generational tend to emerge in tandem with the reshuffling of social bonds that a writer maintains with his seniors, switching from a bond of transmission to one of confrontation. The change announced in the generational narrative is effective when followed by the concrete action of shifting one’s intellectual solidarities from masters to peers, as this is the moment when the masters are abandoned to history and peers are promoted as the new literary generation. Depending on the particular set of relationships in which a writer finds himself, the notion of generation may act as a narrative of either change or tradition.

According to the national strategic plan for healthy aging and the construction of the pension system in China, it is expected that by 2020 the population of elderly aged 60 and above will reach 255 million, accounting for about 17.8% of the total population. Currently, population aging is a serious social problem in China, and thus, health status of the elderly becomes increasingly critical. The present research uses machine learning to identify factors influencing elderly's health status and life satisfaction with data from the Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey. The results show that some common factors are important for both self-rated health status and life satisfaction for elderly, namely positive and optimistic attitudes, a healthy diet, and economic status. Health status and life satisfaction also have their unique predicting factors, such as mobility ability for health status and living conditions for life satisfaction. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.

Beginning with the observation that AIDS has a tendency to invade subpopulations within a nation that are the most marginalized, this chapter provides case examples of the epidemic within five different nations. Specifically, the authors discuss Lesotho, the United Kingdom, Thailand, Ukraine, and India. The chapter characterizes the vast differences that exist across the national HIV epidemics that comprise the AIDS pandemic. The authors examine specific vulnerable populations, such as sex workers, intravenous drug users, transgendered people, and men who have sex with other men. They also discuss the role of social conditions and social norms, such as women’s rights, not only in the spread of but also the treatment of HIV.

Evolutionary ecology explores the intimate relationships between the mechanisms responsible for the production and maintenance of organismal form and the ecological function of the structures and behaviors that compose form (Arnold 1983). The analysis of diversity from this perspective is founded on the premise that variation in measured phenotypes can reflect the results of the process of natural selection (Williams 1966, 1992; Gould and Vrba 1982). However, because the fitness consequences of any particular phenotype are the result of complex interactions among an individual’s genotype, morphology, behavior, and the environment within which it must function (Gould and Lewontin 1978, Endler 1986), a phenotype best suited for one set of environmental conditions may not perform best in another (e.g., Endler 1983, Rausher 1984, Ehlinger and Wilson 1988, Schluter 1993). When making comparisons among populations, phenotypic variation due to underlying genetic differences that may reflect evolutionary responses to different environments must be distinguished from phenotypic variation that results from phenotypic plasticity and/or genotype–environment interactions (Stearns 1989). For example, regional environmental variation can result in different selective regimes among populations and produce “site-dependent” fitnesses for phenotypes (e.g., Reznick et al. 1990, Robinson and Wilson 1994; chapters in this volume). Likewise, varying social and trophic conditions on a local scale can result in “situation-dependent” performances and payoffs for different phenotypes within populations (Maynard-Smith 1974, Ehlinger 1990, Krebs and Kacelnik 1991). Both phenomena may influence patterns of geographic variation and must be considered when studying phenotypic differences among populations. My aim in this chapter is to illustrate how population comparisons of bluegill sunfish (Lepomis macrochirus) can be used to study the evolution of behavioural and morphological variation. Critical features that shape bluegill trophic ecology (e.g., temperature, depth, substrate type, prey types, productivity, and predator abundance) vary among lakes in combination with forces that influence reproductive ecology (e.g., availability of spawning habitat and age or size structure of the population). Population comparisons provide unique opportunities for discerning the roles of sexual and trophic selection in bluegill phenotypic evolution.